Chapter VI The Religion of Mithra
Of all the oriental religions which attracted the devotion of the West in the last three centuries of the Empire, that of Mithra was the most powerful. It is also the system which for various reasons has the greatest interest for the modern student. It is perhaps the highest and most striking example of the last efforts of paganism to reconcile itself to the great moral and spiritual movement which was setting steadily, and with growing momentum, towards purer conceptions of God, of man’s relations to Him, and of the life to come. It is also the greatest effort of syncretism to absorb, without extinguishing, the gods of the classic pantheon in a cult which was almost monotheistic, to transform old forms of nature worship and cosmic symbolism into a system which should provide at once some form of moral discipline and real satisfaction for spiritual wants. In this effort, Mithraism was not so much impeded by a heritage of coarse legend as the worships of Pessinus and Alexandria. It was indeed sprung from the same order of religious thought as they. It could never detach itself from its source as a cult of the powers of nature.3003 But the worship of the Sun, with which Mithra was inseparably connected, was the purest and most natural form of devotion, if elemental powers were to be worshipped at all. And heathendom tended more and more under the Empire to fix its devotion on the source of all light and life. The Sun was to Plato the highest material symbol of the Infinite Good. Neo-Pythagoreanism and Neo-Platonism regarded him as the sacred image of the power beyond human ken.3004 “Before religion,” it has been said, “had reached the point of proclaiming that God must be sought in the realm of the ideal and the absolute outside the world of sense, the one rational and scientific cult was that of the Sun.”3005 Heliolatry also harmonised with absolutism in the State, as the old Persian kings and their imitators, the emperors of the third century, clearly perceived. The great temple of the Sun, which Aurelian, the son of a priestess of the deity, founded in the Campus Martius, with its high pontiffs and stately ritual, did honour not only to the great lord of the heavenly spheres, but to the monarch who was the august image of his power upon earth and who was endued with his special grace.3006 The power of Mithra in the fourth century lay in the fact that, while it was tender and tolerant to the old national worships, and never broke with the inner spirit of heathenism, it created an all-embracing system which rose above all national barriers, which satisfied the philosophic thought of the age in its mysticism, and gave comfort and a hope of immortality through its sacraments.
Mithra was one of the most ancient and venerable objects of pagan devotion, as he was one of the last to be dethroned. In faint outline he can be traced to the cradle of the Aryan race.3007 In the Vedas he is a god of light, and, as the god of truth, who hates all falsehood, he has the germ of that moral character which grew into a great force in the last age of his worship in the West. In the Avestas, the sacred books of the religion of Iran, which, however late their redaction, still enshrine a very ancient creed, Mithra has the same well-defined personality. He is the radiant god who seems to emerge from the rocky summits of eastern mountains at dawn, who careers through heaven with a team of four white horses; yet he is not sun or moon or any star, but a spirit of light, ever wakeful, watching with a thousand eyes, whom nothing can escape and nothing deceive.3008 And so, while he gives warmth and increase to the earth, and health and wealth to men, he is also from the beginning a moral power. He confers wisdom and honour and a clear conscience and concord. He wages a truceless war with the evil powers of darkness, and guards his faithful soldiers against the craft of the enemy. He is the friend and consoler of the poor; he is the mediator between earth and heaven; he is the lord of the world to come.3009 But his place in the Zoroastrian hierarchy was not always equally high. At one time he was only one of the yazatas, who were created by the supreme Ormuzd.3010 But Mithra has still the attributes of guardian and saviour; he is approached with sacrifice, libation, ablution, and litany, as in the latest days of his power in the West. And again a higher place is given to him; he is the vicegerent of the remote, ineffable Ormuzd, the mediator through whom the supreme power crushes evil demons, and wages war with Ahriman; he is invoked in the same prayers side by side with the Supreme. The Great Kings, especially the later, regard Mithra as their special guardian, swear by him in their most solemn oaths,3011 and call upon him in the hour of battle. If he was the god of the humble and afflicted, he was also the god of the prince and warrior noble, and so we shall find him at the end.
The Persian conquest of Babylon had lasting effects on the religion of Mithra. There he encountered a sacerdotal system which had its roots in an immemorial civilisation. The conquerors, as so often happens, were to some extent subdued by the vanquished.3012 Syncretism set in; the deities of the two races were reconciled and identified. The magical arts and the astrolatry of the valley of the Euphrates imposed themselves on the purer Mazdean faith, and never relaxed their hold, although they failed to check its development as a moral system. Ormuzd was confounded with Bel, Mithra with Shamash or the Sun-god. The astral and solar lore, the faith in mystic numbers, which had been cultivated in Babylonia through many generations, took its place in the theology of Mithra, and they have left their mark in many a chapel on the Danube and the Rhine. Yet Mithra, identified with the Sun at Babylon, was never absorbed in the cult of the solar deity in the West.3013 On many of the later inscriptions Mithra and the Sun are mentioned side by side as equals and allies. Yet the connection of Mithra with Babylon is never forgotten either by Greeks or Romans. Claudian connects him with the mysteries of Bel.3014 The priest who, with many weird rites, in a waste sunless spot beside the Tigris, conducts Menippus to the underworld, wears the dress of Media, and bears the name Mithrobarzanes.3015
With the destruction of the Persian empire and the diffusion of Magian influence in Asia Minor, the worship arrived at its last stage before entering on the conquest of the West. The monarchs of Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, and Commagene, who claimed descent from the Achaemenids, were politic or enthusiastic votaries of the religious traditions of Iran.3016 While they reverenced Ormuzd and Anaitis, Mithra was their special patron, as he was to Artaxerxes.3017 Mithra’s name appears constantly in the names of royal houses, such as Mithradates and Mithrobarzanes. The inscription on the tomb of Antiochus of Commagene, who boasted of his descent from Darius the son of Hystaspes, records the endowment of solemn Persian rites, and combines the names of Ormuzd and Zeus, of Apollo and Mithra.3018 In the submergence of national barriers which followed the fall of the Persian monarchy, and under the influence of Greek philosophy, that process of syncretism began in Asia Minor which was destined to produce such momentous results in the third and fourth centuries. But the Mazdean faith, strong in its associations with the ancient sources of spiritual enlightenment in the East, never succumbed to the western paganism. The classical gods might be admitted to the Mazdean heaven; Zeus might be confounded with Ormuzd; Anaitis might find an analogue in Artemis Tauropolus. But the ancient name of Mithra was never profaned in the liturgy by any translation.3019 It was chiefly perhaps in Phrygia and Lydia that alien worships produced a lasting effect in modifying the Persian theology. The pure morality of the Mithraist creed might seem to have little in common with the orgies of the devotees of Attis and the Great Mother. But religious sentiment has a miraculous power both to reject and to transmute. The costume and Phrygian cap of Attis appear on all the monuments of Mithra to the end. And, although it is a subject of debate, the taurobolium, that baptism of blood which was the most impressive rite of the later paganism, was, in all probability, early borrowed by Mithra from the ritual of Phrygia.3020 The pine, the emblem of immortality, which is so prominent in the scenes of mourning for Attis,3021 also has a place in the sculptured remains of the Persian chapels. And the title Menotyrannus, a title of Attis, which is given to the Persian god on many slabs, recalls his passage through the same region.3022 But Greek art had a more powerful and enduring effect on the future of Mithra than any of these accretions. Probably the ancient Persian faith recoiled from any material image of its divine powers,3023 although here also Assyria may have corrupted its purity. But when Hellenic imagination began to play around the Mazdean gods, the result was certain. The victorious Mithra was clothed with human form, and his legend was fixed for ever by some nameless Pergamene artist, who drew his inspiration from the “steer-slaying Victory” of Athens.3024 The group in which the youthful hero, his mantle blown back by the wind, with a Phrygian cap upon his head, kneels on the shoulder of the bull, as he buries his poniard in its throat, was for four centuries reproduced in countless chapels from the mouth of the Danube to the Solway. That symbolic scene, conveying so many meanings in its hieratic rigidity, became to the pious Mithraist what the image of the Divine Figure on the Cross has been for so many centuries to the devout Catholic.
The revelation of the spread of Mithra worship in the Roman Empire is one of the greatest triumphs of modern archaeology. Only faint notices of the cult are found in Herodotus, Xenophon, and Strabo.3025 Quintus Curtius knew the Persian god as the soldier’s special patron, inspiring courage in battle.3026 From the verses in the Thebaid of Statius we may conclude that he knew something of the service in Mithra’s grottoes, and that he had seen the figure of the “bull slaying” god.3027 Plutarch knows Mithra as the mediator between Ormuzd and Ahriman.3028 Lucian had probably seen the rites in his native Samosata; he knew the figure with the candys and tiara, and, from the sneer at the god’s ignorance of Greek, he may perhaps have heard the old Mazdean litany.3029 But he had probably little notion of the hold which Mithra had already obtained on the farthest regions of the West. Still less had he any prevision of his great destiny in the third and fourth centuries. Literature, down to the Antonine age, teaches us little of the character and strength of the worship. Without votive inscriptions and the many ruins of his chapels, along with the indignant, yet anxious, invective of the Christian apologists, we should never have known how near the Persian god came to justifying his title of the “Unconquered.”
It is impossible to fix the precise date when the worship of Mithra first crossed the Aegean. The silence of inscriptions must not indeed be taken as proving that he had no devotees in Italy before the Flavian age. A famous passage in Plutarch’s life of Pompey would seem to refer the first appearance of the worship in the West to the conquest of the pirates of Cilicia by Pompey, in 70 B.C.3030 A religion of the alien and the slave may well have been long domiciled in Italy before it attracted general notice. And there may have been humble worshippers of Mithra at Rome or Puteoli even in the days of Julius Caesar. The Mithraist inscription of the time of Tiberius is now admitted to be a forgery.3031 But from his reign may probably be dated the first serious inroads of the cult. Under Tiberius, Cappadocia was incorporated in the Empire, and Pontus under Nero; Commagene, the home of Jupiter Dolichenus, who was a firm ally of Mithra, was finally absorbed in the reign of Vespasian.3032 The official organisation of these districts, and the constant intercourse established between central Asia Minor and the capital, must have opened many channels for the importation of new forms of devotion from the East. Almost in the very year in which Statius was penning his verses about Mithra in the Thebaid, a freedman of the Flavian house erected a tablet to the god on the Esquiline,3033 and soldiers of the East carried his mysteries to the camps on the Danube. The 15th Legion, which had fought under Corbulo against the Parthians, and taken part in the conquest of Palestine in 70 A.D., in the first years of the reign of Vespasian, established the worship of Mithra at Carnuntum in Pannonia, which became henceforth the sacred city of Mithra in the West.3034 In 102 A.D. a marble group was dedicated by the slave of a praetorian prefect of Trajan.3035 It is probable that at Ostia we have records of the cult from the year 162.3036 The Mithraeum, found under the church of S. Clement at Rome, has yielded an inscription of the last years of Antoninus Pius. That emperor erected a temple to Mithra at Ostia.3037 Rome and Ostia were probably the earliest points in Italy invaded by the Persian worship. All the conditions were favourable to an early and rapid propagation of the cult in the capital of the world. Soldiers from the East would be serving in the garrison, or settled after their release from service. Eastern slaves swarmed in all the great houses, including that of the emperor. A large proportion of the dedications are made by men of servile origin, and the very name of the dedicator would often be enough to indicate his nationality. More than 100 inscriptions, more than 75 pieces of Mithraist sculpture, with the ruins of many chapels of the god, attest his powerful influence at Rome.3038 Ostia which, since the reconstruction of Trajan, had overshadowed Puteoli, was hospitable to all alien rites.3039 The port had at least four temples of Mithra in the second century, and it is significant of the alliance between the two worships, that a Mithraeum there was built close to a shrine of the Great Mother,3040 and that members of the college of the Dendrophori sometimes made offerings and dedications to Mithra.3041 The remains at Ostia disclose some other indications of the prevailing syncretism. The Roman Sylvanus has a niche in one Mithraeum, and, in another, Saturn and Jupiter, Mars, Mercury and Venus, are figured beside the purely Eastern symbols of the planets and the signs of the zodiac.3042
The inner secret of that rapid propaganda we shall never fully know. But we can discover with tolerable certainty the kind of people who carried the gospel of Mithra to the most remote parts of the western world. The soldiers were his most zealous missionaries.3043 Drafted from Cappadocia or Commagene, and quartered, far from his home, in a camp on the Danube or in the Black Forest, the legionary clung to the worship of his native East, and was eager to admit his comrades to fellowship in its rites. The appearance of Mithraism in certain places can be traced directly to the quartering of a legion which had been recruited from the countries which were the original home of the worship. Officers of eastern birth on promotion passed into other corps, and extended the influence of the East.3044 Centurions retiring from active service became apostles of the movement in the places where they settled. Syrian merchants, who were still found at Orleans in the time of the Merovingians, with all the fanaticism of their race popularised their native worships in the ports of Italy, Gaul, along the coasts of the Adriatic, and among the centres of commerce on the Danube or the Rhine.3045 The civil servants of the emperor, clerks and commissaries of every degree, procurators and agents of great estates, who were often men of servile origin, have left many traces of their zeal in spreading the Persian worship both throughout Italy and in countries north of the Alps.3046 The slave class probably did as much for the glory of Mithra as any other.3047 It was largely drawn from Cappadocia, Pontus, and Phrygia, those regions where the religion of Mithra had taken deep root before it passed into Europe. And, like the Christian, the religion of Mithra was, at the outset of its career, a religion of the poor and humble. It was only in the second century that it achieved the conquest of the court and the educated classes. It was probably through slaves that it found its way into remote corners of Apulia, Lucania, or Etruria.3048
The stages in the spread of the Mithraist rites throughout Italy cannot be clearly traced. But in the second century the cult was established not only in Campania, Capreae, and Ischia, but in lonely country places in Southern Italy.3049 It had spread to a circle of towns around Rome—Lanuvium, Alba, Velitrae, Labici, and Praeneste.3050 Borne by traders, imperial officers or slaves, it followed the line of the great roads to the north. Thus we can trace its march along the Via Cassia through Etruria, at Volsinii, Arretium, and Florence.3051 It arrived at Pisa probably by sea. Along the Flaminian Way, it may be followed through Interamna, Spoletium, and Sentinum to Bononia. At Nersae, in the Aequian territory, the cult must have been of some antiquity in 172 A.D.3052 For, in that year the treasurer of the town, a man probably of the slave class, restored a chapel which had fallen into ruins. The roll of the patrons of a Mithraist society at Sentinum has come down to us, with the names of slaves or freedmen among its members.3053 In Gallia Cisalpina the traces of Mithra are less frequent. Milan, already growing to its great destiny in the fourth century, and Aquileia, are the chief seats of the Persian cult. Aquileia has yielded a large number of inscriptions. From its situation at the mouth of the Po, as the great entrepôt for the trade between the Adriatic and the Danubian provinces, it must have powerfully stimulated the diffusion of the worship.3054 It is curious, however, that the passes of the Alps have yielded richer booty to the investigator in this field than the plains of Lombardy. In the mountain valleys leading to Rhaetia and Noricum, as well as in those above the Italian lakes, many relics of this far-spreading religion have been given to the light.3055 A temple of Mithra has been discovered near Trent, in the valley of the Adige. In the Tyrol and Carinthia sacred grottoes, buried among woods and rocks, have disclosed bas-reliefs, sculptured with the traditionary figures of Persian legend. They were probably frequented by the faithful down to the reign of Valentinian.3056 Throughout Noricum and Pannonia imperial functionaries or agents of private enterprise, procurators, clerks of the treasury, custom-house officers, or eastern freedmen and slaves, have left many traces of their devotion to the Persian god.3057 Thus, everywhere along the great roads which radiated from Aquileia to the markets or strong places upon the Danube, the votary of Mithra would find in the days of the Antonines many a shrine, stately or humble, where he could refresh his piety by the way.
The Greek provinces have yielded but few memorials of the worship of Mithra. But, from the mouth of the Danube to the north of England his triumphant march can be traced, with only a break here and there. He follows the line of the rivers or the great roads, through the frontier camps or the centres of Roman commerce. Firmly seated at Tomi and the ports of the Black Sea, Mithra has not left many traces, so far as exploration has gone, in Thrace and Macedonia.3058 Nor have the Moesias as yet contributed many monuments, although at Troesmis and Oescus, along the great military road, bas-reliefs and inscriptions have been brought to light.3059 Next to Pannonia and the territory of the Upper Rhine, Dacia was the province where Mithraism seems to have reached its greatest popularity in Europe.3060 In the year 107, after six desolating and often doubtful campaigns, Dacia was resettled and organised by Trajan.3061 Its depopulated fields were colonised with immense masses of men from all parts of the Roman world. Probably there has seldom been such a colluvies gentium assembled. And, among these alien settlers, there were many from Edessa, Palmyra, and those regions of the East where Mithra or his kindred deities had their earliest and most fervent worshippers.3062 In the capital of the province, Sarmizegetusa, an excavated Mithraeum has afforded fifty bas-reliefs and inscriptions.3063 The colony of Apulum can show the remains of at least four temples. And Potaissa and other places, with names strange to English ears, have enriched the museums.
Pannonia abounds with interesting remains of Mithra, not only in the great seats of Roman power on the Danube, but in places far in the interior. And in this province can be distinctly traced not only the progress of the military propaganda, but the dates, with approximate accuracy, when the mysteries of Mithra were first introduced.3064 Aquincum and Carnuntum were the chief seats of the Persian worship on the Danube. In the former town, the god had at least five chapels in the third century. There were at least four in the territory of Carnuntum, one of them being closely connected with that of the allied deity, Jupiter Dolichenus of Commagene.3065 The original votaries of the reign of Vespasian had been contented with a rude grotto, partially formed by the configuration of the rocks, the intervals being filled in with masonry.3066 This structure in the third century was replaced by a more stately edifice at the expense of a Roman knight.3067 There can be little doubt that the spread of Mithraism in Pannonia was chiefly the work of two Legions, the II. Adjutrix and XV. Apollinaris, both largely recruited from Commagene or Cappadocia.3068 The bricks of a Mithraeum at Carnuntum bear the stamp of the 15th Legion, and the inscriptions contain several dedications by soldiers of the two corps.3069 The 15th Legion, which was quartered on the Danube in 71 or 72, had fought under Corbulo against the Parthians, and had borne a part in suppressing the Jewish revolt of 70 A.D. We may be sure that the gaps in its ranks were filled by eastern recruits.3070 The soldiers of other corps, such as the Legions XIII and XIV, Geminae Martiae, caught the religious enthusiasm, and took part in the erection of buildings and in monumental offerings.3071 It was probably through officers, transferred from the Danube, that the worship was introduced into the camp of Lambaesis in Numidia. There is a tablet of the third century to Mithra in that camp, dedicated by a prefect of the 3rd Legion, who was born at Carnuntum.3072 In Noricum and Rhaetia, the military propaganda seems to have been less vigorous than in Pannonia. But a corner of the former province was once guarded by a corps from Commagene, which has left traces of its presence in the name of a town on the Danube and in some monuments to Mithra.3073 In Rhaetia his remains are singularly scanty.3074 But when we come to the Agri Decumates and the region of the Upper Rhine, we find ourselves in a district once more teeming with relics of Mithra. Not only has this region given to the light the largest number of his chapels,3075 but the bas-reliefs found in their ruins surpass all others in their dimensions and the completeness of their symbolism. The tauroctonus group of Osterburken is regarded as the masterpiece of Mithraist art in its complex variety and the vivid and masterly skill of the execution.3076 Many of the German inscriptions to Mithra are offered by simple citizens. But, from the number dedicated by soldiers also, Cumont may be right in tracing the diffusion of the worship once more to military zeal. It is true, the legions quartered in Germany did not contain any considerable number of recruits from the East. But they were in constant communication with the camps upon the Danube, where oriental influences were strong. It is significant that the earliest inscription to Mithra yet found in Germany, of the year A.D. 148, is that of a centurion of the 8th Legion, which was quartered in Moesia from 47 till 69, and which during that time had frequent communications with the East. The legion was in 70 removed from Moesia to Upper Germany.3077 It is probable that, however it was introduced, the worship of Mithra may have found its way into the valley of the Neckar, and even to the Lower Rhine, before the end of the first century. Coins of Trajan have been found in the temple at Friedberg;3078 a series of coins from Vespasian to M. Aurelius has been recovered from a temple in the neighbourhood of Cologne.3079 From Cologne the line of conquest may be followed to Boulogne, the station of the British fleet. Thence the cult passed easily to London, which, in the time of Tacitus, was a centre of great commercial activity.3080 The legions probably carried the worship to the great camps of Caerleon, Chester and York. At all the guardposts of the great rampart of Hadrian, there were chapels of the eastern god, and the inscriptions show that the officers at this remote outpost of the Empire maintained a warm devotion to the religion of their native East.3081
The regions of the western world on which Mithra, from whatever causes, seems to have made least impression were Western Gaul, Spain, and North Africa.3082 Syrian merchants, slaves, or soldiers, had established the worship at Lyons, Arles, and Narbonne. But Elusa is the only place in Aquitaine where traces of it have been found. In Spain, the legionaries carried it only to a few remote frontier posts in Asturia or Gallicia.3083 The African garrisons, recruited largely from the surrounding country, remained true to their native deities, and the few inscriptions to Mithra at great military strongholds, like Lambesi, are probably due to the devotion of some of the higher officers, who had been transferred to these distant quarters from Syria or the Danube.3084
If we try to explain the fascination of this religion of central Asia for western minds, we must seek it partly in its theological system, partly in its ritual and clerical organisation, still more in its clear promise of a life beyond the grave. In these characteristics, Mithraism differed profoundly from Graeco-Roman paganism, and seemed, in the eyes of the Christian apologists, to be a deceptive imitation of the rites and doctrines of the Christian Church. Inspired with the tendency or ambition to gather many races into its fold, Mithraism was a compound of the influences of very different ages, and offered many footholds for the faith or superstition of the lands which it traversed in its march. It drew, from points widely severed in time and place, doctrine or symbolism or rite, from the ancient lands of the Aryan race, from the mountain homes of the Persians, from Babylon and Phrygia and Commagene, from the philosophy of Greece, and the mythologies of all the peoples among whom it came. Yet it never to the end ceased to be a Persian cult. In the Divine Comedy of Lucian, as it may be called, Mithra, even when he is admitted to Olympus, cannot speak in Greek.3085 His name is never disguised or translated. On many of his inscriptions the names of the old Mazdean pantheon, such as Ahriman, the power of evil, still figure.3086 The mystic beasts which are always present in the sacred scene of the tauroctonus, the lion, the dog, the snake, the scorpion, had all a hieratic meaning in Persian theology.3087 The cave, which was the immemorial sanctuary of the worship, amid all the mystic meanings attached to it by later Neo-Platonist speculation, carried the mind back to Zoroastrian symbolism.3088 The petra genetrix, which is figured on so many sacred slabs on the Danube and in Upper Germany, goes back to the very cradle of the worship.3089 The young god, emerging from the spires of rock, round which a serpent coils itself, is the first radiance of the upspringing sun, as on high, lonely peaks it flashes and broadens to the dawn. The great elemental powers, sun and moon, ocean, the winds and seasons, are generally grouped around the central piece, in forms borrowed from classic art.3090 Fire and water are always present; no chapel was without its fountain.3091 And the tradition of the astral lore of the Euphrates can be seen in the signs of the zodiac which encompass the sacred scene of mystic sacrifice in the chapels on the Upper Rhine.3092 The very letters of the name of Mithra, expanded into Meithras, according to S. Jerome, like the mystic word Abraxas, yielded to ingenious calculation the exact number of days in the year.3093 It is difficult for us to conceive how these frigid astronomical fancies should form a part in a religious system which undoubtedly from the beginning had a profound moral effect on its adherents. Yet it is well to remember that there was a time when the mystery of the stellar spaces, and the grandeur and beneficence of the sun, were the most awful and impressive things in human experience. The cold scrutiny of the telescope has long since robbed the heavenly orbs of their mystic power over human destiny. Yet even now, a man who has not been imbued with the influence of modern science, may, on some calm, starlit summer night, travel back in imagination to the dreams of the early star-gazers on the Ganges or the Euphrates, and fancy that, in the far solitary splendour and ordered movement of those eternal fires, which shine so serene and pitiless on this small point in the universe, there may be forces to guide or signs to predict the course of mortal destiny. Nor was it an altogether unworthy dream, which floated before the minds of so many generations, that in those liquid depths of space, where, in the infinite distance, the radiance of widely-severed constellations blends into a luminous haze, might be the eternal abode of spirits who, after their sojourn in the flesh, have purged themselves of earthly taint.3094
The relative influence of Babylon and ancient Iran in moulding the theology of Mithraism, has long been a subject of controversy. The opposing schools, represented by Lajard and Windischmann,3095 have been discredited or reconciled by saner methods of criticism, and wider archaeological knowledge. It is now seen that while Babylonia has left a deep impress on the creed of Mithra, yet the original Aryan or Persian elements still maintained their ascendency. Mithra, in his long journey, came under many influences; and he absorbed many alien ideas from the cults and art of the many lands through which he travelled. His tolerance, indeed, was one great secret of his power. But, while he absorbed, he assimilated and transmuted. He remained the god of Persia, while he gathered into his creed mystic elements that might appease the spiritual cravings of the western world.3096 His system came to represent the best theological expression of the long movement of pagan mysticism, which, beginning with the mythic names of Orpheus and Pythagoras, organised in the classic mysteries, elevated and glorified by the genius of Plato, ended, if it has ended, in the Neo-Platonic movement which offered a last resistance to the Christian church. The central ideas of that theory of life and death were presented to the neophyte in the mysteries of Mithra, and one of the last expounders of the Platonic creed, in the reign of Theodosius, had probably been initiated in one of the last chapels of the worship.3097 In that vision of human destiny, of the descent and ascent of the human soul, the old Orphic doctrine is united with the star-lore of the Euphrates. Travelling towards its future prison-house in the flesh, the spirit which leaves the presence of Ormuzd descends by the gate of Cancer, through the spheres of the seven planets, and in each acquires a new faculty appropriate to its earthly state. The Mithraist discipline and sacraments prepare it for the ascent after death. When the soul at last leaves its mortal prison, it has to submit to a great judgment in the presence of Mithra, and if it pass the ordeal, it may then return through the seven spheres, at each stage divesting itself of those passions or earthly powers, which it had taken on for a time in its downward journey.3098 Finally, through the remote gate of Capricorn, its sublimated essence will pass back again to ecstatic union with the Supreme. It is thus that the East and West, Orphic mysteries and Chaldaean astrology, combined to satisfy the craving for a moral faith and the vision of another world.
The religion of Mithra probably achieved its highest victory through an ethical theology, typified and made concrete to the average worshipper by an elaborate symbolism in rite and sculptured scene. But it had also a cosmic theology. Mithra, in virtue of his moral power, became in the end the central figure. But in nearly all his chapels can be discovered a divine hierarchy, in which, for ages, he did not hold the foremost rank. The highest place is given to Infinite Time, without sex or passions, or properly without even a name, although in order to bring him within the vulgar ken, he may be called Cronus or Saturn and imaged in stone as a lion, wrapped in the coils of a snake.3099 He is the author of life and death; he carries the keys of heaven, and in his limitless sway, he is identified with the unbending power of Fate. Like other cosmic systems of the East the Mazdean explained the universe by a succession of emanations from the Infinite First Cause.3100 From his own essence, Cronus engendered Earth and Heaven, whom mythologers may call Jupiter and Juno, and they in turn give life to Ocean. Jupiter, as in classical mythology, succeeded to the power of Cronus, and gave to the world the Olympian deities, along with Fortune, Themis, and the Fates. In the hemisphere of gloom and evil, another order was engendered by Infinite Time, which is represented by Ahriman, or, in the fancy of more western lands, by Pluto and Hecate. The evil spirits, who are their progeny, like the Titans of Greek legend, have tried to storm Olympus, and been hurled back to the under world.3101 There they still retain their power to plague and corrupt the race of men; but, by means of incantation, and sacrifice, their malice may be turned aside. In this daemonology Mithraism joined hands with the new Platonism, of which Plutarch, as we have seen, was one of the earliest apostles, and the affinity between them continued to the last age of paganism.3102 But it was in its divinisation of the elemental powers and heavenly bodies that this religion probably obtained its most powerful hold on an age profoundly fatalist and superstitious. The strife of the four elements figures under animal symbolism on innumerable sculptures of the chapels of Mithra, around the image of the bull-slaying God.3103 The divine fire which sparkles in the stars, and diffuses the warmth of life in animal or plant, blazed perpetually on the altar of the crypt.3104 The sun and moon are seldom missing from these slabs. In the great masterpiece of Mithraic art at Osterburken, the two deities occupy opposite corners of the tablet.3105 The sun-god, with a cloak floating from his right shoulder, is urging his four-horse team up the steep of heaven, and over the car floats Phosphorus, as a naked boy, bearing a torch in each hand. On the opposite side, Selene, crowned with the crescent and erect in her car, is urging her team of oxen downwards towards the gloom. On another piece, also found in the heart of Germany, there is an impressive scene, in which Mithra and the Sun, arrayed in eastern costume, stand side by side over a huge slaughtered bull. The sun god is handing to Mithra a bunch of grapes, which he receives with a gesture of admiration.3106
The most popular, and the least wholesome, element, which Mithraism borrowed from Babylon, was the belief in planetary influence. The seven planets became the arbiters of human destiny, and their number acquired a hieratic significance.3107 The days of the week and the seven principal metals were consecrated to them. The various grades of initiation into the mysteries of Mithra found a correspondence in the intervals of the seven spheres.3108 The soul, in descending to its earthly tenement for a season, passes through their successive realms, and assumes appropriate faculties in each, just as, on its release and ascension, it divests itself of them, one by one, as it returns to the region of ethereal purity. But the astral doctrine, introduced into the system of Iran from Chaldaea, was a dangerous addition to the creed. It was a fatal heritage from ages of benumbing superstition, and, while it gave an immense impetus to the progress of the solar cult, it counterbalanced, and, to some extent, neutralised its more spiritual and salutary doctrines.3109 A co-ordinate evil power, side by side with the beneficent Creator and Preserver, and his revealer and mediator, a host of daemons, tempting to sin, as well as visiting men with calamity, an iron Fate at the centre of the Universe, whose inevitable decrees are at once indicated and executed by the position and motions of the planets—all this gloomy doctrine lay like a nightmare on the human mind for many ages, and gave birth to all sorts of evil arts to discover or avert or direct the pitiless forces which controlled the fate of man. This is the dark side of Mithra worship, and, in this evil tradition from Babylon, which partially overlaid the purer creed of Persia, we may find some explanation of the strange blending of dark superstition with moral earnestness which characterised the reaction of Julian, the votary of the Sun, and the patron of Maximus.
But, although the deification of the great elemental powers and the mingled charm and terror of astrology gave the religion of Mithra a powerful hold on the West, there were other and nobler elements in his system which cannot escape the candid enquirer. The old unmoral, external paganism no longer satisfied the spiritual wants of all men in the second century. It is true the day will probably never come when the religion of many will not begin and end in solemn, stately rite, consecrated to the imagination by ancient use, and captivating the sense by scrupulously ordered ceremonial. The ritualist and the puritan conception of worship will probably always exist side by side, for they represent two opposite conceptions of religion which can never entirely blend. And certainly in the days of M. Aurelius the placid satisfaction in a sumptuous sacrifice, at which every word of the ancient litany was rendered to the letter, was still profoundly felt by many, even by the philosophic emperor himself. But there were other ideas in the air. Men heard from wandering preachers that God required other offerings than the “blood of bulls and the ashes of a heifer,” that the true worship was in the sacrifice of a purified spirit.3110 Platonist and Pythagorean, even when they might reverently handle the ancient symbolism of ritual, were teaching that communion with the Infinite Father was only possible to a soul emancipated from the tyranny of sense. Moreover, as we have seen, the new Platonism was striving to create some mediatorial power between the world of sense and the Infinite Spirit, transcending all old materialistic fancies of the Divine.3111 This Platonic daemonology, indeed, from the Christian point of view, was a very crude and imperfect attempt to bridge the gulf. And it had the graver fault that it was really a revival of the old mythology. Yet it was also an attempted reformation. It was an effort to introduce a moral influence into paganism. It was an effort to substitute for physical and naturalistic conceptions a moral theory of the government of the world. That was surely an immense advance in religious history, and foreshadowed the great revolution which was to launch the western world on a new spiritual career. The hosts of sister spirits, whom Maximus of Tyre imagines as surrounding and sustaining the life of men, involved in the darkness and sorrow of time, are a conception strange to the old paganism. And the need of mediatorial sympathy, of a sympathetic link, however slight, with the dim, awful Power, ever receding into more remote and mysterious distances, was also connected with the need of some assurance, or fainter hope, of a life beyond the tomb. To that hope the old classical paganism afforded only slight and shadowy nutriment. Yet, from hundreds of sepulchral inscriptions the yearning, often darkened by a doubt, appeals with pathetic force. Apart, in fact, from the crowd of mere antiquarian formalists and lovers of spectacle, there were, we believe, a great mass who longed for some channel through which they might have the faintest touch of sympathy with the Infinite Spirit; for some promise, however veiled in enigmatic symbolism, that this poor, puzzling, ineffectual life should not close impotently at death.
In all the Mazdean pantheon, it has been remarked, Mithra was the only divine figure that profoundly affected the religious imagination of Europe. Who can dare at this distance to pierce the mystery? But we may conjecture that the ascendency is partly due to his place as mediator in the Persian hierarchy, partly to the legends, emblazoned on so many slabs, of his miraculous and Herculean triumphs; but still more to the moral and sacramental support, and the sure hope of immortal life which he offered to his faithful worshippers. Mithra came as a deliverer from powers of evil and as a mediator between man and the remote Ormuzd. He bears the latter office in a double sense. In the cosmic system, as lord of light, he is also lord of the space between the heavenly ether and the mists of earth. As a solar deity, he is the central point among the planetary orbs.3112 In the ubiquitous group of the slaughtered bull, Mithra stands between the two Dadophori, Cautes and Cautopates, who form with him a sort of Trinity, and are said to be incarnations of him.3113 One of these figures in Mithraic sculpture always bears a torch erect, the other a torch turned downwards to the earth. They may have a double significance. They may figure the ascending light of dawn, and the last radiance of day as it sinks below the horizon. They may be taken to image the growth of solar strength to its midsummer triumphs, and its slow decline towards fading autumn and the cold of winter. Or again, they may shadow forth the wider and more momentous processes of universal death and resurgent life. But Mithra also became a mediator in the moral sense, standing between Ormuzd and Ahriman, the powers of good and evil, as Plutarch conceives him.3114 He is the ever victorious champion, who defies and overthrows the malignant demons that beset the life of man; who, above all, gives the victory over the last foe of humanity.
The legend of Mithra in hymn or litany is almost entirely lost. But antiquarian ingenuity and cultivated sympathy have plausibly recovered some of its meanings from the many sculptural remains of his chapels. On the great monuments of Virunum, Mauls, Neuenheim, and Osterburken, can be seen the successive scenes of the hero’s career. They begin with his miraculous birth from the “mother rock,” which was familiar to Justin Martyr, S. Jerome, and many of the Fathers.3115 The dedications petrae genetrici abound along the Danube, and the sacred stone was an object of adoration in many chapels.3116 A youthful form, his head crowned with a Phrygian cap, a dagger in one hand, and a torch in the other, is pictured emerging from an opening rock, around which sometimes a serpent is coiled. Shepherds from the neighbouring mountain gaze in wonder at the divine birth, and presently come nearer to adore the youthful hero, and offer him the firstlings of their flocks and fields.3117 And again, a naked boy is seen screening himself from the violence of the wind in the shelter of a fig tree; he eats of its fruit and makes himself a garment from the leaves.3118 In another scene, the sacred figure appears in full eastern costume, armed with a bow from which he launches an arrow against a rock rising in front of him.3119 From the spot where the arrow strikes the stone, a fountain gushes forth, and the water is eagerly caught in his upturned palms by a form kneeling below. Then follow the famous scenes of the chase and slaughter of the mystic bull. At first the beast is seen borne in a skiff over an expanse of waters. Soon afterwards he is grazing quietly in a meadow, when Mithra comes upon the scene. In one monument the hero is carrying the bull upon his shoulders; in others he is borne upon the animal’s back, grasping it by the horns. Or again, the bull is seen in full career with the hero’s arms thrown around his neck. At last the bull succumbs to his rider’s courage, and is dragged by the hind-legs, which are drawn over his captor’s shoulders, into a cavern where the famous slaughter was enacted.3120 The young god, his mantle floating on the wind, kneels on the shoulder of the fallen beast, draws back its head with his left hand, while with the other he buries his dagger in its neck.3121 Below this scene are invariably sculptured the scorpion, the faithful dog, and the serpent lapping the flowing blood. The two Dadophori, silent representatives of the worlds of light and gloom, one on each side, are always calm watchers of the mystic scene. But the destruction of the bull was not a mere spectacle of death. It was followed by a miracle of fresh springing life and fertility, and, here and there, on the slabs are seen ears of corn shooting from the tail of the dying beast, or young plants and flowers springing up around.3122 His blood gives birth to the vine which yields the sacred juice consecrated in the mysteries. Thus, in spite of the scorpion and the serpent, symbols of the evil powers, who seek to wither and sterilise the sources of vitality, life is ever rising again from the body of death.3123
Mithra’s mysterious reconciliation with the Sun is figured in other groups.3124 Mithra, as usual, in eastern costume, has, kneeling before him, a youthful figure either naked or lightly clad. The god touches the head of the suppliant with some mysterious symbol, and the subject of the rite raises his hands in prayer. The mystic symbol is removed, and Mithra sets a radiant crown on the suppliant’s head. This reconciliation of the two deities is a favourite subject. In the sculpture of Osterburken, they ratify their pact with solemn gestures before an altar. Their restored harmony is commemorated in even more solemn fashion. In one monument the two are reclining on a couch at a solemn agape, with a table before them bearing the sacred bread, which is marked with the cross, and both are in the act of raising the cup in their right hands.3125
The legend of Mithra, thus faintly and doubtfully reconstructed from the sacred sculptures, in the absence of express tradition, must probably for ever remain somewhat of an enigma. It has been, since the third century, the battle-ground of ingenious interpreters. To enumerate and discuss these theories, many of them now discredited by archaeological research, is far beyond the scope of this work. It is clear that from the early Chaldaean magi, who, to some extent, imposed their system on Iranian legend, down to the Neo-Platonists, the god and his attendants were treated as the symbols of cosmic theory. The birth from the rock was the light of dawn breaking over serrated crests of eastern hills.3126 The cave, which was always piously perpetuated in the latest Mithraist architecture, was the solid vault of heaven, and the openings pierced in its roof were the stars shining through the celestial dome.3127 The fountain which rose in every chapel, the fire on the altar, the animals surrounding the bull, represent the powers of nature in their changes and conflict. The young archer, causing water to spring from the rock by a shot from his bow, marks the miraculous cessation of prehistoric dearth, as the bull leaping from a skiff perhaps commemorates a primaeval deluge. The slaying of the bull, the central scene of all, may go back to the exploits of the heroic pioneers of settled life, a Hercules or a Theseus, who tamed the savage wilderness to the uses of man. It had many meanings to different ages. To one occupied with the processes of nature, it may have symbolised the withering of the vegetative freshness of the world in midsummer heats, yet with a promise of a coming spring. To another it may have meant a victory over evil spirits and powers of darkness.3128 Or it may, in the last days, have been the prototype of that sacramental cleansing which gave assurance of immortal life, and which seemed to the Fathers the mockery of a Diviner Sacrifice.
There can be no doubt that Mithra and his exploits, in response to a great need, came to have a moral and spiritual meaning. From the earliest times, he is the mediator between good and evil powers; ever young, vigorous, and victorious in his struggles, the champion of truth and purity, the protector of the weak, the ever vigilant foe of the hosts of daemons who swarm round the life of man, the conqueror of death. His religion, in spite of its astrology, was not one of fatalist reverie; it was a religion of struggle and combat. In this aspect it was congenial to the virile Roman temperament, and, above all, to the temperament of the Roman soldier, at once the most superstitious and the most strenuous of men.3129 Who can tell what inspiration the young heroic figure, wearing an air of triumphant vigour even on the rudest slabs,3130 may have breathed into a worn old veteran, who kept ceaseless watch against the Germans in some lonely post on the Danube, when he spent a brief hour in the splendour of the brilliantly lighted crypt, and joined in the old Mazdean litany? Before him was the sacred group of the Tauroctonus, full of so many meanings to many lands and ages, but which, to his eyes, probably shed the light of victory over the perilous combats of time, and gave assurance of a larger hope. Suddenly, by the touch of an unseen hand, the plaque revolved,3131 and he had before him the solemn agape of the two deities in which they celebrated the peaceful close of their mystic conflict. And he went away, assured that his hero god was now enthroned on high, and watching over his faithful soldiers upon earth.3132 At the same time, he had seen around him the sacred symbols or images of all the great forces of nature, and of the fires of heaven which, in their motions and their effluences, could bring bane or happiness to men below. In the chapels of Mithra, all nature became divine and sacred, the bubbling spring, the fire on the cottage hearth, the wind that levelled the pine tree or bore the sailor on his voyage, the great eternal lights that brought seed-time and harvest and parted day from night, the ever-welling vital force in opening leaf and springing corn-ear, and birth of young creatures, triumphing in regular round over the malignant forces which seem for a time to threaten decay and corruption. The “Unconquered Mithra” is thus the god of light and hope in this world and the next.3133
The ancient world was craving for a promise of immortality. Mithraism strove to nurse the hope, but, like the contemporaneous Platonism and the more ancient Orphic lore, it linked it with moral responsibility and grave consequences. Votaries were taught that the soul descended by graduated fall from the Most High to dwell for a season in the prison of the flesh.3134 After death there is a great judgment, to decide the future destiny of each soul, according to the life which had been led on earth.3135 Spirits which have defiled themselves during life are dragged down by Ahriman and his evil angels, and may be consigned to torture, or may sink into endless debasement. The pure, who have been fortified by the holy mysteries, will mount upwards through the seven spheres, at each stage parting with some of their lower elements, till, at last, the subtilised essential spirit reaches the empyrean, and is received by Mithra into the eternal light.
But the conflict between good and evil, even on this earth, will not last for ever. There will be a second coming of Mithra, which is to be presaged by great plagues. The dead will arise from their tombs to meet him. The mystic bull will again be slain, and his blood, mingled with the juice of the sacred Haoma, will be drunk by the just, and impart to them the gift of eternal life.3136 Fire from heaven will finally devour all that is evil. Thus the slaughter of the bull, which is the image of the succession of decay and fructifying power in physical nature, is also the symbol and guarantee of a final victory over evil and death. And, typifying such lofty and consolatory truths, it naturally met the eye of the worshipper in every chapel. It was also natural that the taurobolium, which was originally a rite of the Great Mother, should be absorbed, like so many alien rites and ideas, by the religion which was the great triumph of syncretism. The baptism of blood was, indeed, a formal cleansing from impurity of the flesh; but it was also cleansing in a higher sense. The inscriptions of the fourth century, which commemorate the blessing of the holy rite, often close with the words in aeternum renatus.3137 How far the phrase expressed a moral resurrection, how far it records the sure hope of another life, we cannot presume to say. Whether borrowed from Christian sources or not, it breathes an aspiration strangely different from the tone of old Roman religion, even at its best. There may have been a good deal of ritualism in the cleansing of Mithra. Yet Mithra was, from the beginning, a distinctly moral power, and his worship was apparently untainted by the licence which made other heathen worships schools of cruelty and lust. His connection, indeed, with some of them, must at times have led his votaries into more than doubtful company; Sabazius and Magna Mater were dangerous allies.3138 Yet, on the whole, it has been concluded that Mithraism was a gospel of truth and purity, although the purity was often a matter of merely ceremonial purification and abstinence.
The day is far distant when the mass of men will be capable of the austere mystic vision, which relies little on external ceremonies of worship. Certainly the last ages of paganism in the West were not ripe for any such reserved spirituality. And the religions which captivated the ages that preceded the triumph of the Catholic Church, while they strove to satisfy the deeper needs of the spirit, were more intensely sacerdotal, and more highly organised than the old religions of Greece and Rome. Probably no small part of their strength lay in sacramental mystery, and an occult sacred lore which was the monopoly of a class set apart from the world.3139 Our knowledge of the Mithraic priesthood is unfortunately scanty, and the ancient liturgy has perished.3140 But inscriptions mention an ordo sacerdotum; and Tertullian speaks of a “high pontiff of Mithra” and of holy virgins and persons vowed to continence in his service.3141 The priestly functions were certainly more constant and exacting than those of the old priestly colleges of Greece and Rome. There were solemn sacraments and complicated rites of initiation to be performed. Three times a day, at dawn, noon, and evening, the litany to the Sun was recited.3142 Daily sacrifice was offered at the altars of various gods, with chanting and music. The climax of the solemn office was probably marked by the sounding of a bell.3143 And turning on a pivot, the sacred slab in the apse displayed, for the adoration of the faithful, the scene of the holy feast of Mithra and the Sun after their reconciliation. The seventh day of the week was sacred to the Sun, the sixteenth of each month to Mithra, and the 25th of December, as marking the sun’s entrance on a new course of triumph, was the great festival of Mithra’s sacred year.3144
Initiation in the mysteries, after many rites of cleansing and trial, was the crowning privilege of the Mithraist believer. The gradation of spiritual rank, and the secrecy which bound the votaries to one another in a sacred freemasonry, were a certain source of power. S. Jerome alone has preserved for us the seven grades through which the neophyte rose to full communion. They were Corax, Cryphius, Miles, Leo, Perses, Heliodromus, and Pater.3145 What their origin was who shall say? They may correspond to the seven planets, and mark the various stages of the descent of the soul into flesh, and its rise again to the presence of God. According to Porphyry, the first three stages were merely preliminary to complete initiation. Only the Lions were full and real communicants,3146 and the title Leo certainly appears oftenest on inscriptions. The dignity Pater Patrum, or Pater Patratus, was much coveted, and conferred a real authority over the brethren, with an official title to their reverence.3147 The admission to each successive grade was accompanied by symbolic ceremonies, as when the Miles put aside the crown twice tendered to him, saying that Mithra was his only crown.3148 The veil of the Cryphius, and the Phrygian bonnet of the Perses, have a significance or a history which needs no comment. Admission to full communion was preceded by austerities and ordeals which were made the subject of exaggeration and slander. The neophyte, blindfold and bound, was obliged to pass through flame. It was said that he had to take part in a simulated murder with a blood-dripping sword. On the sculpture of Heddernheim a figure is seen standing deep in snow. These ceremonies probably went back to the scenes and ages in which mutilations in honour of Bellona and Magna Mater took their rise. They may also have been a lesson, or a test of apathy and moral courage.3149 But the tales of murder and torture connected with these rites have probably no better foundation than similar slanders about the early Christian mysteries.3150
The votaries of Mithra, like those of Isis and other eastern deities, formed themselves into guilds which were organised on the model of ordinary sodalities and colleges. As funerary societies, or under the shelter of Magna Mater, they escaped persecution. They had their roll of members, their council of decurions, their masters and curators.3151 And, like the secular colleges, they depended to a great extent, for the erection of chapels and the endowment of their services, on the generosity of their wealthier members and patrons.3152 One man might give the site of a chapel, another a marble altar; a poor slave might contribute out of his peculium a lamp or little image to adorn the walls of the crypt.3153
One undoubted cause of the success of Mithra in the West was the spirit of fraternity and charity which was fostered in his guilds. The hopeless obscurity and depression of the plebeian and servile classes had some alleviation in companies where, for the moment, the poor and lowly-born found himself on an equality with his social superiors. Plebeians and the slaves had a great part in the propagation of the eastern worships, and especially that of the God of Light.3154 In his mysteries and guilds the highest dignities were open to them.3155 Moreover, from the size of the chapels it is clear that the congregations were generally small, so that the members of lower social importance were not lost in a crowd.3156 Growing numbers were accommodated, not by enlarging, but by multiplying the shrines.
In the sacraments of Mithra, Tertullian and other Apologists perceived a diabolic parody of the usages of the Church.3157 The acceptio of the neophytes, the sacramentum, in which they were pledged to secrecy and holy service, the sign or brand made on the brow of the Miles, the ablutions or baptism with holy water, as in the rites of Isis, whatever their origin, could not fail, in an age of death-struggle for supremacy, to arouse the suspicions and fears of the champions of the Church.3158 Finally, the consecrated bread and mingled water and wine, which were only offered to the higher grades, may well have seemed the last and worst profanation of the most solemn Christian rite. The draught from the mystic cup, originally the juice of Haoma, was supposed to have supernatural effects. It imparted not only health and prosperity and wisdom, but also the power to conquer the spirits of evil and darkness, and a secret virtue which might elude the grasp of death.3159
The temples in which these rites took place repeated for ages the same original type. Mithra and his cave are inseparable ideas, and the name spelaeum, antrum, or specus, remained to the end the regular designation of his chapels.3160 In country places, grottoes or recesses on the side of a rocky hill might supply a natural oratory of the ancient type.3161 But, in the centre of great towns, the skill of the architect had to simulate the rude structure of the original cavern. Entering through an open portico, the worshipper found himself in an antechapel, through which he passed into another chamber which was called the apparatorium, where the priests and neophytes arrayed themselves in their robes or masques before the holy rites.3162 Thence they descended by stairs to the level of the cave-like crypt, which was the true sanctuary. On each side there ran a bench of stone, on which was ranged the company of the initiated.3163 The central aisle led up to the apse, against the walls of which was set the sculptured scene of the slaying of the bull, surrounded by the symbolic figures and emblems of Chaldaean star-lore, with altars in front.3164 This was the holiest place, and, from some remains, it would seem to have been railed in, like the chancel of one of our churches.3165 The neophyte, as he approached, must have been impressed by a dazzling scene. On either side the congregation knelt in prayer. Countless lamps shed their brilliant light on the forms of ancient Hellenic gods, or on the images of the mighty powers of earth or ether3166—above all, on the sacred scene which was the memorial of the might of the “unconquered.” The ancient rhythmic litany was chanted to the sound of music; the lights came and went in startling alternations of splendour and gloom. The draught of the sacred cup seemed to ravish the sense. And the votary, as in the Isiac vision in Apuleius, for a moment seemed borne beyond the bounds of space and time into mystic distances.3167
The Persian cult owed much of its success to imperial and aristocratic favour. The last pagan emperor of the West, the last generation of the pagan aristocracy, were devotees of the Sun-god. It is a curious thing that even under the early Empire Mithraism seems never to have suffered from the suspicion and persecution with which other alien worships had to contend.3168 Its close league with the cult of the Great Mother, which, since the second century B.C., had been an established institution, may have saved Mithra from official mistrust. He also emerged into prominence in the age in which imperial jealousy of guilds and colleges was visibly relaxing its precautions.3169 A more satisfying explanation may perhaps be found in the sympathy of the Flavian dynasty3170 and the princes of the third century for the religious ideas of the East, and in the manifest support which heliolatry lent to growing absolutism and the worship of the Caesars.
The apotheosis of the emperors began even in the time of the first Caesar, who rose to the highest divine honours before his death. But it was long a fluctuating and hesitating creed. The provinces, and particularly the cities of Asia Minor,3171 were more eager to decree temples and divine honours to the lord of the world than even the common people of Italy. The superstitious masses and the soldiery, indeed, were equal to any enthusiasm of flattery and superstition. But the cultivated upper class, in spite of the effusive compliance of court poets,3172 having but little belief in any Divine Powers, were not likely to yield an easy faith to the godhead of a Claudius or a Nero.3173 The emperors themselves, belonging to this class, and often sharing its fastidious scepticism, for a time judiciously restrained a too exuberant devotion to their person.3174 The influence of Herod may have filled the lunatic imagination of Caligula with dreams of an eastern despotism and the superhuman dignity of kings.3175 Nero, who had visions of a new monarchy with its seat on eastern hills, may have rejoiced in being adored by Tiridates as the equal of Mithra.3176 But the politic Augustus, while he permitted the foundation of temples and priestly orders in his honour throughout the provinces, and even in Italian towns, along with the divinity of Rome, obstinately refused to have shrines erected to him in the capital.3177 Tiberius pursued the same policy, which was congenial to his cold, realistic temperament. Vespasian, although eastern superstition had a certain charm for him, jested on his death-bed about his own claims to divinity.3178 It was reserved for his son Domitian to be the first emperor who claimed the salutation of “Dominus et Deus” in his lifetime.3179 The best of the early emperors aspired to full divine honours only when their career on earth had closed.
Many historic causes made their posthumous elevation to divine rank seem not unnatural. The cult of the Manes, or good spirits of departed friends and ancestors, prepared the Roman mind to adore the memory of the father of the State. The legendary kings of the Latin race—Saturnus, Faunus, Picus, Latinus—were worshipped as Di indigetes;3180 Romulus had vanished in a tempest and been carried up to heaven to join the company of the gods. The hero-worship of the Greeks, which raised to semi-divine state after death those who had done great deeds of service to mankind, who had founded cities, or manifested splendid gifts of mind or body, influenced the imagination of a people who had long sat at the feet of Greece. Greek cities raised altars to Rome and to Roman generals who had enslaved them.3181 When the Senate decreed divine honours to a dead emperor, he became divus, not deus, at least to the cultivated class, and divus is a title which even modern sentiment might accord to men who have borne a great and shining part in a world-wide system of administration. The Spartan women were said to call great warriors, men who won their admiration by gallantry, “divine.”3182 To the masses the dead emperor no doubt became a veritable god, as the image of M. Aurelius two centuries after his death was found among the penates of every pious family in the West.3183 But the philosophic man of the world might also honestly accept the imperial apotheosis by the decree of the Senate, in the sense that another figure had been added to the rare company of those who have been lifted by fortune or merit far above their fellows, and have filled a great space in the life of humanity. People, who for generations erected shrines to the minion of Hadrian, might easily believe in the claims of the Antonine emperors to a place among the gods.
The influence of Egypt and Persia lent its force to stimulate native and original tendencies to king-worship, and to develop the principate of Augustus into the theocratic despotism of Aurelian and Diocletian. The eastern peoples were always eager to lavish on the emperors the adoration which they had been used to offer to their native princes. The ancient Pharaohs had been revered as incarnations of the deity and gods upon earth.3184 The Ptolemies inherited and utilised so useful a superstition. These ideas spread into Italy with the diffusion of the Isiac cult among the upper class, and through the influence of travellers and envoys who kept up a fruitful intercourse between Alexandria and Rome. But Egypt went rather too far for the western mind in its apotheosis of kings.3185 A more potent and congenial influence came from the lands of the remoter East. The Persians prostrated themselves before their monarchs, but they did not actually adore them as gods. They reverenced the daemon, or, in Roman phrase, the “genius Caesaris,” without worshipping the monarch himself.3186 The king was supposed to be enlightened, inspired, and guarded by a heavenly grace; his brow was crowned by a divine aureole. Yet he was not the equal of God. But the majesty and fortune of kings was something divine and supernatural; they reigned by special grace and had a divine protection. The dynasties who succeeded to the great heritage of the East exploited these ideas to the full, and the most solemn oath was by the Fortune of the King.3187 The superstition of Chaldaea, which connected all human destiny with the orbs of heaven, exercised a profound influence for many centuries both in the East and West. And the Sun, the monarch of the heavens, often identified with Mithra, was regarded as the special patron of kings, enduing them with irresistible power, and guarding their lofty destiny. These ideas spread easily from Pontus and Commagene into the western world. In eastern cities, Caligula and Nero had altars raised to them as solar deities,3188 and Tiridates offered to Nero the adoration due to Mithra.3189 The enigmatical goddess Fortuna, who seems to have had early associations with the Sun,3190 gained fresh strength from the ideas of the divinised destiny of eastern monarchs. According to Plutarch, Tyche left the regions of Assyria and Persia to make her home on the Palatine.3191 The republican “Fortune of the Roman People” naturally passed into the “Fortuna Augusti,” which appears on the imperial coins from the reign of Vespasian. In the age of the Antonines, the image of the goddess in gold always stood in the prince’s bed-chamber, and was transferred at the hour of his death to his successor.3192 With the reign of Commodus, who was himself initiated both in the Isiac and Mithraic mysteries, begins the temporary triumph of the oriental cults, which was to reach its height in the reign of Julian. The absence of full materials for the history of the third century,3193 a century crowded with great events, and pregnant with great spiritual movements, should perhaps impose greater caution in tracing the development of imperial power than some writers have always observed. Yet there can be little doubt that the monarchy of the West tended to become a theocratic despotism, and that Persian Sun-worship had a large share in this development. There was always a sober sense in the West which rebelled against the oriental apotheosis of the prince.3194 Yet the iterated adulation, so often recorded faithfully in the Augustan History, reveals an extraordinary abasement of the upper class before the person of the emperor.3195 The emperors never, indeed, claimed like the Sassanids to be “brothers or sons of the Sun and Moon.”3196 But in their official style and insignia there were many approaches to the divine claims of the monarchs of the East. The title invictus, sacred to Mithra and the Sun, was assumed by Commodus, and borne by his successors.3197 The still more imposing title of “eternal,” springing from the same origin, came into vogue in the third century, and appears in the edicts of the last shadowy emperors of the fifth. From the reign of Nero, the imperial crown with darting rays, symbolised the solar ancestry of the prince. Gallienus used to go forth crowned in this manner, and with gold dust in his hair, and raised a colossal statue of himself in the garb of the Sun.3198 The coins of Aurelian, who built the great temple of the Sun from the spoils of Palmyra, bear the legend “deo et domino nato.”3199 The West probably never took these assumptions so literally as the East. But metaphor and imagery tended to become a real faith. The centre of the great religion which was to be the last stronghold of paganism, was the prototype of the emperor in the starry world, and his protector on earth. And the solar grace which surrounded the prince found an easy explanation in the mystic philosophy of the soul’s descent which had been absorbed by Mithraism. In coming to earth from the empyrean, the future lord of the world received a special gift of grace and power from the great luminary which is the source of light and life. The religion of the Sun thus tended to become a great spiritual support of an absolutism which was more and more modelling itself on the royalty of the East. The cult of the Sun, which was established in such splendour in 273 A.D. by Aurelian, must have had a great effect in preparing for the oriental claims of monarchy from the reign of Diocletian. Thirty years after the foundation of the stately shrine on the Esquiline, and only twenty years before the conversion of Constantine, all the princes of the imperial house, Jovii Herculii, Augusti, Caesares, as an inscription tells, united to restore a temple of Mithra at Carnuntum, his holy city on the Danube.3200 But the days of Mithra as the god of kings were numbered. After the establishment of the Christian Empire, he had a brief illusory triumph in the reign of Julian, and again in the short-lived effort of reaction led by Eugenius and Nicomachus Flavianus, which had a tragic close in the battle on the Frigidus. Yet his mystic theology was the theme of debate among Roman nobles, trained in the philosophy of Alexandria, long after his last chapels had been buried in ruins; and his worship lingered in secluded valleys of the Alps or the Vosges into the fifth century.3201 The theocratic claim of monarchy, to which Mithra lent his support for so many generations, was destined, in its symbols and phrases, to have a long reign.
M. Renan has hazarded the opinion that, if the Christian Church had been stricken with some mortal weakness, Mithraism might have become the religion of the western world. And, indeed, its marvellously rapid diffusion in Italy and the provinces along the Danube and the Rhine, in the second and third centuries, might well have inspired the hope of such a splendid destiny. Although it was primarily a kingly and military creed, it appealed in the end to all classes, by many various attractions. Springing from remote regions of the East, it seemed instinctively to seize the opportunity offered by a marvellous political unity, along with anarchy in morals and religion, to satisfy the imperious needs of a world eager for spiritual light and hope, but distracted among the endless claimants for its devotion. Philosophy had long tried and was still trying to find a spiritual synthesis, and to draw from old mythologies a support for life and conduct. Might not religion succeed where philosophy had failed? Or rather, might not religion gather up into itself the forces of philosophy, and transmute and glorify them in a great concrete symbol? Might not the claims of the past be harmonised with the higher intuitions of a more instructed age, and the countless cults embraced within the circuit of the Roman power be reconciled with the supreme reverence for one central divine figure, as the liberties of an Alpine canton, like those of a great city of Asia, were sheltered under the unchallenged supremacy of Rome? Mithra made the effort, and for the time he succeeded. In his progress to what seemed an almost assured victory, he swept into his orbit the Greek and Latin and Phrygian gods—nay, even the gods of Celtic cantons.3202 They all found a place in his crypts, beside his own sacred image and the Persian deities of his original home. Their altars were ranged around his chapels, and were duly visited by his priests. Yet, though the Persian deity might seem very cosmopolitan and liberal in his indulgence to parochial devotion, he never abated his own lofty claims, and he never forgot his ancestry. While he might ally himself with Magna Mater and Jupiter Dolichenus, he coldly repulsed any association with Isis and Serapis, who were his rivals for oecumenical sway. The old hostility between the worships of Persia and Egypt was only softened in the internecine conflict of both with a more powerful foe. It is only in the last stone records that a votary of Mithra is found combining a devotion to Isis.3203 The claims of the Sun-god to spiritual primacy are expounded in the orations of Julian and the dissertations of Praetextatus in the Saturnalia of Macrobius. Monotheism in the pagan world was not, indeed, a new thing. It goes back to the philosophers of Ionia and Elea, to Aeschylus and Plato. Nor was syncretism unknown to earlier ages. The Greeks of the days of Herodotus identified the gods of Egypt with their own, as Julius Caesar and Tacitus identified Gallic and German deities with those of the Roman pantheon.3204 But the monotheistic syncretism of Mithra was a broader and more sweeping movement. Local and national gods represented single aspects of nature. Mithra was seated at the centre on which all nature depends. If nature-worship was to justify itself in the eyes of philosophic reason, men must rise to the adoration of the Sun-king, the head of a great hierarchy of divine forces, by means of which he acts and diffuses his inexhaustible energy throughout the universe. And such is the claim made for him by Praetextatus, in the Saturnalia of Macrobius, who was a high adept in the mysteries of Mithra.
But the world needed more than a great physical force to assuage its cravings; it demanded a moral God, Who could raise before the eyes of men a moral ideal, and support them in striving to attain it; One Who could guide and comfort in the struggles of life, and in the darkness of its close, Who could prepare the trembling soul for the great ordeal, in which the deeds done in the body are sifted on the verge of the eternal world. In fulfilling his part, Mithra could rely on his own early character as a god of truth and righteousness, a mediator between the powers of good and evil: he had also the experience of the classic mysteries, stretching back to the legendary Orpheus, which, in whatever crude, shadowy symbolism, had taught for ten centuries the doctrine of a moral sequence between this life and the next. The descent of the soul into gross material form, and its possible ascent again, if duly fortified, to ethereal worlds, was common to Mithra and the Orphic and Pythagorean systems. Such a system on one side sad and pessimist, on another was full of the energy of hope. And Mithraism combined the two. It was a religion of strenuous effort and warfare, with the prospect of high rewards in some far-off eternal life.
It is little wonder that the Fathers, from the second century, saw in Mithra the most formidable foe of Christ. Indeed, the resemblances between the two religions, some of them superficial, others of a deeper kind, were very striking. How far some of these were due to a common stock of ideas in East and West, how far they were the result of conscious borrowing and mutual imitation, seems to be an insoluble problem. The most learned student of the cult of Mithra is the most cautious in his conclusions on the subject.3205 On the one hand, the two religions, in outlying regions of the Empire, long followed different lines of dispersion. Christianity from its origin in the religion of Israel, spread at first among the cities on the Mediterranean, chiefly where there were colonies of Jews.3206 On the other hand, outside Italy, Mithraism, which was propagated by soldiers and imperial officers, followed the line of the camps and centres of commerce chiefly along the great rivers of the northern frontier. Yet at Ostia and Rome and elsewhere, the two eastern religions must have been early brought face to face. In the syncretism of that age, the age of Gnosticism, rites and doctrines passed easily from one system to another. Mithra certainly absorbed much from kindred worships of Asia Minor, from Hellenic mysteries, and from Alexandrian philosophy. It is equally certain that the Church did not disdain a policy of accommodation, along with the consecration of altars of Christ in the old shrines of paganism. The cult of local heroes was transferred to saints and martyrs. Converts found it hard to part with consecrated phrases and forms of devotion, and might address Jesus in epithets sacred to the Sun. Some Christians in the fifth century still saluted the rising sun with a prayer.3207
Futile attempts have been made to find parallels to Biblical narrative or symbolism in the faint and faded legend of Mithra recovered from his monuments, the miraculous birth, the sacred rock, the adoration of the shepherds, the grotto,—above all, in the mystic sacrifice of the bull, which seemed to occupy the same space in Mithraic devotion as the Sacrifice on Calvary. But one great weakness of Mithraism lay precisely here—that, in place of the narrative of a Divine life, instinct with human sympathy, it had only to offer the cold symbolism of a cosmic legend. In their offices and sacramental system the two religions had a more real affinity. Mithra had his baptism and confirmation of new disciples, his ablutions, ascetic preparation for the sacred mysteries, and holy feasts of the consecrated bread and wine, where the mystic draught gave purity and life to soul and body, and was the passport to a life in God. The sacerdotal and liturgical character of his worship, with its striking symbolism, using to the full the emotional effects of lights and music and sacred pomp, offered to souls, who were ripe for a diviner faith, some of that magical charm which was to be exerted over so many ages by the Catholic Church. There are, however, deeper and more fundamental resemblances between the faiths of Mithra and of Christ, and it was to these that the Persian cult owed its great superiority to classical mythology and the official Roman paganism. It responded to a great spiritual movement, of which it is one great object of this book to show the sweep and direction. Formal devotion and ascetic discipline were linked with lofty doctrines as to the origin of the human spirit and an immortal destiny, depending on conduct, as well as sacramental grace, through Mithra the mediator. While the vulgar may have rested in the external charm and power of the worship, there were others who drank in a more spiritual creed expounded to us by one of the last Neo-Platonic votaries of the Sun-God. It told of a fall of the soul into the duress of the body, for a brief period of probation, of a resurrection and great judgment, of a final ascent and beatitude in the life in God, or of endless exile from His presence.3208
And yet the two systems were separated by an impassable gulf, and Mithra had associations which could not save him from the fate of Jupiter and Demeter, of Hecate and Isis. It is true that his fate was hastened by hostile forces and causes external to religion. Many of his shrines in the Danubian provinces, and along the upper Rhine, were desolated and buried in ruins by the hordes of invaders in the third century.3209 And in the fourth century, the fiercest assaults of the Christian Empire were directed against the worship which was thought to be the patron of magic arts, and a device of the Evil One to travesty and defy the Religion of the Cross.3210 But material force, however fiercely and decisively exerted, although it hastened the doom of the Persian god, only anticipated an inevitable defeat.
A certain severity in Mithraism, which marked it off honourably from other worships of the East, also weakened it as a popular and enduring force. The absence of the feminine charm in its legend, while it saved it from the sensual taint of other heathen systems, deprived it of a fascination for the softer and more emotional side of human nature.3211 Although women may, perhaps, have not been altogether excluded from his mysteries,3212 still Mithra did not welcome them with the warm sympathy which gave Demeter and Magna Mater and Isis so firm a hold on the imagination of women for many generations. The Mater Dolorosa has in all ages been an enthralling power. The legend of the Tauroctonus was a religion for strenuous men. And even its symbolism, with all its strange spell, seems to lack depth and warmth for human nature as a whole. It would indeed be rash to set limits to the power of pious sentiment to transfigure and vivify the most unspiritual materials. And the slaughtered bull in the apse of every chapel of Mithra may have aroused in the end visions and mystic emotion which had passed far beyond the sphere of astral symbolism.
Yet such spiritual interpretation of ancient myth is only for the few, who find in a worship what they bring. For the gross masses, the symbolism of natural processes, however majestic, could never have won that marvellous power which has made a single Divine, yet human, life the inexhaustible source of spiritual strength for all the future. With all his heroic effort to make himself a moral and spiritual force, Mithra remained inextricably linked with the nature-worships of the past. And, with such associations, even the God of light could not be lord of the spiritual future of humanity. Mithraism, with all its strange moral force, with all its charm of antiquity and sacramental rite, with all its charity and tolerance, had within it the germs of a sure mortality. In its tolerance lay precisely its great weakness. The Christian Church might, in S. Augustine’s phrase, “spoil the Egyptians,” it might borrow and adapt rites and symbols from pagan temples, or ideas from Greek philosophy.3213 But in borrowing, it transfigured them. In all that was essential, the Church would hold no truce with paganism. “Break the idols and consecrate the temples” was the motto of the great Pontiff. But Mithra was ready to shelter the idols under his purer faith. The images of Jupiter and Venus, of Mars and Hecate, of the local deities of Dacia and Upper Germany, find a place in his chapels beside the antique symbols of the Persian faith.3214 And thus, in spite of a lofty moral mysticism, Mithra was loaded with the heritage of the heathen past. A man admitted to his highest ministry might also worship at the old altars of Greece and Rome. The last hierophant of Eleusis was a high-priest of Mithra.3215 Human nature and religious sentiment are so complex that men of the sincere monotheistic faith of Symmachus, Praetextatus, and Macrobius, have left the almost boastful record of an all-embracing laxity of tolerance on their tombs.3216 On many of these slabs you may read that the man who has been a “father” in the mysteries of Mithra, who has been “born again” in the taurobolium, is also a priest of Hecate, the goddess of dark arts and baleful spirits of the night.3217 Through the astral fatalism of Babylon, Mithra was inseparably connected with the darkest superstitions of East or West,3218 which covered all sorts of secret crime and perfidy, which lent themselves to seduction, conspiracy, and murder, which involved the denial of a moral Providence of the world. Many a pious devotee of Mithra and Hecate would have recoiled, as much as we do, from the last results of his superstition. Such people probably wished only to gain another ally in facing the terrors of the unseen world. Yet there can be little doubt that the majestic supremacy of Mithra, through its old connection with Babylon, sheltered some of the most degrading impostures of superstition.
So rooted is religious sentiment in reverence for the past, for what our fathers have loved and venerated, that men will long tolerate, or even wistfully cherish, sacred forms and ideas which their moral sense has outgrown. Down to the last years of the fourth century, the Persian worship was defended with defiant zeal by members of the proudest Roman houses. In their philosophic gatherings in the reign of Honorius, they found in Sun-worship the sum and climax of the pagan devotion of the past.3219 Many a pious old priest of Mithra, in the reign of Gratian, was probably filled with wonder and sorrow when he saw a Gracchus and his retinue break into the sanctuary and tear down the venerable symbols from the wall of the apse.3220 He deemed himself the prophet of a pure immemorial faith, as pure as that of Galilee. He was probably a man of irreproachable morals, with even a certain ascetic sanctity, unspotted by the world. He treasured the secret lore of the mysterious East, which sped the departing soul with the last comforting sacraments on its flight to ethereal worlds. But he could not see, or he could not regret, that every day when he said his liturgy, as he made the round of the altars, he was lending the authority of a purer faith to other worships which had affrighted or debauched and enervated the Roman world for forty generations. He could not see that the attempt to wed a high spiritual ideal with nature-worship was doomed to failure. The masses around him remained in their grossness and darkness. And on that very day, it may be, one of his aristocratic disciples, high in the ranks of Mithra’s sacred guilds, was attending a priestly college which was charged with the guardianship of gross and savage rites running back to Evander, or he was consulting a Jewish witch, or a Babylonian diviner, on the meaning of some sinister omen, or he may have been sending down into the arena, with cold proud satisfaction, a band of gallant fighters from the Thames or the Danube, to butcher one another for the pleasure of the rabble of Rome. Mithra, the Unconquered, the god of many lands and dynasties from the dawn of history, was a fascinating power. But, at his best, he belonged to the order which was vanishing.
Footnotes
1.Ann. iii. 55; xvi. 5; cf. Suet. Vesp. ix. xii.2.Suet. Vesp. ii. quare princeps quoque et locum incunabulorum assidue frequentavit, manente villa, qualis fuerat olim, etc.3.Tac. Ann. xv. 23; xvi. 21, 34; Agric. 2, 45; Plin. Ep. iii. 16, § 10; vii. 19, § 3; iii. 11, § 3; ix. 13, § 3.4.Tac. Ann. xiv. 60.5.Tac. Ann. iv. 6; i. 80; xiii. 50, 51; xi. 24; Suet. Nero, x.; Dom. viii.; cf. Merivale, vii. 385; Renan, Apôtres, p. 308 sqq; Gréard, Morale de Plut. p. 200.6.Suet. Vitell. v.; Otho, iii. provinciam administravit moderatione atque abstinentia singulari.7.Sen. Ep. 47; De Ira, i. 5; iii. 24; De Benef. iv. 11, § 3; De Brev. Vit. xiii. § 7; Plin. Ep. iv. 22; Juv. xiv. 15 sqq.; xv. 131; D. Cass. lxvi. 15; Or. Henz. Inscr. Lat. 7244, Bene fac, hoc tecum feres; Denis, Hist. des Idées Morales, ii. 156, 172, 181.8.Sid. Apoll. Ep. viii. 6, § 5.9.Or. Henz. iii. Ind. p. 27 sq.10.Apul. Apol. c. 55, sacrorum pleraque initia in Graecia participavi, et plurimos ritus... didici; Lamprid. Alex. Sev. c. 29, 43.11.Max. Tyr. Diss. viii.; xi. § 3; xvii.; D. Chrys. Or. xii. § 83.12.Renan, Les Évangiles, p. 382.13.Friedl. Sittengesch. iv. 420; Denis, Idées Morales, ii. 200 sqq.; Renan, M. Aurèle, p. 24 sqq.14.Luc. Som. 32; Traj. 15; Charon, 15, 20; Tim. 14, 36; M. Aurel. v. 10, 33: ix. 29; 34; x. 19: cf. Sen. De Ira, ii. 8; Ad Marc. ii. 17, 20, 22; Petron. Sat. 88.15.Ep. 108, § 22; cf. Suet. Tib. lxi. nullus a poena hominum cessavit dies.16.Suet. Tib. 61; Tac. Ann. iv. 34.17.D. Cass. lix. 19; Suet. Calig. 53.18.Nec. Inj. xviii.; cf. Suet. Calig. 50; Sen. De Ira, i. 20; iii. 18; De Tranq. xiv.; Ad Polyb. xiii. xvii.; Ad Helv. x. 4; De Benef. iv. 31.19.Sen. De Ira, ii. 33.20.Tac. Ann. xii. 8; D. Cass. 60. 8; 61. 10; Sen. Ad Polyb. 13. 2; Ad Helv. 15. 2.21.For the worst charges v. D. Cass. lxii. 2; lxi. 10; Tac. Ann. 13. 13.22.D. Cass. l.c.; Tac. Ann. 13. 42. But cf. Seneca’s reply, Tac. Ann. 14. 53, and 15. 62.23.Tac. Ann. 15. 65.24.Sen. Frag. 108.25.Sen. De Tranq. x. 6.26.Sen. Ep. i. 18; Tac. Ann. 14. 52.27.Ep. 70, § 14; 88, § 17; Ep. 77; De Ira, iii. 15; Ad Helv. 5, § 4.28.Mart. vii. 27, 11; Juv. xi. 4; Sen. Dial. 1, 5, 4; De Benef. vii. 22, 2; Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 281.29.Sen. De Ira, ii. 33; De Tranq. xii. 7.30.Sen. Ep. 97, § 2; Sen. De Benef. i. 10, § 1. Cf. De Ira, ii. 8; Ep. 95, § 20; Ep. 115, § 10.31.Sen. Ep. 90, § 42.32.Ep. 90, § 40.33.Ib. 90, § 38.34.Ib. 90, § 5, § 36, avaritia atque luxuria dissociavere mortales.35.Ib. 90, § 12.36.Sen. Ep. 90, § 19.37.De Brev. Vit. xvi. tarde ire horas queruntur; Ep. 77; Ep. 104, § 15.38.Ep. 115, § 10; De Ira, iii. 33; Ep. 60; Ep. 74.39.Ad Polyb. vi. 5, magna servitus est magna fortuna.40.De Ira, ii. 8.41.De Ira, ii. 33.42.Ib. iii. 35, deinde idem de republica libertatem sublatam quereris quam domi sustulisti.43.Ib. iii. 24, 32; Petron. Sat. 49, 53; Sen. Ep. 47, § 10; Juv. vi. 490; Sen. De Clem. i. 18.44.Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 353; Marq. Priv. i. 142; Wallon, L’Escl. dans l’Ant. ii. 146.45.Sen. De Brev. V. xiii.46.Ib. xvi. transilire dies volunt.47.Id. Ep. 104, § 15; 89, § 20; Ep. 28.48.Id. De Tranq. xii. § 7.49.Mart. ii. 7, 8 (v. note on the word in Friedländer’s ed.); iv. 78.50.Sen. Ep. i. 9; cf. Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 271.51.Juv. xi. 4; Mart. vii. 97; Quintil. vi. 3, 105; Sen. De Tranq. xii. § 7; De Ben. vii. 22, 2; De Prov. i. 5, 4; Boissier, L’Opp. p. 201 sqq.52.Ad Marc. xx.; De Tranq. x.; Ep. 94 ad fin.; Ep. 70.53.Ep. 90, § 43, at vos ad omnem tectorum pavetis sonum et inter picturas vestras, si quid increpuit, fugitis attoniti.54.Ep. 70, § 14; Ep. 88, § 17, malis paratus sum; Ep. 24, § 11; Ad Polyb. ix. nullus portus nisi mortis; Ad Marc. xx. mors quae efficit ut nasci non supplicium sit.55.Ad Marc. x.56.Ad Polyb. vi.57.Ad Marc. xxii. § 3.58.Ad Polyb. ix.; Ep. 77; Ad Marc. xxi. § 7.59.Ep. 108, § 17. He adopted the Pythagorean discipline under the influence of Sotion, a pupil of Sextius, but gave it up on the proscription of suspected rites in the reign of Tiberius, cf. Suet. Tib. 36; cf. Zeller, Die Phil. der Gr. iii. 1, 605.60.D. Cass. 62. 2; 61. 10. Zeller, iii. 1, 641, n. 1.61.D. Cass. l.c.62.Tac. Ann. xv. 55.63.Suet. Vesp. 15.64.Sen. Ep. 73, § 3.65.Ib. 103, § 4.66.De Clem. i. 19; Plin. Paneg. i. 72; D. Chrys. Or. ii. § 77; iii. § 39; 70 sqq.67.Suet. Dom. 23; Nero, 57; cf. Tac. Hist. i. 7, ipsa aetas Galbae irrisui ac fastidio erat adsuetis juventae Neronis et imperatores forma ac decore corporis... comparantibus.68.Suet. Calig. 50; cf. Sen. Nec. Inj. 18; De Ira, i. 20; ii. 33; iii. 18; De Ben. ii. 12, 21.69.Suet. Calig. 38.70.Id. Nero, 6.71.De Clem. i. 1, § 2, electusque sum qui in terris deorum vice fungerer.72.Ib. i. § 5.73.Ib. i. 4, 1, ille vinculum per quod respublica cohaeret, ille spiritus vitalis.74.Ib. i. 17, 1.75.Ib. i. 7, 2.76.De Clem. i. 12.77.Ib. i. 13, 2, scelera enim sceleribus tuenda sunt.78.Renan, L’Antéchr. p. 125.79.De Clem. i. 1, § 2, egone ex omnibus mortalibus placui electusque sum qui in terris deorum vice fungerer?80.Suet. Nero, c. 4.81.Ib. c. 5.82.Sen. De Clem. i. 1, § 5.83.Suet. Nero, c. 15; cf. Dom. c. viii.84.Nero, c. 16.85.Ib. c. 12, instituit et quinquennale certamen primus omnium Romae more Graeco triplex, etc.86.Ib. c. 20; 53; Renan, L’Antéchr. p. 132.87.Suet. Nero, c. 39.88.Ib. c. 50.89.Renan, L’Antéchr. p. 316.90.Suet. Nero, c. 49; Renan, L’Antéchr. 130. sqq.91.Suet. Nero, c. 24, 49, 52, 55; Tac. Ann. xiv. 16; cf. Macé, Suétone, p. 179; Boissier, L’Opp. p. 265.92.Suet. Nero, c. 53, c. 20, cf. c. 24.93.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 36, 39; Tac. Ann. xiv. 15, 16; xv. 67, odisse coepi postquam parricida matris et uxoris, auriga et histrio et incendiarius extitisti; Suet. Nero, c. 21; D. Cass. 63. 9, 10.94.Suet. Nero, c. 23.95.Ib. c. 32.96.Merivale, viii. p. 70 sq.; Schiller, Gesch. der Röm. Kaiserzeit, i. p. 467.97.Petron. Sat. 8, where the decay of artistic sense is traced to the grossness of evil living; at nos vino scortisque demersi ne paratas quidem artes audemus cognoscere.98.Suet. Nero, c. 11, 12.99.Tac. Ann. 15. 42.100.Ib. 16. 1; Suet. Nero, 31.101.Ib. 16, 31.102.Ib. c. 31; cf. Otho, 7.103.Suet. Nero, c. 40.104.Ib. c. 29 ad fin.105.Ib. c. 32; D. Cass. 63. 17.106.Suet. Nero, c. 56.107.Suet. Nero, c. 32; D. Cass. 63. 11.108.Tac. Agric. c. 3, sic ingenia studiaque oppresseris facilius quam revocaveris.109.Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 53 sqq.110.Seneca died in 65 A.D. The Histories of Tacitus were published circ. 106-107; cf. Plin. Ep. vii. 20; Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 42.111.Tacitus was born about 55 A.D. (Peter, ii. 43; Macé, Suétone, p. 35, 81; Momms. Plin. p. 51). He was, perhaps, fifteen years older than Suetonius, and seven years older than Pliny.112.Plin. Ep. i. 6, 20; iv. 13; vi. 9, 16, 20; vii. 20, 33; viii. 7; ix. 10, 14.113.Hist. i. 1; Ann. xi. 11. This latter important passage fixes the date of his praetorship, 88 A.D.; cf. Teuffel, ii. p. 165 n. 6; Peter, ii. 43.114.Agric. c. 45.115.Hist. i. 1, sed incorruptam fidem professis, neque amore quisquam et sine odio dicendus est; Nipperdey, Einl. xxvi.116.Merivale, viii. 84, Schiller, Gesch. der Röm. Kaiserzeit, i. 140, 586. According to Schiller, Tacitus has no research, no exactness of military or geographical knowledge, no true conception of the time. He is an embittered aristocrat and rhetorician. For a sounder estimate v. Peter, ii. 43, 60, 63; Nipperdey, Einl. xxv. For the influence on the work of Suetonius of the Senatorial tradition, v. Macé, Suétone, p. 84; Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 69.117.Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 66.118.Merivale, viii. 95 sqq.119.Peter, ii. 46 sqq.120.Ib. ii. 188, 200.121.His father was probably a Roman Eques, procurator in Belgium; Plin. H. N. vii. 16, 76.122.Macé, Suétone, p. 83, Peter, ii. 69 sqq.123.Tac. Ann. i. 7; xv. 71; Agr. 45; Peter, ii. 62.124.Ann. xiv. 12, 57; Hist. iv. 6; Agr. 42; Peter, ii. 47.125.Agr. 42.126.Ann. iii. 65, praecipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamia metus sit; cf. Peter, ii. 46; Nipperdey, Einl. xxvi.127.Tac. Ann. i. 39, 41.128.Ib. c. 61, 62.129.Hist. ii. 49.130.Ann. ii. 82.131.Hist. iii. 72.132.Ib. iii. 83.133.Agr. 32.134.Germ. 17, 19, 20, 23, 25.135.Germ. 33, ad fin.136.Hist. i. 3; ii. 38; iii. 72; Peter, ii. 62. Yet this should be qualified by such passages as Ann. iii. 55; Agr. i.; cf. Nipperdey, Einl. xxvii.137. Ann. iii. 65.138.Ib. iii. 26.139.M. Aurel. ix. 29, 34; x. 19.140.Tac. Ann. iii. 55; M. Aurel. vii. 1; ix. 4; x. 23; ix. 28.141.Agr. 3.142.Plin. Paneg. 35, 53, 54, 66; cf. Tac. Hist. i. 1.143.Hist. i. 1, omnem potentiam ad unum conferri pacis interfuit; cf. Hist. i. 16; ii. 38.144.Ann. xiv. 47; Hist. iv. 8, bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualescumque tolerare.145.Ann. xv. 46; vi. 42; iv. 33; iii. 27; Hist. ii. 38.146.Peter, ii. 53; Ann. vi. 42.147.Hist. i. 16; Peter, ii. 61.148.Tac. Agr. i.149.Peter, ii. 48.150.Tac. Ann. i. 76; quanquam vili sanguine nimis gaudens. Cf. Dial. de Or. 29; Plin. Ep. vi. 34, 1.151.Ann. xiv. 43; Germ. 20.152.Germ. 33. Cf. his contempt for the Christians and devotees of Eastern cults, Ann. ii. 85; xv. 44.153.Ann. i. 53; iv. 3; iii. 39: vi. 29; xii. 12; iii. 24; xvi. 16. Cf. Peter, ii. 51.154.Ann. xiv. 14.155.Ann. ii. 21; vi. 27; iv. 3.156.De Or. 29.157.Agr. 4.158.Germ. 19, saepta pudicitia agunt, nullis spectaculorum inlecebris... corruptae; De Or. 29.159.Hist. iii. 37; Ann. i. 7; xv. 57, 71.160.Agr. 22.161.Ib. 40.162.Ann. xv. 60.163.Ib. xv. 57.164.Ib. xiv. 60.165.Ann. xv. 71.166.Hist. i. 2.167.Agr. 4, memoria teneo solitum ipsum narrare se studium philosophiae acrius, ultra quam concessum Romano ac Senatori, exhausisse. Cf. Fabian, Quid Tac. de num. Div. judicaverit, p. 1.168.Hist. v. 5; Nipperdey, Einl. xiv.169.Hist. i. 22; ii. 78; i. 86. But cf. Ann. xii. 43, 64; xiv. 32; xv. 8; Hist. i. 3; ii. 50; and Fabian, pp. 17, 19.170.Ann. iv. 20; cf. vi. 22.171.Hist. ii. 38.172.Ann. xiv. 12; Fabian, p. 23.173.Ann. xvi. 33, aequitate deum erga bona malaque documenta.174.Ann. iii. 55; cf. xvi. 5.175.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. pp. 80, 81.176.Plin. Paneg. 45; Claudian, In Cons. Hon. 299, componitur orbis Regis ad exemplum.177.Suet. De Clar. Rhet. c. 1.178.Id. Nero, 21; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 39.179.Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 54.180.Suet. Calig. 37; Sen. Ad Helv. x.181.Suet. Calig. 37.182.Suet. Nero, c. 30.183.Ib. c. 27.184.Ib. c. 30.185.Ib. c. 31; Tac. Ann. xv. 42.186.Suet. Otho, 5, nihilque referre, ab hoste in acie, an in foro sub creditoribus caderet.187.Id. Vitell. c. 13.188.Id. Vesp. 16; D. Cass. 66. 2, 8, 10.189.D. Cass. 67. 5; Suet. Dom. 12.190.D. Cass. 68. 2, συστέλλων ὡς οἷόν τε τὰ δαπανήματα.191.Capitol. M. Aurel. c. 17, in foro divi Trajani auctionem ornamentorum imperialium fecit vendiditque aurea pocula et cristallina, etc.192.Suet. Dom. iii.193.Suet. Otho, iii.; Vitell. v.; Dom. viii.; Boissier, L’Opp. p. 170.194.Tac. Ann. i. 72; ii. 50; xiv. 48. For a clear account of this v. Boissier, L’Opp. p. 165.195.Suet. Dom. x.; cf. xii. satis erat obici qualecunque factum dictumve adversus majestatem principis.196.Ib. xii.197.Tac. Ann. xi. 27; xiii. 6, in urbe sermonum avida; Hist. ii. 91; Mart. v. 20; Friedl. Sittengesch. i. p. 280.198.D. Cass. 52. 37.199.Mart x. 48, 21; cf. Friedl. Chronologie der Epigr. Mart. p. 62; Friedl. Sittengesch. i. p. 285; Epict. Diss. iv. 13, 21, 5; Aristid. Or. ix. 62.200.Tac. Ann. iv. 69.201.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. vii. 24.202.Tac. Ann. i. 72, 74, Crispinus formam vitae iniit quam postea celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum fecerunt, etc.; cf. iii. 25; Sen. De Ben. iii. 26; Suet. Tib. lxi.203.Tac. Ann. iv. 20.204.Suet. Dom. xx. praeter commentarios et acta Tiberii nihil lectitabat; Plin. Paneg. 42, 48.205.Suet. Dom. xv.206.Tac. Hist. ii. 10; Plin. Paneg. 35; D. Cass. 68. 1; Jul. Capitol. Ant. P. c. 7; id. M. Aurel. c. 11; Meriv. vii. 370.207.Tac. Ann. xv. 34; iii. 66; Hist. iv. 42.208.Schol. ad Juv. iv. 53; Duruy, iv. 660.209.Tac. Ann. iv. 20.210.Ib. xvi. 33; Boissier, L’Opp. p. 186.211.Plin. Ep. ii. 20, 13; iv. 2; cf. Tac. Hist. iv. 42; Mart. vii. 31.212.Boissier, L’Opp. p. 193.213.Plin. Ep. ii. 11, 22.214.Ib. iv. 7; i. 20, 15.215.Ib. ii. 11, 22; ii. 20.216.Plin. Ep. ii. 20, 2.217.Ib. iv. 7.218.E.g. Boissier, L’Opp. p. 296; Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. p. 65: Teuffel, § 328, 15; Mackail, Lat. Lit. p. 215.219.Schiller, i. pp. 140, 586; Meriv. viii. 89 sqq.220.Suet. Claud. x.; Calig. lx.; D. Cass. 60. 1. On the assassination of Caligula, the Senate debated the question of abolishing the memory of the Caesars, and restoring the Republic; but the mob outside the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter demanded “one ruler” of the world.221.Tac. Ann. xi. 25; xiii. 27.222.Suet. Calig. xxx.; xxvi.; Nero, xxxvii. eumque ordinem sublaturum quandoque e republica...; cf. xliii. creditur destinasse senatum universum veneno per convivia necare.... D. Cass. 63. 15, 17.223.Plin. Paneg. 54, 62, 64; Spart. Hadrian, 6, 7, § 4; 8, § 6.224.Suet. Claud. x.225.D. Cass. 66. 16; Suet. Vesp. xxv.226.See the speech of the dying Hadrian to the Senators, D. Cass. 69. 20.227.Boissier, L’Opp. 102.228.Tac. Ann. xvi. 21; xv. 23; xiv. 48, id egregio sub principe... senatui statuendum disseruit.229.Suet. Vesp. xv.; cf. xiii., where Demetrius is guilty of similar rudeness; D. Cass. 66. 12.230.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 35.231.Ib. vii. 3, 4.232.Ib. vii. 8, 33; cf. D. Cass. 67. 18.233.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. vii. 9.234.D. Cass. 66. 12, βασιλείας τε ἀεὶ κατηγόρει καὶ δημοκρατίαν ἐπῄνει.235.Suet. Dom. xxi.236.D. Cass. 66. 16.237.D. Cass. 68. 3.238.Spart. Hadr. 7, § 15.239.Jul. Capitol. M. Ant. 24, 25.240.Momms. Staatsr. ii. 787-821; Professor Pelham has given a luminous account of the Principate in Encycl. Brit. vol. xx. p. 769.241.Suet. Octav. xxviii.242.Tac. Ann. i. 15.243.Suet. Claud. x.; D. Cass. 60. 1; where the soldiers plainly close the impotent debates in the Senate, and by hailing Claudius as emperor.244.Momms. Röm. Staatsr. ii. 839.245.v. Pelham, Encycl. Brit. xx. p. 779.246.Suet. Calig. xxix.247.D. Cass. 59. 24.248.Ib. 56. 1; Tac. Ann. vi. 13; Suet. Dom. xiii.; Plut. Galba, 17.249.Plin. Paneg. 43, 44, 35.250.Ib. 24, 62, 63, 66.251.Ib. 80.252.Ib. 62, 63, 64.253.Ib. 66.254.Ib. 72.255.Ib. 64.256.Plin. Paneg. 69.257.Tac. Ann. xiii. 1; xiv. 52; xv. 48.258.D. Cass. 63.17, πᾶσι γὰρ παρ’ αὐτῷ δημόσιον ἔγκλημα ἦν ἀρετή τε καὶ πλοῦτος καὶ γένος: Tac. Hist. ii. 76.259.Tac. Ann. ii. 32; xii. 52; D. Cass. 49. 43; D. Cass. 66. 10, 9; Suet Tib. lxiii.260.Suet. Tib. xiv. lxix.261.Tac. Ann. xii. 52.262.Suet. Nero, xxxvi.263.Id. Otho, iv.264.Id. Vitell. xiv.265.Ib. ne Vitellius Germanicus intra eundem kalendarum diem usquam esset.266.D. Cass. 66. 10, 9.267.Suet. Dom. xv.268.Tac. Hist. i. 2.269.Tac. Ann. xiv. 64.270.Ib. xiv. 10, 12.271.Ib. xiv. 10; Suet. Nero, xxxiv.272.Tac. Ann. xv. 48.273.Ib. xv. 57.274.Ib. xv. 54.275.Ib. xv. 70; probably Lucan, Phars. iii. 638.276.Tac. Ann. xv. 71.277.Ib. xv. 73.278.Ib. xv. 68, 69.279.Plin. Ep. iii. 16; Tac. Ann. xv. 63.280.Tac. Ann. xiv. 60.281.Tac. Ann. xiv. 22, 57.282.Ib. xvi. 10.283.Ib. xvi. 11.284.Ib. xv. 60.285.Ib. xiv. 61.286.Ib. xiv. 42, senatusque obsessus in quo ipso erant studia nimiam severitatem aspernantium.287.Ib. xv. 67.288.Tac. Hist. ii. 49.289.Ib. iii. 84.290.Ib. i. 88, segnis et oblita bellorum nobilitas, etc.291.Ib. i. 88.292.Ib. iii. 37, nulla in oratione cujusquam erga Flavianos duces obtrectatio; cf. i. 90; of the Acta of the Arval College, C.I.L. vi. 2051 sq.293.Ib. iv. 3.294.Suet. Nero, x.; Vesp. xvii.; Spart. Hadr. 7, § 9.295.Juv. i. 100.296.Tac. Ann. xiii. 34.297.Ib. ii. 37, 38.298.Tac. Hist. i. 35.299.Sen. De Ira, ii. 33; cf. iii. 19.300.Tac. Ann. xiv. 58.301.Suet. Nero, xxxvii.302.Tac. Ann. xiv. 14; Juv. viii. 193; Suet. Calig. xviii. xxx.; D. Cass. lix. 10.303.Suet. Calig. xxvii.304.Sen. De Ira, ii. 33.305.Tac. Ann. xiii. 12; xvi. 18; Suet. Vitell. iv.306.Renan, Les Év. p. 140. Some of their anonymous sneers may be traced in Suet. Vesp. xvi. xxiii. xiv.; cf. Duruy, iv. 653.307.D. Cass. 66. 16, ἐπεβουλεύθη μὲν ὑπό τε τοῦ Ἀλιηνοῦ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου. Cf. Suet. Vesp. xiv.; Macé, Suétone, p. 86.308.Cf. Boissier, L’Opp. p. 169 sqq.; Bury, Rom. Emp. p. 395.309.On the sources of the history of the Flavians, v. Krause, De C. Sueton. Tranq. Fontibus; Macé, Suétone, p. 364, 376; Peter, Gesch. Litt. d. Kaiserzeit, ii. 69, 70. For the senatorial attitude to Domitian, v. Plin. Paneg. 48; Tac. Agr. 3, 41, 42, 45; Hist. iv. 51; iv. 2; Suet. Dom. xxiii.310.Nagel, Imp. T. Flav. Domitianus iniquius dijudicatus.311.Meriv. vii. 356.312.Suet. Dom. viii.313.Tac. Agr. 39; cf. 41, tot exercitus in Moesia... amissi. D. Cass. 67. 4, 7; cf. Stat. Silv. iv. 3, 153; Mart. ix. 102; vii. 80, 91, 95; Meriv. vii. 347.314.Tac. Agr. 39.315.Quintil. iv., prooem. 2; Statius, Silvae, iv. 2, 13; iii. 1, 1; Mart. ii. 91; iv. 27, iii. 95. For the flattery of Martial, v. esp. v. 19, 6; ix. 4; Spectac. 33.316.Suet. Dom. iv.317.Ib. xx.318.Ib. vii.; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. vi. 42; Vit. Soph. i. 12.319.Pliny was probably Quaestor in 90 A.D.; Trib. Pleb. 92; Praetor 93. Cf. Momms. (Morel) p. 61. Tacitus says, Hist. i. 1, dignitatem a Domitiano (81-96) longius provectam non abnuerim. From Ann. xi. 11 it appears that he was Praetor in 88. Cf. Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 43.320.Duruy, iv. 697 n.321.Silv. iii. 4, 37.322.Meriv. vii. 354.323.D. Cass. 67. 14; Suet. Dom. xiv.324.Mart. iv. 63; vi. 21, crudelis nullaque invisior umbra.325.Suet. Dom. xxiii.326.Suet. Dom. x.327.Renan, Les Évang. p. 291, Domitien, comme tous les souverains hypocrites, se montraite sévère conservateur.328.Suet. Dom. xiii.329.Mart. viii. 65.330.Suet. Dom. xiii.; Mart. v. 8, 1 (v. Friedländer’s note), vii. 2 and 34; viii. 2, 6; Stat. Silv. v. 1, 37; Meriv. vii. 375.331.Suet. Dom. v.; Gregorov. Gesch. St. Rom. i. 41.332.Rutil. Namat. i. 93.333.Suet. Dom. v. ad fin.; iv.334.D. Cass. 67. 8.335.Suet. Dom. xii.336.Pliny, Paneg. 50.337.Dion Cass. 67. 4, τιμητὴς δὲ διὰ βίου πρῶτος δὲ καὶ μόνος καὶ ἰδιωτῶν καὶ αὐτοκρατόρων ἐχειροτονήθη: Momms. Röm. St. ii. 1012.338.D. Cass. 67. 11.339.Agr. 45.340.Suet. Dom. xiv. parietes phengite lapide distinxit.341.Ib. xvi.342.D. Cass. 67. 9.343.Ib. 67. 4.344.Tacitus b. probably 55 A.D. Dial. de Or. 1, juvenis admodum in 75 or 76; cf. Agr. 9. He was betrothed in 77 A.D.; cf. Meriv. viii. 92; Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 43; Nipperdey, Einl. iv. Juvenal b. circ. 55 A.D. (Peter, ii. 77); decessit longo senio confectus exul Ant. Pio imp. Vit. iv.; Teuffel, § 326, 1.345.Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, pp. 118 sqq.346.Or. Henz. 5599, IIVir. Quinq. Flamen Divi Vespasiani.347.Boissier, L’Opp. p. 316.348.Juv. xi. 74, 150; cf. xiv. 322.349.Mart. xii. 18.350.Juv. v. 30 sqq.; cf. Mart. iii. 49; iii. 60.351.Juv. i. 52; Mart. x. 4; iv. 49.352.Juv. vi. 43: v. 30 sqq.; ix. 10 sqq.; xi. 186.353.It has been remarked that Martial’s Epigrams on Juvenal all contain some obscenity, vii. 24; vii. 91, xii. 18.354.Teuffel, § 326, 4; Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 77; Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, p. 122, brings together the indications of date from 96-127 A.D. He thinks that perhaps some of the earlier Satires belong to the last years of Domitian, and that the words, spes et ratio studiorum in Caesare tantum, in Sat. vii., may refer to that Emperor (p. 132).355.Juv. i. 170.356.Marius Priscus, Isaeus, Archigenes.357.See a comparison of passages in Nettleship, pp. 125 sqq.358.He says of himself, i. 5, 8, lasciva est nobis pagina, vita proba est; cf. iii. 68; v. 2; Ausonius urges the same plea, cf. Idyll. xiii. Pliny finds a long series of examples to warrant his indulgence in loose verses, Ep. iv. 14; cf. v. 3. It was a bad tradition of literature; cf. Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, p. 39.359.i. 14; iv. 13, 75.360.v. 34, 37; x. 61.361.i. 79; vii. 52.362.iii. 58; i. 56; ii. 38; cf. iii. 38.363.iii. 58.364.i. 50; iv. 55; xii. 18.365.Especially Sat. xi. xiii. xiv. xv.; cf. Munding, Über die Sat. Juv. p. 12.366.v. Bk. ii. c. 3 of this work. M. Boissier has thrown a vivid light on this class in his Rel. Rom. iii. 3.367.Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 198; Nettleship, Lectures and Essays p. 136.368.xiii. 120; ii. 1 sqq.; cf. Mart. ix. 48.369.He refers, however, with respect to Seneca, viii. 212.370.viii. 90 sqq.; cf. Boissier, L’Opp. p. 332.371.Juv. xv. 131; cf. Sen. De Ira, i. 5; ii. 10, 25; iii. 24.372.Juv. xiii. 190.373.xiii. 208, nam scelus intra se tacitum qui cogitat ullum Facti crimen habet.374.xiv. 30; Tac. De Or. 28, 29.375.xi. 153.376.vi. 510.377.xiii. 39.378.xiii. 208.379.Juv. i. 87, 147; x. 172 cf. Sen. Nat. Q. vii. 31; De Ira, ii. 8 sq.380.e.g. the picture of Otho, ii. 99; of Messalina, vi. 114; Lateranus, viii. 146; Sejanus, x. 56; Cicero, etc., viii. 231.381.Tac. Hist. ii. 64; cf. Plin. Ep. iv. 19; iii. 16; D. Cass. 68. 5; Sen. ad Helv. xiv.382.Juv. xi. 109; iii. 152, 183.383.xi. 78.384.Tac. Ann. iii. 55; Sen. Ad Helv. x. 3; Ep. 89, § 22.385.Statius, Silv. v. 36; ii. 85.386.Petron. c. 60; Sen. Ep. 95, § 9; Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 67.387.Plin. H. N. vi. 26; ix. 58; xii. 41. Cf. Friedl. iii. p. 80; Marq. Röm. St. ii. 53.388.Suet. Nero, xxx. putabat sordidos ac parcos esse quibus ratio impensarum constaret, etc.389.Sen. Ep. 87, § 4; Suet. Tib. xxxv.; Friedl. i. 196.390.Liv. xxxiv. 1; Tac. Ann. iii. 53, 54.391.Liv. xxxiv. 6, 7; Marq. Priv. i. 62, 162; Momms. R. Hist. ii. 409.392.Momms. R. Hist. iii. 417.393.Ib. 418; cf. Plin. H. N. ix. 80, 81; x. 23; Plut. Lucull. c. 40; Macrob. Sat. iii. 13, § 1.394.Macrob. Sat. iii. 13, § 11.395.Hieron. Ep. 117, § 8; Amm. Marc. xiv. 6, 7; xxviii. 4.396.Juv. xi. 69.397.Thucyd. i. 95.398.Prescott, Conquest of Peru, i. 304.399.Tac. Ann. xii. 53 (Pallas); D. Cass. 60. 34 (Narcissus); Tac. Ann. xiii. 42; D. Cass. 61. 10; cf. Duruy, v. p. 598.400.Tac. Ann. xv. 42.401.Juv. viii. 10.402.Plin. Paneg. 69.403.Suet. Tib. i. Cf. the funeral oration of Julius Caesar over his aunt, quoted by Suet. Jul. Caes. 6.404.Id. Nero, i.405.Tac. Ann. vi. 33.406.Ib. xv. 48.407.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 12.408.Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 1.409.Hieron. Ep. 108, § 4.410.Tac. Ann. xi. 21, Curtius Rufus videtur mihi ex se natus.411.Juv. viii. 285 sqq.412.Tac. Ann. xi. 25.413.Sen. De Ira, ii. 33, § 2; Juv. iv. 96.414.Appian, B. C. iv. 5.415.Suet. Tib. 61, nullus a poena hominum cessavit dies.416.Id. Claud. xxix.417.Tac. Ann. xi. 25.418.Suet. Vesp. ix.; cf. Tac. Ann. iii. 55.419.Sym. Ep. ii. 78; Seeck, Prol. xlvi.420.Suet. Octav. xli.421.Id. Nero, x.; Vesp. xvii.422.Tac. Ann. ii. 37, 38.423.Tac. Ann. xi. 25; D. Cass. lx. 29. The last revision of the Senate was in the reign of Augustus; D. Cass. lv. 13.424.Tac. Ann. xiii. 34; Juv. i. 107.425.Juv. i. 103.426.Petron. Sat. c. 116, 124; Plin. Ep. ii. 20; Juv. i. 37; iii. 31.427.Juv. iv.; i. 27.428.D. Cass. lix. 26.429.Tac. Ann. xiv. 12.430.Suet. Tib. lxvii.431.Calig. xxiii. xxiv.; cf. L. comitiali morbo vexatus, which explains much to a medical man.432.Ib. xxiii.433.Ib. xxii.; cf. Sen. De Ira, i. 20.434.Suet. Calig. xxxiv. xxxv. vetera familiarum insignia nobilissimo cuique ademit; xxii.435.Ib. liv. lv. quorum vero studio teneretur, omnibus ad insaniam favit.436.Suet. Jul. Caes. xxxix.437.D. Cass. xlviii. 43.438.Suet. Tiberius, xxxv.439.Id. Calig. xviii. nec ullis nisi ex senatorio ordine aurigantibus; D. Cass. 59. 10, 13, Suet. Nero, xii.440.Id. Dom. viii. vii.441.Id. Nero, xx. xxi.442.Juv. viii. 89, 147.443.Suet. Nero, xl.; v. Krause, De Sueton. Fontibus, pp. 57, 80; Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 69.444.Tac. Ann. xv. 67.445.Ib. xiv. 16; cf. Suet. Nero, lii., where Suetonius distinctly says that some of Nero’s verses, which he had seen, bore all the marks of originality. Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 39; Macé, Suétone, p. 127; Boissier, L’Opp. p. 248.446.Suet. Nero, xxvii.447.Ib. xxvi.; cf. Juv. vi. 115.448.Juv. viii. 172.449.Suet. Nero, xxvi.450.Tac. Hist. i. 88.451.See some admirable criticism in Nettleship’s Lectures and Essays, 2nd series, p. 141; cf. Munding, Über die Sat. des Juv. p. 7.452.Duruy, v. 673; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 233 sqq.453.Plin. Ep. iv. 19; iii. 16; iii. 3; Sen. Ad Helv. xiv. xix.; D. Cass. lxviii. 5 ad fin.454.Ov. Trist. iii. 3, 15— Omnia cum subeant, vincis tamen omnia, conjux; Et plus in nostro pectore parte tenes. Te loquor absentem, te vox mea nominat unam: Nulla venit sine te nox mihi, nulla dies. 455.Id. Amor. iii. 4, 3; cf. Ars Am. ii. 599, iii. 440, 613, Denis, Idées Morales, ii. 124.456.Plut. Consol. ad Uxor. x.; Conj. Praec. iv. xliv. xlvii.457.A. Gell. xii. 1.458.Denis, ii. 134; Zeller, Die Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 660.459.D. Chrys. Or. vii. 133.460.Juv. vi. 436— Committit vates et comparat; inde Maronem, Atque alia parte in trutina suspendit Homerum. Cedunt grammatici, vincuntur rhetores— 461.Juv. vi. 400 sqq.462.Ib. 268.463.Ib. 108, 60.464.Ib. 427.465.Ib. 252.466.Ib. 493.467.Ib. 528.468.Momms. R. Hist. ii. 408 (Tr.).469.Liv. vi. 34.470.Plut. Cato Maj. c. xx.; Juv. vi. 165, 460.471.Val. Max. ii. 1, 5; Liv. xxxiv. 1, 3; Marq. i. p. 62.472.Momms. R. Hist. ii. 408.473.Cic. in Verr. i. 42, 107.474.Sym. Ep. vi. 67; cf. Suet. Octav. lxiv.; Or. Henz. 2677, 4629, 4629, lanifica, pia, pudica, casta, domiseda.475.Macrob. Sat. iii. 14, 11.476.Friedl. i. 312; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 240.477.Lucr. iv. 1160; Juv. vi. 192.478.Plut. Pomp. lv.479.Suet. Gram. Ill. 16.480.Ov. Ars Am. ii. 282.481.Mart. xii. 98, 3; cf. Sen. Ad Helv. xvii.; Ad Marc. xvi.482.Claud. Laus Serenae, 146.483.Sen. Ad Marc. 4.484.Epict. Fr. liii.485.Tac. Ann. iv. 53; cf. Plin. H. N. vii. 8, 46.486.Mart. x. 35; vii. 69.487.Sid. Apoll. Carm. ix. 261.488.C.I.G. 4725-31.489.Juv. vi. 403; cf. 434.490.Suet. Octav. lxxxiv.491.Tac. Ann. xii. 37, novum sane et moribus veterum insolitum, feminam signis Romanis praesidere.492.D. Cass. lxvi. 14; cf. Suet. Vesp. xvi.; Krause, De Suet. Fontibus, p. 75.493.Tac. Ann. iii. 33; cf. i. 64; i. 69, sed femina [i.e. Agrippina] ingens animi munia ducis per eos dies induit, etc.494.Or. Henz. 6000, 4036, 5158, 4643, 5134, 3774, 2417, 4055, 4056, 7207, 3815.495.Ib. 3738, 3773, 6992.496.Ib. 3740.497.Suet. Galba, v.498.Lamprid. Heliogab. iv.; cf. Lamprid. Aurelian. xlix.499.Mau, Pompeii (Kelsey Tr.), p. 479.500.Juv. ii. 31; iv. 34; xiii. 38; vi. 394; vii. 194.501.Liv. xxix. 14.502.Ib. xxxix. 8; cf. Lafaye, Culte des Div. d’Alexandrie, c. iii.503.Apul. Met. xi. 817; Suet. Octav. xciii.; D. Cass. liii. 2.504.Catull. x. 26; Tibull. i. 3, 23; cf. Juv. xiii. 93.505.Ov. Ars Am. i. 77.506.Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 347.507.Juv. vi. 547.508.Tac. Hist. v. 2, 4; Juv. xiv. 97.509.Sen. Fr. 42 (in Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 11), victi victoribus leges dederunt.510.Cf. Meriv. vi. 6.511.Suet. Claud. xxv.512.Tac. Hist. i. 22; Duruy, iv. 505.513.Suet. Dom. xv.; D. Cass. lxvii. 14; Ren. Les Év. p. 228.514.Juv. xiv. 96; vi. 544; iii. 15; Ren. Les Év. p. 234.515.Tac. Ann. xiii. 32.516.Friedl. Sittengesch. i. p. 332; cf. Plin. Ep. vii. 24.517.Suet. Ill. Gram. xvi.518.Friedl. i. 314; Inscr. Or. 2656, 2668, 4803.519.Mart. iv. 13— Diligat illa senem quondam: sed et ipsa marito, Tunc quoque cum fuerit, non videatur anus. Plut. Conj. Praec. xliv. xxxiv.; Plin. Ep. iv. 19; vi. 4; vii. 5.520.Sen. Fr. xiii. de Matrimonio, formosus assecla et procurator calamistratus, etc., sub quibus nominibus adulteri delitescunt; cf. S. Hieron. Ep. 54, § 13. S. Jerome is evidently imitating Seneca; cf. Or. 639, Mart. v. 61.521.Juv. vi. 460; Sen. Fr. 51.522.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iii. 35, Luc. Alex. 44.523.Tac. Hist. i. 81, erat Othoni celebre convivium primoribus feminis virisque. D. Cass. lx. 7.524.Suet. Calig. xxxvi.525.Ov. Ars Am. i. 67, Friedl. i. 281.526.Tac. Germ. 19, nec corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur.527.Suet. Octav. xliv.528.Ov. Ars Am. i. 139— Proximus a domina, nullo prohibente, sedeto. 529.Trist. ii. 503— Nec satis incestis temerari vocibus aures: Adsuescunt oculi multa pudenda pati. Cf. 515.530.Mart. iii. 86 says of his poems— Non sunt haec mimis improbiora: lege. 531.Suet. Octav. xliv.532.Juv. vi. 62.533.Suet. Dom. vii.; Tib. xxxiv.534.D. Cass. lx. 22, 28.535.Suet. Dom. iii.; D. Cass. lxvii. 3.536.Capitol. M. Anton. xix.537.Ib. xxiii. mores matronarum conposuit diffluentes, etc.538.Juv. vi. 281.539.Suet. Vesp. xi. auctor senatui fuit decernendi ut quae se alieno servo junxisset ancilla haberetur; cf. Mart. vi. 39; C. Th. iv. 9, 1.540.Or. Henz. 2669, 4653, 7383.541.Momms. R. H. ii. 414 sqq.542.Ib. 469; cf. Plut. Cato, xxiii.543.Mahaffy, Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 127.544.Suet. Octav. 89; Tib. 21.545.Id. Tib. 71, sermone Graeco, quanquam alioquin promptus et facilis, non tamen usquequaque usus est.546.Suet. Calig. xxi. xxxiv.547.Mahaffy, The Greek World, p. 255.548.Suet. Claud. xlii.549.Ib. xxv.550.Ib. xlii.551.Id. Nero, lv. erat illi aeternitatis perpetuaeque famae cupido. Cf. xxiv.552.Id. Vesp. xviii.553.Id. Dom. xx.554.And many in the first century, Plin. Ep. iv. 3; viii. 4, 1; Friedl. iii. 360; Martha, Les Moralistes sous l’Empire Rom. p. 267; Teuffel, R. Lit. § 342; Mackail, R. Lit. 232.555.Plut. Cato, c. xxii.; Claud. In Eutrop. ii. 137, 339.556.Juv. iii. 85.557.Juv. iii. 62 sqq.558.Ib. iii. 69-77.559.Ib. i. 104.560.Ib. iii. 72, viscera magnarum domuum dominique futuri.561.Ib. iii. 60.562.Suet. Ill. Gram. i. ii. antiquissimi doctorum qui iidem et poëtae et semigraeci erant (Livium et Ennium dico), etc.; Strab. vi. 3, 5; A. Gell. xvii. 17, i.563.Suet. Ill. Gram. iv.564.Ib. xx. xix. xvi. xv.565.Suet. Ill. Gram. xiii. Staberius... emptus de catasta.566.Ib. xiii.567.Ib. xviii. xxiii.568.Ib. xxiii.569.Ib. xvii.; cf. Quintilian, iv. Prooem. 2; cf. Juv. viii. 186-97.570.Plin. H. N. xxix. 17.571.Suet. Jul. Caes. xlii.572.D. Cass. liii. 30; Plin. H. N. xxix. 4; Or. Henz. 2983.573.Juv. x. 221; Petron. 42; D. Cass. lxxi. 33; lxix. 22; Mart. ii. 16; v. 9; vi. 31; vi. 53; Tac. Ann. xi. 31, 35.574.Mart. i. 31; i. 48; viii. 74.575.Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 231.576.Epict. ii. 23, 30, 27.577.Suet. Otho, iv. vi.578.Id. Dom. xiv. xv.; cf. Tib. xiv.; Nero, xxxvi.579.Tac. Ann. xvi. 14.580.Juv. iii. 100.581.Luc. De Merc. Cond. c. 16, 19.582.Mart. i. 104, ii. 68.583.Juv. i. 100; v. 17; Mart. xii. 18— Dum per limina te potentiorum Sudatrix toga ventilat, etc.; iii. 7, 36; Suet. Nero, xvi; Dom. vii.584.Mart. ii. 79; Juv. v. 17.585.Juv. i. 100— Jubet a praecone vocari Ipsos Trojugenas. 586.Mart. ii. 43; iii. 38, 12, pallet cetera turba fame; Juv. iii. 153, 161; xi. 40.587.Momms. R. H. ii. 374 (Tr.).588.Mart. iv. 5; v. 56— Artes discere vult pecuniosas? Fac discat citharoedus aut choraules. Si duri puer ingeni videtur, Praeconem facias, vel architectum; Juv. vii. 104; x. 226; Petron. 46, destinavi illum artificii docere, aut tonstreinum aut praeconem etc.589.Juv. vii. 38 sqq.590.Mart. ii. 43; iv. 40; v. 42, quas dederis, solas semper habebis opes.591.Juv. vii. 104.592.Ib. vii. 180.593.Ib. vii. ad fin.594.Ib. vii. 121 sqq.595.Juv. iii. 182; Martha, Moralistes sous l’Emp. p. 400.596.Mart. ii. 57.597.Juv. vi. 353.598.Petron. 116, in hac urbe nemo liberos tollit... aut captantur aut captant.599.e.g. Regulus, Plin. Ep. ii. 20.600.Juv. xii. 100; i. 36; Mart. v. 39; Plin. Ep. ii, 20; Petron. 140.601.Juv. i. 112; Petron. 88, pecuniae cupiditas haec tropica instituit.602.Juv. iii. 164.603.Ib. 131, 103; i. 26; iv. 98; Mart. ii. 29, iii. 29; v. 13, 35.604.Suet. Octav. xliii.-v.; Calig. xviii.; Claud. xxi; Nero, xi. xii.; Titus, vii.; Dom. iv.; D. Cass. 65. 25; Spart. Hadr. vii. D. Cass. 68. 10, 15; Capitol. M. Anton. vi.; but cp. Suet. Tib. xlvii.; Tac. Hist. ii 62, D. Cass. 66. 15; Suet. Octav. xliv.; D. Cass. 54. 2; 68. 2; Capitol. Anton. P. xii.605.Victor. Epit. 12; Spart. Hadr. vii. § 12; Capitol. M. Anton. xxvi.; Ant. P. viii.; D. Cass. 68. 5; Orelli Henz. 4365, 7244; Friedländer, Petron. Einleit. 49; Duruy, v. 429; iv. 787; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 208; cf. Plin. Ep. ix. 30.606.Tac. Ann. xiv. 62; ii. 47, 48.607.Salv. De Gub. Dei, v. 30; Ad Eccles. iv. 22.608.On the Augustales v. Orell. Henz. ii. p. 197; iii. p. 427; Friedländer, Cena Trim. Einl. p. 39; Marq. Röm. Staatsverw. i. 513 sqq.; Nessling, De Seviris Augustalibus.609.v. 13, 6, et libertinas arca flagellat opes; cf. Sen. Ep. 27, § 5, patrimonium libertini.610.Petron. Sat. 48.611.Tac. Ann. xiii. 27, si separarentur libertini manifestam fore penuriam ingenuorum.612.Plin. Paneg. 88.613.Id. Ep. vii. 29; viii 6.614.Tac. Germ. 25, liberti non multum supra servos sunt, raro aliquod momentum in domo, nunquam in civitate.615.Mart. ii. 29; iii. 29; xi. 37; iii. 82; v. 14.616.Suet. Ill. Gram. xiii., xvii., xx.; cf. Marq. Priv. i. 158.617.Sen. Ep. 47, § 1; De Clem. i. 18, 3; De Ben. iii. 21; Ep. 77, § 31; Plin. Ep. viii. 16, 1; iii. 19, 7; ii. 17, 9; cf. Juv. xiv. 16.618.Sen. Ep. 47, servi sunt, immo humiles amici. Cf. Macrob. Sat. i. 11, 12; Eurip. Ion, 854; Helen. 730; Wallon, L’Esclav. iii. 22.619.v. supra, p. 92.620.D. Cass. 69. 16; C. Th. xiii. 1, 21; Friedl. Sittengesch. i 197.621.Juv. xiv. 270.622.Juv. iii. 32.623.Suet. Vesp. xxiii.624.Stat. Silv. iii. 3, 83, Tu toties mutata ducum juga rite tulisti Integer, etc.625.Juv. iii. 153, Nil habet infelix paupertas durius in se, Quam quod ridiculos homines facit; 164.626.Id. i. 104.627.Id. i. 26; iv. 108.628.Juv. iii. 173.629.Id. iv. 5, 23; vii. 180.630.Id. xiv. 91, Ut spado vincebat Capitolia nostra Posides; cf. Suet. Claud. xxviii.; Plin. H. N. xxxi. 2.631.Juv. iii. 34 sqq.632.Tac. Ann. xi. 37; xii. 25, 65; xi. 29; Suet. Octav. lxvii.; D. Cass. lix. 29.633.Suet. Jul. Caes. lxxvi.; cf. Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 56 sqq.634.For such a career cf. Or. Henz. 6344.635.Suet. Octav. lxvii.636.Tac. Ann. iv. 6.637.Ib. xiv. 39.638.Suet. Nero, xxiii.639.D. Cass. lxiv. 3; Suet. Galba, xiv.; Plut. Galba, c. 17.640.D. Cass. lii. 25; Tac. Hist. i. 58, Vitellius ministeria principatus per libertos agi solita in equites Romanos disponit.641.Suet. Vitell. xii.642.Id. Vesp. xvi.643.Id. Dom. vii. quaedam ex maximis officiis inter libertinos equitesque communicavit.644.Plin. Paneg. 88.645.Spart. Hadr. iv., xxi.; Macé, Suétone, p. 91.646.Capitol. Ant. P. vi., xi.647.Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 56.648.Ib. i. p. 83.649.Sen. Ad Polyb. vi. vii.650.Sen. Ad Polyb. xi.651.Statius, Silv. iii. 3.652.Ib. 66, Tibereia primum Aula tibi—Panditur.653.Ib. 60.654.Ib. 70.655.Ib. 86.656.Ib. 100.657.Ib. 145.658.Mart. vi. 83; Stat. Silv. iii. 160.659.As to the form of his name v. Markland’s Statius, p. 238.660.Macé, Suétone, p. 91; cf. Tac. Ann. xi. 33.661.Macé, 92, 93; Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 86, 87.662.Plin. Ep. viii. 12; C.I.L. vi. 798; Macé, pp. 89, 115.663.Macé, pp. 90, 116.664.Stat. Silv. v. 1, 80.665.Ib. v. 118 sqq.666.Ib. v. 210.667.Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 88.668.Tac. Ann. xi. 30, 37, 88.669.Tac. Ann. xii. 57; xiii. 1.670.Ib. xii. 25, 65.671.Ib. xiii. 23.672.Ib. xii. 53; Plin. Ep. viii. 6.673.Tac. Ann. xii. 25, 65.674.Ib. xiii. 14.675.Ib. xiv. 65; Suet. Nero, xxxv.; D. Cass. 62. 14.676.Marq. Röm. St. ii. p. 55; Duruy, v. p. 598; Friedl. Sittengesch. i. p. 192; cf. Olympiod. ap. Phot. § 44 (Müll. Frag. Hist. Gr. iv.).677.Ael. Lamprid. Heliogab. x.; cf. Capitol. Anton. P. xi.; Suet. Claud. xxviii.678.Plin. H. N. xxxi. 2; xxxvi. 12.679.Statius, Silv. i. 5, 36; Mart. vi. 42, et certant vario decore saxa.680.Mart. viii. 68.681.Plin. Ep. vii. 29.682.Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 75; Or. Henz. 6344.683.Claud. In Eutrop. ii. 137.684.Plin. Paneg. 88.685.Suet. Nero, xv. in curiam libertinorum filios diu non admisit.686.Tac. Ann. xi. 38; xii. 53.687.Suet. Galba, xiv.; Tac. Hist. ii. 57; iv. 39.688.Mart. iii. 29; v. 8, 14, 35, 23; cf. Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 212.689.Suet. Claud. c. xxviii.690.Dig. xxiii. 2, 44.691.Statius, iii. 3, 115.692.Id. v. 1, 53; Tac. Hist. v. 9; Suet. Claud. xxviii. Felicem... Judaeae proposuit—trium reginarum maritum.693.Catull. x. 26; Tibull. i. 3, 33; Ov. Ars Am. iii. 635; cf. Amor. i. 8, 73; iii. 9, 33.694.Tac. Ann. xi. 29.695.Ib. xiii. 12, 46; xiv. 2; Suet. Nero, xxviii. Acten libertam paullum abfuit quin justo matrimonio sibi conjungeret.696.Suet. Nero, l.697.D. Cass. lxvi. 14.698.Luc. Imag. 10. See Croiset’s Lucien, p. 273, on the Imagines as illustrating Lucian’s power as a critic of art.699.Xen. Mem. iii. 11; Plat. Menex. c. iv.700.Cf. Friedl. Sittengesch. i. 82.701.Suet. De Ill. Gram. xxi.702.Marq. Priv. i. 189; Denis, Idées Morales, ii. 208; Spart. Hadr. xvii.703.Sen. De Ben. iii. 21; Ep. 47; Plin. Ep. ii. 17, 9; viii. 16; cf. Marq. Priv. i. 175.704.Or. 2808.705.Ib. 2874.706.Ib. 2816.707.Ib. 2862.708.Sen. De Clem. i. 18.709.Marq. Priv. i. 174.710.Sen. Ep. 80, § 4, peculium suum quod comparaverunt ventre fraudato pro capite numerant.711.Apul. Met. x. 14; cf. Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 397.712.v. 22, 10, negat lasso janitor esse domi; Sen. Nec. Inj. xiv. cubicularii supercilium.713.Momms. R. H. ii. 380 (Tr.)714.Marq. Priv. i. 162 sq.715.C. Th. ix. 30, 2; ii. 30, 2.716.Marq. Priv. i. p. 163.717.Petron. Sat. 76.718.Marq. Priv. i. 165.719.Ib. p. 178, n.720.Mart. v. 70; cf. vii. 64.721.Liv. xxi. 63, quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus; D. Cass. 69. 16; cf. C. Th. xiii. 1, 4; v. Godefroy’s note.722.Plut. Cat. Maj. 21.723.Petron. 77, sustuli me de negotiatione et coepi libertos foenerare.724.Id. 77, assem habeas, assem valeas.725.Id. 43, paratus fuit quadrantem de stercore mordicus tollere:—in manu illius plumbum aurum fiebat.726.Petron. 76.727.Id. 50728.Or. 1175; cf. Teuffel, Rom. Lit. ii. § 300, n. 4.729.Tac. Ann. xvi. 18, 19.730.Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 2, 8.731.Sidon. Apoll. Carm. ix. 268.732.Sidon. Apoll. Carm. xxiii. 155, et te Massiliensium per hortos sacri stipitis, Arbiter, colonum Hellespontiaco parem Priapo, etc.733.Tac. Ann. xii. 8; xiii. 2; xv. 45, 60, 65; Tac. Hist. iii. 65.734.Boissier, L’Opp. p. 257, ce n’est pas la coutume qu’on mette son idéal près de soi.735.Petron. 88, at nos vino scortisque demersi ne paratas quidem artes audemus cognoscere, sed accusatores antiquitatis vitia tantum docemus et discimus. This rather applies to the higher cultivated class.736.Petron. 118; cf. Boissier, L’Opp. 213.737.Petron. 70, 67.738.Juv. vi. 115; Suet. Nero, xxvi.739.Teuffel. Rom. Lit. § 300, n. 1.740.Petron. 118, 119; cf. Boissier, L’Opp. p. 239. Other proofs of the date of the Satiricon are the occurrence of names like Apelles and Menecrates, c. 64, 73; cf. Suet. Calig. 33; Nero, 30; Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 9; the reflections on decline of oratory, Sat. 1; cf. Tac. Dial. Or. c. 35; the invention of a peculiar glass, which belongs to the reign of Tiberius, cf. Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 66; D. Cass. 57. 21 ad fin.741.Tac. Ann. xvi. 18, vigentem se ac parem negotiis ostendit.742.Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 7 (20), T. Petronius consularis moriturus invidia Neronis,... trullam myrrhinam HS.c̅c̅c̅ emptam fregit.743.Tac. Ann. xvi. 19, sed flagitia principis et novitatem cujusque stupri perscripsit atque obsignata misit Neroni.744.Petron. 115, si bene calculum ponas, ubique naufragium est.745.Id. 88. For a favourable estimate of the Satiricon, cf. Schiller’s Gesch. röm. Kaiserzeit, i. 469, 470.746.See Boissier’s remarks, L’Opp. p. 228.747.Mart. v. 2; iii. 68; cf. Mahaffy, Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 298.748.Teuffel, Rom. Lit. i. p. 239; Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 5.749.Ib. p. 5.750.Sidon. Apoll. Carm. ix. 268; xxiii. 155.751.Petron. 81, cf. Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 6. Puteoli is excluded by the complaints of municipal decay in c. 44: Naples, by the fact that the town is a Roman colony (44, 57); Cumae was the only town in this region which had Praetors. Cf. Or. Henz. 1498, 2263; Petron. 65.752.Petron. Sat. 1, 2.753.Tac. De Or. c. 31, 35.754.Rep. vi. p. 492 A.755.Petron. Sat. 83.756.Ib. 114.757.Ib. 116, nihil aliud est nisi cadavera quae lacerantur aut corvi qui lacerant.758.Ib. 117.759.Petron. Sat. 124.760.Ib. 140.761.Ib. 141.762.Ib. 75, 76.763.v. Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. p. 7. His cognomen Maecenatianus marks him as a slave of the friend of Augustus who died 8 B.C. Trimalchio would therefore be born circ. 18 B.C. (Sat. 71, 29, 75). He was perhaps over seventy at the time of the dinner (Sat. 27, 77), which may therefore be placed about 57 A.D.764.Petron. Sat. 48.765.Ib. 77.766.Ib. 38, scripsit ut illi ex India semen boletorum mitteretur.767.Ib. 53.768.Ib. 71; cf. Friedl. Cena Trim. p. 308.769.Petron. Sat. 27.770.Petron. Sat. 29.771.Ib. 31.772.Ib. 32.773.Ib. 33.774.Ib. 35.775.Ib. 40.776.Ib. 60; cf. Sen. Ep. 90, § 15, laquearia ita coagmentat... ut totiens tecta quotiens fercula mutentur.777.Sat. 34; Cic. Brut., lxxxiii. The Consulship of Opim. was B.C. 121.778.Petron. 48; on private and public libraries, cf. Sen. De Tranq. c. ix.; Plin. Ep. i. 8, § 2; ii. 17, § 8; iii. 7, § 7; iv. 28, § 1; Suet. Vit. Pers.; Luc. Adv. Indoct. 1, 16; Mart. vii. 17, 1; Suet. J. Caes. xliv.; Octav. xxix.; Marq. Priv. i. 114; Gregorov. Hadr. (Tr.) p. 210; Macé, Suétone, p. 220; Sid. Apoll. ii. 9.779.Petron. 52.780.Id. 59.781.Id. 41; cf. Epict. iii. 23; Plin. Ep. i. 13; iii. 18, 4; vi. 15; Mart. iii. 44, 45; 50.782.Sen. Brev. Vit. xii. 2; Or. Henz. 3838; Mart. iv. 39; Marq. Priv. ii. 688: Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. 84.783.Petron. 53.784.Id. 62, 63; cf. Apul. Met. i. 8.785.Petron. 68.786.Id. 52.787.Petron. 38, 43.788.Id. 43, in manu illius plumbum aurum fiebat.789.Id. 38, Collibertos ejus cave contemnas, valde succosi sunt. v. Friedl. Cena Trim. p. 223.790.Petron. 38.791.Id. 42.792.Id. 42, medicus nihil aliud est quam animi consolatio. For similar opinions of the medical profession, cf. Petron. 56; D. Cass. lxix. 22, lxxi. 33; Mart. vi. 31; vi. 53; ii. 16; Epict. iii. 23, § 27; Juv. iii. 77; Luc. Philops. c. 21, 26; Adv. Indoct. c. 29; Marq. Priv. ii. 779. Sen. gives a higher idea of the craft, De Ben. vi. 16; cf. Apul. Met. x. 8, where the doctor rejects the base proposals made to him.793.Petron. 42, planetus est optime, etiam si maligne illum ploravit uxor.794.Id. 43.795.Id. 43, noveram hominem olim oliorum, et adhuc salax est. On the phrase olim oliorum v. Friedl. Cena Trim. p. 237.796.Petron. 44.797.Id. 44, haec colonia retroversus crescit tanquam coda vituli. This passage is used to prove that Puteoli cannot be Trimalchio’s town. Friedl. Cena Trim. p. 239.798.Petron. 44 ad fin. itaque statim urceatim plovebat.799.Id. 45. On the meaning of Centonarius v. Marq. Priv. ii. 585. They had a great number of Collegia, often leagued with the Fabri; v. Henz. Ind. pp. 171-72; C. Th. xiv. 8.800.For the cost of such shows, v. Or. 81; C.I.L. ii. Suppl. p. 1034; Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. p. 58; Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. p. 136.801.Petron. 46, quid iste argutat molestus?802.Petron. 46 ad fin.; cf. Mart. v. 56; Juv. vii. 5, 176.803.Petron. 57.804.Id. 64.805.Id. 67.806.Id. 70.807.Id. Ephesum tragoedum coepit imitare—Sonst unbekannt, Friedl. Cena Trim. 306.808.Cf. Or. Henz. 4070, 7321; Petron. 71, valde enim falsum est vivo quidem domos cultas esse, non curari eas ubi diutius nobis habitandum est.809.v. the monument of C. Munatius Faustus at Pompeii, C.I.L. x. 1030. But Mau, p. 415 (Tr.), interprets it differently from Friedl. Cena Trim. p. 307.810.See the monument of the surgeon oculist of Assisi, Or. 2983, who records the amount he gave for his freedom, his benefactions, and his fortune. v. C.I.L. v. 4482, the monument of Valerius Anteros Asiaticus, a Sevir Aug. of Brescia.811.Plin. H. N. xxvi. 2 (26); xxviii. 6 (57), plerique (suadent) anulum e sinistra in longissimum dextrae digitum transferre.812.Petron. 75, ad hanc me fortunam frugalitas mea perduxit.813.Id. 78; cf. Sen. De Brev. Vit. xx. 3, where a similar scene is described. Turannius—componi se in lecto et velut exanimem a circumstante familia plangi jussit.814.Some of Pliny’s older friends, the elder Pliny, Quintilian, Spurinna, Verginius Rufus, go back to the age which Juvenal professes to attack (i. 170). But, although Juvenal mentions few names of his own generation, such as Isaeus, Archigenes, and Marius Priscus, a comparison between his subjects and those of Martial shows that they were dealing with the same social facts. Cf. Teuffel, R. Lit. ii. § 326, n. 5; Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, p. 124 sqq.815.Momms. Plin. (Morel), p. 7; Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 77; Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, 131.816.Plin. Ep. vii. 28.817.Mart. iii. 68, 86; v. 2.818.Ov. Amor. iii. 4, 2.819.Ov. Trist. ii. 212, 346, 353, Vita verecunda est, Musa jocosa mihi; 497.820.Tac. De Or. 28, non in cella emptae nutricis sed gremio ac sinu matris educabatur; A. Gell. xii. 1.821.Quintil. i. 2, 4, 8; nostras amicas, nostros concubinos vident.822.Stob. Flor. vi. 61; Suet. Nero, xxvii.; cf. Denis, Idées Morales, etc., ii. p. 134.823.Plin. Ep. iii. 16; iii. 5; iv. 19; vi. 4; vii. 5.824.Tac. Agric. 4.825.Plin. Ep. i. 14.826.Tac. Ann. iii. 55, sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Vespasianus erat; Suet. Vesp. ix.; cf. Schiller, Gesch. Röm. Kaiserz. ii. 506; Duruy, iv. 646; Renan, Les. Év. 140, 381; L’Antéchr. 494.827.Pliny is pleased with the virtuous monotony, Ep. iii. i. § 2, me autem ut certus siderum cursus ita vita hominum disposita delectat, senum praesertim; cf. iii. 5.828.Momms. Plin. (Morel), p. 32.829.The Caecilii were probably established at Como from 59 B.C.; cf. Catull. 35; Plin. Ep. iv. 30, 1; vii. 32, 1; vi. 24, 5; ix. 7; Momms. Plin. p. 33 (Morel).830.Plin. Ep. ii. 1; vi. 10.831.Tac. Hist. i. 8, 52; ii. 49.832.Plin. Ep. vi. 20, 5. He was in his eighteenth year when the famous eruption of Vesuvius took place 79 A.D., D. Cass. lxvi. 21 sq.833.Plin. Ep. iv. 13, 3.834.Rendall, xiii. in Mayor’s ed. Plin. Ep. iii.; Plin. H. N. ii. 85 (199).835.Plin. Ep. iii. 5; Hist. Nat. Praef. 3; Suet. Vit. Plin. He was 56 at his death in A.D. 79; cf. Peter, Gesch. Litt. i. 119, 420.836.Plin. Ep. iii. 5, § 13; Persius, who was eleven years younger than the elder Pliny, shows a character of the same type, cf. Pers. Sat. ii. 71-74; iii. 66 sqq.; cf. Martha, Les Moralistes sous l’Emp. p. 131 sqq.837.Plin. Ep. iii. 5.838.Praef. H. N. § 17; cf. § 18, profecto enim vita vigilia est.839.Plin. Ep. i. 14; cf. Tac. Agr. iv.; Juv. iii. 165.840.Plin. Ep. iii. i; ii. 7; i. 12; v. 11.841.Cf. Pliny’s letter to Calpurnia’s aunt, Ep. iv. 19, quae nihil in contubernio tuo viderit nisi sanctum honestumque; cf. viii. 5; v. 16.842.Tac. Hist. ii. 78; iv. 81.843.Cf. Or. 746, 2364.844.Suet. Vesp. ii. locum incunabulorum assidue frequentavit, manente villa qualis fuerat olim, etc.845.Ib. viii. ix.846.D. Cass. lxvi. 8, Suet. Vesp. xvi., cf. Meriv. vii. 274; cf. Schiller, Gesch. röm. Kaiserzeit, p. 515.847.Suet. Vesp. lx.; Or. 746, sacr. aedium restitutori, 1460, 1868, 2364, D. Cass. lxvi. 10.848.Suet. Vesp. xvii.849.Ib. xix.850.Ib. xviii.; continued by Hadrian, Spart. xvi.; by Ant. Pius, Capitol. xi.; by Alex. Severus, Lamprid. xliv.; cf. C. Th. xiii. 3, 1, 2, 3; Eum. Or. pro Scholis, c. 11.851.v. Rom. Soc. in the Last Century of the Western Empire (1st ed.), p. 355.852.Mommsen, Rom. Prov. (Tr.) i. p. 76.853.Pliny probably came to Rome about 72 A.D. Rendall, xiv.; in Mayor’s Pliny, Ep. iii.; cf. Quintil. Prooem. i.854.Plin. Ep. ii. 14, 10; vi. 6, 3; vi. 32.855.Quintil. Inst. Or. i. 2, 6; cf. Plin. Ep. iii. 3, 4, cui in hoc lubrico aetatis non praeceptor modo sed custos etiam rectorque quaerendus est; cf. Ep. iv. 13, 4, ubi enim pudicius contineantur quam sub oculis parentum; cf. Tac. Dial. de Or. 28.856.Quintil. Inst. Prooem. i. 9-11; ii. 2, 15; xii. 1, 1; xii. 7, 7, non convenit ei, quem oratorem esse volumus, injusta tueri scientem.857.Ib. vi. Prooem. 4.858.Plin. Ep. ii. 13, hunc ego, cum simul studeremus, arte familiariterque dilexi, etc.859.Ib. v. 14; Paneg. 91, 92; cf. Momms. Plin. p. 64.860.Plin. Ep. vi. 6.861.Ib. vii. 16, 2; i. 10, 3; cf. Momms. p. 52. Pliny’s service with the iii. Gallica was later than September, A.D. 81.862.Plin. Ep. i. 10, 4; cf. Tac. Agr. iv.863.Plin. Ep. iii. 11, 5.864.Ib. i. 10; cf. Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 37, 40; vi. 8.865.Plin. Ep. vii. 26, 4.866.Ib. iii. 11, 2; Suet. Dom. x.; D. Cass. lxvii. 10; cf. Momms. p. 59, where the date of Pliny’s praetorship is fixed.867.Suet. Dom. x.868.Plin. Ep. i. 14; cf. iii. 11, 3.869.Ib. iii. 16; cf. vii. 19; ix. 13.870.Tac. Ann. xvi. 34.871.Plin. Ep. vii. 19, 4; for the character of Helvidius Priscus, cf. Tac. Hist. iv. 5.872.Suet. Vesp. xv.; D. Cass. lxvi. 12; cf. Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 98.873.Plin. Ep. iii. 16, 7.874.Tac. Ann. xvi. 21; D. Cass. lxii. 26.875.Tac. Ann. xiv. 12; xvi. 21, 22; cf. D. Cass. 61. 15.876.Tac. Ann. xvi. 26.877.Plin. Ep. vii. 19.878.Renan, Les Évangiles, p. 142, treats the philosophic opposition as a mere aristocratic reaction; cf. pp. 287, 382. Boissier, L’Opp. p. 103; Schiller, Gesch. d. röm. Kaiserz. pp. 509, 536.879.Plin. Ep. v. 8, 8; Momms. p. 52.880.Plin. Ep. vi. 1; iv. 16; vi. 23, 2.881.Ib. i. 20, 7.882.Ib. vi. 33, 8-11.883.Ib. iv. 16.884.Ib. iv. 19, 3. disponit qui nuntient sibi quem assensum, quos clamores excitarim, quem eventum judicii tulerim.885.Ib. vi. 11.886.Ib. ii. 14, 4.887.Plin. Ep. vi. 2, 6.888.For the career and character of M. Aquilius Regulus, v. Tac. Hist. iv. 42; Plin. Ep. i. 5; i. 20, 15; ii. 11; ii. 20; iv. 2; vi. 2; and Boissier, L’Opp. p. 193.889.Mart. i. 13, 83, 112, Cum tibi sit sophiae par fama et cura deorum, etc.890.Mart. vii. 31.891.Ib. vi. 38; vi. 64, 11.892.Ib. vii. 16.893.Plin. Ep. iv. 7, § 4.894.Ib. i. 20, 15; cf. references to the archaic literary taste of the day in Mart. v. 10.895.Plin. Ep. v. 12.896.Ib. vi. 2, 5.897.Ib. ii. 20.898.Ib. iv. 2.899.For the light which this throws on the production of books in that age, v. Haenny, Schriftsteller u. Buchhändler, pp. 39-41.900.Plin. Ep. ii. 10, 4; iii. 7, 14, quatenus nobis denegatur diu vivere, relinquamus aliquid quo nos vixisse testemur; v. 5, 4; v. 8, 2, me autem nihil aeque ac diuturnitatis amor sollicitat; cf. vii. 20.901.Stat. Silv. ii. 2.902.Mart. ii. 7; v. 30; iii 20; iv. 23; v. 23. For the same breadth of accomplishment in the fifth century, cf. Sidon. Apoll. Carm. v. 97; ii. 156; xxiii. 101; Rom. Soc. in the Last Cent. of the Western Empire (1st ed.), p. 375.903.Mart. vi. 60.904.Ib. iv. 14.905.Plin. Ep. iii. 21. This book is dated by Mommsen 101 A.D. (Plin. p. 14, Morel; v. App. C, p. 95); cf. Friedländer’s Martial, “Chronologie der Epigr. Mart.” p. 66.906.Plin. Ep. iv. 8, 4; v. 12, est mihi cum Cicerone aemulatio.907.Ib. vii. 30.908.Plin. Ep. viii. 24, reverere gloriam veterem et hanc ipsam senectutem quae in homine venerabilis, in urbibus sacra.909.Ib. vii. 4, 2, Qualem? inquis. Nescio; tragoedia vocabatur.910.Ib. vii. 4, 3.911.Ib. iv. 14, cf. Ov. Trist. ii. 365, who makes pretty much the same excuse to Augustus.912.Plin. Ep. v. 3.913.Cf. Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, 2nd Series, p. 39.914.Ep. iii. 13, 5; vii. 17.915.Ep. iii. 18; cf. ii. 19.916.Teuffel, R. Lit. § 387; Mackail, Lat. Lit. p. 264; Rom. Soc. in the Last Cent. of the W. Empire (1st ed.), p. 357.917.Plin. Ep. iii. 15.918.Ib. 1, 20. It is curious that this praise of amplitude should be addressed to Tacitus; cf. Nipperdey, Einleit. xxxiv.919.Macrob. Sat. v. 1, 7; Sidon. Apoll. i. 1, 1; iv. 22, 2, ego Plinio ut discipulus assurgo.920.Sym. Ep. v. 85. Seeck, Prol. xlv.921.Momms. Plin. (Tr.) p. 2; cf. Haenny, Schriftsteller, etc. p. 19.922.Plin. Ep. i. 1; vii. 28; i. 15; viii. 1; Macé, Suétone, p. 87.923.Momms. Plin. p. 4.924.Ib. pp. 7, 24; Teuffel, § 335, 1.925.Plin. Ep. iii. 18, 5; viii. 12, literarum senescentium reductor; Stat. Silv. i. Prooem.; Petron. 88; cf. Sidon. Apoll. Ep. viii. 8; ii. 14; vii. 15; ii. 10, 1.926.Plin. Ep. vi. 17, § 5.927.Ib. vii. 17; v. 12.928.Ib. vii. 20; viii. 7.929.Ib. vii. 20; ix. 23, ad hoc illum “Tacitus es an Plinius?”930.Ib. vi. 16, 2.931.Ib. iii. 21, 6, at non erunt aeterna quae scripsit; non erunt fortasse; ille tamen scripsit tanquam essent futura.932.Ib. iii. 7, scribebat carmina majore cura quam ingenio.933.Mart. vii. 63; Tac. Hist. iii. 65.934.v. Teuffel, R. Lit. § 315, n. 5, and the opinions collected by Mayor, Plin. iii. p. 120.935.Plin. Ep. iii. 7, 3.936.v. Mayor, Plin. iii. p. 114, for a learned note on suicide in the early Empire.937.Pliny, Ep. iv. 23, 3. For a similar ideal in the fifth century, v. Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, p. 165 (1st ed.).938.Plin. Ep. v. 8, § 1.939.For a good example cf. Plin. Ep. iii. 15.940.Capitol. Ant. P. 1.941.Plin. Ep. iv. 3.942.Ib. iv. 18; cf. viii. 4.943.Tac. Hist. ii. 11; ii. 18, 36; Plin. Ep. i. 5; ii. 7; iii. 1, scribit et quidem utraqua lingua, lyra doctissima. Spurinna was 77, at the date of this letter, A.D. 101-102; Momms. p. 11.944.Plin. Ep. iv. 27; cf. ix. 8.945.Ib. vi. 15; ix. 22.946.Plin. Ep. vi. 21.947.C.I.L. vi. 798; Or. 801. He was Secretary (ab Epistulis) under Domitian, Nerva, and Trajan; cf. Macé, Suétone, pp. 91, 93, 115.948.Plin. Ep. i. 17; viii. 12. Cf. C. Fannius, who wrote a history of the victims of Nero, Plin. Ep. v. 5. He died circ. 106, Macé, p. 82.949.Plin. Ep. v. 8. For similar unwillingness, cf. Sidon. Apoll. Ep. iv. 22.950.Plin. Ep. i. 3.951.Ib. viii. 4; ix. 33.952.Mart. iv. 33; vi. 14.953.Momms. Plin. p. 13, puts his birth in 77 A.D.; but cf. Macé, p. 35, who places it in the year 69; see too Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 67. The indications in Suet. are Domit. xii.; Ill. Gramm. iv.; Nero, lvii.954.Macé, p. 83; Peter, ii. 69; cf. Krause, De Sueton. Fontibus.955.For the authorities, v. Macé, p. 29.956.From 97 to 101 A.D., ib. pp. 53-57.957.Plin. Ep. iii. 8.958.Ib. i. 24; of the year 97. On the meaning of contubernalis, Suetonius being 28, and Pliny 35 years of age, v. Macé, p. 50.959.Plin. Ad Traj. 94; cf. Macé, p. 50.960.Plin. Ep. i. 18.961.Macé, p. 68; Plin. Ep. v. 10; Momms. Plin. p. 18.962.Macé, p. 69.963.Macé, p. 90. For the disgrace of Suetonius, v. Spart. Hadr. xi. 2.964.Plin. Paneg. 53.965.See Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, p. 348 sq. (1st ed.).966.Virg. Aen. vi. 848 sq.967.Ov. Trist. iv. 128; Hor. Carm. ii. 20; Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 299.968.Mau, Pompeii (Tr.), 486, 488; C.I.L. ii. 4967.969.Tac. De Or. 13, auditis in theatro Virgilii versibus surrexit universus populus, etc.970.Petron. Sat. 68.971.Plin. Ep. iii. 18, 4; viii. 12, 1; cf. Seneca’s complaints of his time, Ep. 95, § 23; 100; Petron. 83-4.972.Tac. Dial. de Or. 20; Mart. v. 10; cf. Suet. Octav. 86, Cacozelos et antiquarios, ut diverso genere vitiosos, pari fastidio sprevit; Pers. i. 69 sq.; Sen. Ep. 114. For Hadrian’s preference of Ennius to Virgil, etc., v. Spart. Hadr. c. 16; A. Gell. xii. 2; Macé, p. 96; Martha, Les Moralistes sous l’Empire Rom. p. 184.973.Sen. Ep. 114, § 13, duodecim tabulas loquuntur.974.Tac. Dial. de Or. 20.975.Tac. De Or. 12.976.Ib. 9, 10.977.Suet. Dom. iv.978.Stat. v. 3, 225; cf. Suet. Claud. xi. A Greek comedy in honour of Germanicus was performed.979.Suet. Ner. xii. Suetonius says it was the first of the kind. It was called “Neronia.”980.Or. 2603, to L. Val. Pudens, erected by his fellow-citizens in A.D. 110. He was only 13. v. Teuffel, § 314, n. 4; Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 324.981.Plin. Ep. vi. 2; ix. 11, 2; Mart. vii. 8. Cf. Haenny, Schriftst. u. Buchh. ii. p. 24 sqq.982.Epict. iii. 23, § 11.983.Mart. iii. 44, 45; iv. 81.984.Juv. i. 2; iii. 9.985.Petron. Sat. 90, 91, 115.986.Plin. Ep. i. 13; ii. 19; iv. 5; 27; v. 12; vi. 17, 21; viii. 21.987.Plin. Ep. vi. 17.988.Ib. iv. 27.989.Ib. iii. 18; iv. 5.990.Ib. i. 13, 2; vi. 17; viii. 12, 1.991.Ib. vii 17, 7, quia in numero ipso est quoddam magnum conlatumque consilium. Cf. Arist. Pol. iii. 11, διὸ καὶ κρίνουσιν ἄμεινον οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τὰ τῆς μουσικῆς ἔργα καὶ τὰ τῶν ποιητῶν.992.Sidon. Apoll. Ep. ii. 14; vii. 15; i. 6.993.Plin. Ep. viii. 12. Seneca was even more pessimist, cf. Ep. 95, § 23; 100; De Brev. V. xiii. 1.994.Plin. Ep. i. 9; quot dies quam frigidis rebus absumpsi! cf. the social life of Symmachus, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, p. 128 sq. (1st ed.).995.Sen. De Tranq. xii.; Juv. iii. xi. Mart. xii. 18.996.Plin. Ep. i. 9; iv. 1.997.Mart. iii. 58.998.Plin. Ep. v. 6, § 7, 8; i. 3; ix. 7 § 4.999.Ep. viii. 8; cf. Virg. Georg. ii. 146; once visited by Caligula, Suet. Calig. 43.1000.Plin. Ep. i. 6, solitudo ipsumque illud silentium quod venationi datur magna cogitationis incitamenta sunt.1001.Ib. iii. 1, § 7.1002.Ib. vii. 25.1003.Sidon. Apoll. Ep. i. 6; ii. 14; vii. 15.1004.Stat. Silv. ii. 2, 22, spumant templa salo.1005.Plin. Ep. v. 6.1006.Ib. ii. 17, § 27.1007.Stat. Silv. ii. 2, 53; cf. iii. 1, 124.1008.Ib. i. 3, 20-37.1009.Imposed by Trajan on candidates for office, Plin. Ep. vi. 19. This was a repetition of former enactments, e.g. Suet. Tib. 48. It was revived again by M. Aurelius, Capitol. xi. Exclusion from commerce necessitated investments in land. Plin. Ep. iii. 19, sum prope totus in praediis, aliquid tamen foenero. In A.D. 106 the price of land was rising, Ep. vi. 19; but cf. iii. 19 (A.D. 101); see Friedl. i. p. 197.1010.Sen. De Benef. vii. 10, 5; Ep. 89, § 20; Mart. v. 13, 7; Petron. Sat. 76, 77; Stat. Silv. ii. 6, 62.1011.Plin. Ep. ii. 17; v. 6; ix. 7; iv. 1; iv. 13.1012.Mart. vii. 31.1013.Plin. Ep. iii. 7.1014.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. 64.1015.Plin. Ep. ii. 17; Stat. Silv. ii. 2, 76.1016.Plin. ii. 17, § 16.1017.Stat. Silv. i. 3, 29.1018.Plin. Ep. ii. 17, § 24.1019.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. 87.1020.Plin. Ep. v. 6.1021.Stat. Silv. ii. 2, 85; i. 5, 36; Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. 65.1022.Plin. Ep. iii. 6; cf. the taste of Silius Italicus, iii. 7, 8; Petron. Sat. 50, 88; Mahaffy, Greek World, etc., p. 139 sq.1023.Stat. Silv. i. 3, 50; ii. 2, 63 sq.; Mart. iv. 39.1024.Friedl. iii. 196; cf. Croiset, Lucien, c. ix. p. 265; Marq. Priv. ii. 611.1025.Plin. Ep. v. 6, 7; cf. ii. 17, § 3.1026.Ib. ii. 17, § 15; v. 6, § 33.1027.Suet. Nero, xxvii.; Friedl. iii. 77 sqq.1028.Plin. Ep. ix. 36; iii. 1.1029.Ib. iii. 5, § 15.1030.Ib. iii. 1.1031.Ib. ix. 36, § 6.1032.Plin. Ep. iv. 1.1033.Ib. iii. 19.1034.Ib. § 7. This estate was once worth HS.5,000,000; it was now offered for HS.3,000,000, i.e. £25,000; cf. Ep. iv. 6; ii. 4, 3. The letter iii. 19 belongs to the year 101 A.D.; but in Ep. vi. 19 (106 A.D.) it appears that the price of land was rising, owing to competition, and Pliny advises Nepos to sell his Italian estates and buy others in the provinces; cf. vi. 3, 1.1035.Ep. ix. 37, medendi una ratio, si non nummo sed partibus locem; cf. J. S. Mill, Pol. Econ. bk. ii. c. 8, 1; A. Young, Travels in France, p. 18.1036.Plin. Ep. viii. 2; ix. 37, 3.1037.Ib. viii. 16; cf. the Lex Coll. Cultorum Dianae et Antinoi, Or. Henz. 6086. The slave member is permitted to dispose of his funeraticium by will. Marq. Priv. i. 189.1038.Sen. Ep. 31; 47; 77; De Clem. i. 18, 3; De Ben. iii. 21; Juv. xiv. 16; D. Chr. Or. x.; Spart. Hadr. 18, § 7; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 358; Denis, des Idées Morales, etc., ii. 208 sq.; Wallon, L’Esclav. i. c. 11; Marq. i. 189.1039.Ep. vii. 32. Fabatus seems to have been a model country squire; cf. Ep. iv. 1; v. 11; vi. 12; vii. 11; viii. 10.1040.Ib. viii. 1.1041.Ib. v. 19; cf. Sen. Ep. 27, § 6; Friedl. SG. iii. 89; Marq. Priv. i. 158.1042.Plin. Ep. v. 19.1043.Mart. i. 44; iii. 49; Juv. v. 25 sqq.; cf. Sen. De Ben. vi. 33, § 4.1044.Plin. Ep. ii. 6.1045.Or. Henz. 2862, 2874, 6389.1046.Plin. Ep. iii. 14.1047.Ib. vi. 25; cf. the similar fate of Lampridius, at the close of the Western Empire in Gaul, Sid. Apoll. Ep. viii. 11. § 10.1048.Sen. Ep. 4, § 8; 107, 5.1049.See a great mass of instances and authorities collected, with his unique learning, by Mayor, Plin. iii. pp. 114, 115; cf. Boissier, L’Opp. p. 212.1050.Sen. Ep. 24, § 11; 58, § 36; 70, § 8; 117, § 22; De Prov. ii. 10; vi. 7; De Ira, iii. 15; Epict. i. 24; cf. ii. 15; iii. 24; M. Aurel. x. 8; x. 32; cf. Mommsen, De Coll. p. 100.1051.Sen. Ep. 70, § 21, dum hoc constat praeferendam esse spurcissimam mortem servituti mundissimae.1052.Ib. 58, § 36, non adferam mihi manus propter dolorem: hunc tamen si sciero perpetuo mihi esse patiendum, exibo; non propter ipsum, sed quia impedimento mihi futurus est ad omne propter quod vivitur... prosiliam ex aedificio putri ac ruenti.1053.Plin. Ep. i. 22, 10; Aristo was a fine type of the puritan pagan, an “imago priscae frugalitatis.”1054.Ib. iii. 7, 1. For similar instances, v. Sen. Ep. 70, § 6; Tac. Ann. xi. 3; Suet. Tib. 53; Petron. 111; Epict. ii. 15.1055.Plin. Ep. ix. 13, 6; cf. iv. 17, 4; vii.1056.Ib. i. 12, 10. It is characteristic of the time that his last word was κέκρικα.1057.Ib. vi. 24.1058.Pliny boasts of idealising his friends; vii. 28, agnosco crimen.... Ut enim non sint tales quales a me praedicantur, ego tamen beatus quod mihi videntur.1059.Plin. Ep. viii. 18; iv. 21; viii. 10, 11, neque enim ardentius tu pronepotes quam ego liberos cupio; cf. iv. 15, 3, fecunditate uxoris frui voluit eo saeculo quo plerisque etiam singulos filios orbitatis praemia graves faciunt.1060.Ib. iii. 3, in hac licentia temporum.1061.Ib. iv. 25, proximis comitiis in quibusdam tabellis multa jocularia atque etiam foeda dictu... inventa sunt.1062.Ib. viii. 23, 3, ipsi sibi exempla sunt.1063.Ib. vii. 24, she was born about A.D. 27, in the reign of Tiberius. Ummidia had the virtue of liberality; she built an amphitheatre and temple for Casinum, Or. Henz. 781.1064.Plin. Ep. vii. 28, 2.1065.Cf. Ep. v. 14, on his relations with Cornutus Tertullus: quae societas amicitiarum artissima nos familiaritate conjunxit.1066.Plin. Ep. vi. 6; vi. 32; in which he offers a dowry to Quintilian’s daughter in the most delicate way; cf. Juv. iii. 215; xv. 150; Sen. De Benef. ii. 21, 5; iv. 11, 3; Tac. Ann. iv. 62; yet cf. the judgment of D. Chrys. Or. vii. § 82; Denis, Idées Morales, ii. 175 sqq.1067.Plin. Ep. viii. 23, 2; vi. 11, 3; i. 12, 12; ii. 1, 8 (of Verginius Rufus), sic candidatum me suffragio ornavit, etc., iii. 1, 6 (of Spurinna), quibus praeceptis imbuare!1068.Plin. Ad Traj. 87, 94.1069.Id. Ep. vi. 29.1070.Ib. iii. 3.1071.Plin. Ep. vi. 11.1072.Ib. vi. 26.1073.Ib. iv. 15. Fundanus’s consulship is mentioned in two inscriptions, Or. 1588, 2471. There is a difficulty about the dates which is discussed in Momms. Plin. p. 17, n. 3. Fundanus does not appear in the Fasti.1074.Sen. Ad Marc. xiii. xiv.; Ad Helv. xvi.1075.Ad Marc. xvi. par illis, mihi crede, vigor, etc. Ad Helv. xvii. 4, cf. Plut. Conj. Praec. xlviii. φαρμάκων ἐπῳδὰς οὐ προσδέξεται (ἡ γυνὴ) τοῖς Πλάτωνος ἐπᾳδομένη λόγοις, κτλ.; cf. Juv. vi. 450; Mart. vii. 69.1076.Plin. Ep. iv. 19, § 4.1077.Plin. Ep. v. 16.1078.Seneca and Paulina, Tac. Ann. xv. 64; Plutarch, Ad Uxorem, iv. v.1079.Plin. Ep. vi. 4, 5, 7.1080.Id. Ad Traj. 121, 122.1081.Cic. De Off. ii. 18 (63), atque haec benignitas etiam reipublicae est utilis, redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores.1082.Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 103— Cur eget indignus quisquam, te divite? 1083.Sen. Ep. 47, § 1, 31; De Benef. iii. 21; De Clem. i. 18, 3; De Ira, iii. 24.1084.Sen. Ep. 95, § 52.1085.Sen. Benef. iv. 5; iv. 26; iv. 28, Di multa ingratis tribuunt.1086.Juv. xiv. 16; vi. 219, 476.1087.Id. xiv. 31.1088.Id. xiii. 190.1089.Juv. xv. 133.1090.Or. Henz. 6042.1091.Cic. De Off. i. 14; Sym. Ep. ii. 78; ix. 126; Olympiod. § 44 (Müller, Fr. H. Gr. iv. p. 68); cf. Boeckh, Public Ec. of Athens (Trans. Lewis), pp. 458, 520, 578.1092.Marq. Priv. i. 178 n. 10; cf. Juv. ii. 117; Mart. vii. 64, dominae munere factus eques; Tac. Ann. xiii. 34.1093.Suet. Vesp. 18; Spart. Hadr. 16, § 8; Capitol. Ant. P. 11, § 3.1094.D. Cass. 68. 2; Victor, Epit. 12.1095.Or. Henz. 6664; Plin. Paneg. 28, hi subsidium bellorum, ornamentum pacis publicis sumptibus aluntur. Duruy, iv. 784; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 211; Kratz, De Benef., a Traj. collatis, p. 11.1096.Plin. Ep. x. 62. The letter reveals an unwillingness among the people of Bithynia to become debtors to the public treasury.1097.Cf. Tac. Ann. iv. 27, minore in dies plebe ingenua; iii. 25; cf. Meriv. viii. 353.1098.Spart. Hadr. 7.1099.Capitol. Ant. P. 8.1100.Id. M. Aurel. 26; cf. Capitol. Pertin. 9. He found the interest on Trajan’s foundation nine years in arrear. Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 57, 7; his charity children were called Mammaeani; Kratz, p. 11.1101.Or. Henz. 6694 to a man who left Tibur his sole heir; 3733 ob munificentiam; 3765, 3766, 3882, 7190, 6993, 7001, 781; cf. Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 1 sqq. ἄριστα δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ ἐχρήσατο. Plin. H. N. xxix. 4 (8); Friedländer, Cena Trim. Einl. 46 sq.1102.Plin. Ep. i. 3, § 1, Comum meae deliciae; v. 11, 2; iv. 13, respublica nostra pro filia vel parente.1103.v. the inscr. in Momms. Plin. p. 31.1104.Plin. Ep. i. 8; v. 7; Or. 1172.1105.Plin. Ep. iv. 13.1106.Ib. vii. 18; Or. 1172.1107.Plin. Ep. iv. 1; cf. ix. 12.1108.Ib. vi. 32.1109.Ib. i. 19.1110.Ib. iii. 11.1111.Ib. ii. 4.1112.Ib. vi. 3.1113.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einleit. p. 48.1114.Or. Henz. 114.1115.Boissier, Promenades Archæologiques, p. 330, ce qui nous échappe c’est la vie de province.1116.Hor. Carm. iii. 4, 9.1117.Mart. iv. 55, 11; xii. 18, 9; i. 50.1118.It must, however, be said that Virgil has preserved much of local religious sentiment. Cf. Sellar, Virgil, p. 365 sq.1119.Virg. Ecl. ii. 48; Georg. ii. 466 sqq.; iii. 324-338, et saltus reficit jam roscida luna; cf. Sellar, Virgil, pp. 166-167.1120.Aen. vii. 630 sqq.; Sellar, p. 80.1121.Plin. Ep. i. 3; i. 6; i. 9; vii. 30; ix. 36. Mart. iii. 58; i. 56; iv. 66; iv. 90; vi. 43.1122.Hor. Carm. i. 17.1123.Juv. iii.1124.v. Rom. Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, p. 128 sq. (1st ed.); Sym. i. 101; ii. 26; v. 78. Cf. Auson. Idyl. x. 20, 155, 189.1125.Mart. xii. 18— Dum per limina te potentiorum Sudatrix toga ventilat, vagumque Major Caelius, et minor fatigat. 1126.Ov. Trist. ii. 196; iii. 2, 21, Roma domusque subit, desideriumque locorum; cf. Hor. Sat. ii. 7, 28.1127.Mart. xii. Praef. illam judiciorum subtilitatem, illud materiarum ingenium, bibliothecas, theatra, conventus, quasi destituti desideramus.1128.Juv. iii. 173 sqq.1129.Illustrations may be found in Plaut. Mil. Glor. 653; Captiv. 879; Trinum. 609; Bacch. 24; Cic. Phil. iii. 6, 15, videte quam despiciamur omnes qui sumus e municipiis, id est, omnes plane; Tac. Ann. iv. 3, seque ac majores et posteros municipali adultero foedabat.1130.Juv. x. 100; cf. Cic. post Red. in Sen. 17; Hor. S. i. 5, 34, Insani ridentes praemia scribae, etc.1131.Or. xiv. (223), 391, (Jebb. i. p. 223), μία δὲ αὔτη κατέχει ἔρις, ὅπως ἔτι καλλίστη καὶ ἡδίστη ἑκάστη φανείται· πάντα δὲ μεστὰ γυμνασίων, κρηνῶν, προπυλαίων, νεῶν, δημιουργίων, διδασκάλων.1132.Aristid. Or. xiv. (225), 393-4, ἡ γῆ πᾶσα οἷον παράδεισος ἐγκηκόσμηται.1133.Aelian, V. Hist. ix. 16, ᾤκησαν καὶ πόλεις τὴν Ἰταλίαν πάλαι ἑπτὰ καὶ ἐνηνήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν πρὸς ταῖς χιλίαις; Jos. B. J. ii. 16.1134.Arnold, Rom. Prov. Administration, p. 203.1135.H. N. iii. 4.1136.Momms. Rom. Prov. i. 73.1137.Ib. p. 168; Tac. Ann. i. 36; Marq. Röm. Staatsverw. i. 121; Bury, Rom. Emp. p. 83.1138.C. Theod. xiii. 3, 11.1139.Marq. Röm. St. i. 125.1140.Tac. Hist. i. 67; v. the dedication of a temple to Isis by a magistrate of Baden and his wife and daughter; Or. 457.1141.Marq. i. 155, in keiner andern Provinz lässt sich die Entwickelung der römischen Städteanlagen so genau verfolgen als in Dacien. Arnold, R. Prov. Admin. p. 205.1142.Or. Henz. 5287.1143.Vit. Soph. ii. 3.1144.Arnold, p. 205; Marq. i. 199.1145.Tac. Ann. iv. 55; Strab. xii. 578.1146.H. N. v. 60; Friedl. SG. iii. 110.1147.Aristid. Or. xiv. 223 (392), πόλις ἐγκαλλώπισμα τῆς ὑμετέρας γέγονεν ἡγεμονίας.1148.Cf. Victor, Vit. i. 7; v. 9; Friedl. SG. iii. 110; v. Migne, Patrol. Lat. t. lviii. 270, notitia Africae.1149.C.I.L. viii. 2355; Cagnat, L’Armée Rom. d’Afrique, p. 582; Boissier, L’Afr. Rom. p. 180.1150.Or. Henz. 5326.1151.Boissier, L’Afr. Rom. p. 187.1152.C.I.L. viii. 2388; Hieron. Ep. 107, § 1; Macrob. Sat. i, 2, 15.1153.C.I.L. viii. 2403; Suppl. ii. 17903; Suppl. i. 12058. This inscription, from an obscure place, shows how an original honorarium of HS. 1600 was finally increased by voluntary generosity to HS. 12,000.1154.Ib. 2341, 17838.1155.C.I.L. viii.; Suppl. ii. 17831.1156.Marq. Röm. St. i. 45; Bury, Rom. Emp. p. 77; Arnold, Rom. Prov. Admin. p. 210.1157.Or. Henz. 3720, 3800, 3801, 3056, 3057, 3804.1158.Tac. Ann. i. 15; Momms. Röm. St. ii. 1002; Duruy, v. pp. 336-346; Gréard, Plut. 221, 237; Plut. Reip. Ger. Pr. c. 17, 19. The first curatores civitatum are heard of in the reigns of Nerva and Trajan; cf. Marq. i. 510, n. 10.1159.Suet. Tib. 32; Tac. Ann. iv. 6; Suet. Nero, x.; Otho, iii. provinciam administravit moderatione singulari; Vitell. v. Vespasian had to increase burdens, Suet. xvi.; Tac. Hist. ii. 84; as to Trajan, cf. Plin. Paneg. 20; Suet. Dom. 8. Nero, it is true, is said to have encouraged plunder (Suet. Nero, 32; Plin. H. N. 18, 6). Yet the general prosperity was undisturbed, Boissier, L’Opp. 170; Arnold, Rom. Prov. Admin. 135; Gréard, Plut. 199.1160.See a crowd of inscriptions to Domitian and Commodus in remote places in Africa; cf. C.I.L. viii. 1016, 1019; 10570, 8702, in which Commodus is described as indulgentissimus princeps, etc.1161.Marq. Röm. St. i. 517 sq.; Arnold, p. 212.1162.Henz. iii. Ind. p. 156; Inscr. 2322, 6980, 4983; Marq. Röm. St. i. 477. There were consuls at Tusculum and Beneventum. But the grand style was ridiculed by Cicero, In Pis. xi. 24.1163.Tac. Ann. xiii. 31; xvi. 22, diurna per provincias, per exercitus curatius leguntur. Peter, Gesch. Litt. i. 212; Macé, Suétone, p. 191; Marq. Priv. i. 88; cf. C.I.L. viii. 11813; Lamprid. Com. 15.1164.Plin. Ep. ix. 11, 2; Mart. vii. 88.1165.Sen. Ep. 28, 104; Luc. Tox. 27; De Dips. 6; Philops. 33; Alex. 44; Epict. Dis. iii. 13.1166.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iii. 50, vi.; D. Chrys. Or. 36.1167.Hudemann, Gesch. des röm. Postwesens, p. 8 sq.; Marq. Röm. St. i. 417; Friedl. SG. ii. 8.1168.Or. Henz. 4093, 2413, 5163, 6983.1169.Suet. Jul. Caes. 57.1170.Plut. Galba, 7.1171.Mart. x. 104; cf. Hor. S. i. 5, 104.1172.Friedl. SG. ii. 12 sqq.1173.Aristid. Or. xxiv. 537; cf. Hor. S. i. 6, 105.1174.Sen. Ep. 123, § 7.1175.Cf. Suet. Nero, xliv. xxx.; Sen. Ep. 87, § 9; 123.1176.Plin. Ep. iii. 5, 15; cf. Suet. Claud. xxxiii.; Friedl. SG. ii. 19.1177.Apul. Met. i. 7; i. 17; Sidon. Apoll. Ep. viii. 11. Cf. Rom. Soc. in the Last Century of the Western Empire, p. 172 (1st ed.); Friedl. ii. 20.1178.Marq. Röm. St. i. 17, 199, 214, 317; Arnold, Prov. Adm. 203.1179.Arn. 205, 208; Marq. i. 114, 118.1180.Marq. i. 14.1181.Id. i. 155.1182.Boissier, L’Afr. Rom. p. 104.1183.See the history of this legion in Cagnat, L’Armée Rom. d’Afrique, p. 148 sqq. C.I.L. viii., Momms. Praef. xix. sq. The legion was first stationed at Thevesta.1184.Or. Henz. 5319; C.I.L. viii. 2532, 10048; v. Mommsen, p. 21. For the date of this visit, v. Cagnat, p. 154. Vit. Hadr. 12, 13.1185.Herodian, iii. 8; cf. Cagnat, p. 451.1186.C.I.L. viii. 2611; Or. Henz. 7408.1187.Cagnat, 365, 453; cf. C.I.L. viii. 3015.1188.Cagnat, 481-87; Marq. ii. 544.1189.Marq. Röm. St. i. 499; Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 29; Plin. Ep. i. 19; Boissier, L’Afr. Rom. p. 195.1190.Or. Henz. 3721; Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 30.1191.Or. Henz. 6989, 7001, 7199, ob duplam sportulam collatum sibi, 4020, 3703.1192.Hartmann, De Exilio, pp. 58 sq.; Duruy, Hist. Rom. vi. 643.1193.Or. Henz. 946, 3708.1194.Ib. 7192.1195.Or. Henz. 3703, 3706, 4009, 3937, 3704, 3725, 4020; Plin. Ep. x. 111; cf. Ohnesseit, De Jure Municip. 41.1196.Marq. Röm. St. i. 472.1197.Or. Henz. 7421; Lex Mal. §§ 53, 55.1198.Mau, 376, 388-89 (Tr.).1199.Claudium iivir. animula facit, C.I.L. iv. 425, 677, 644.1200.Petron. Sat. 45, ferrum optimum daturus est, sine fuga, carnarium in medio, etc.1201.The title of the highest magistracy varied a good deal: cf. Marq. Röm. St. i. 475, 89, Or. Henz. iii. Ind. 154.1202.Marq. i. 485; Henz. Ind. p. 157. Often described as iivir quinquennalis, or iivir censoria potestate quinq. etc., or shortly quinquennalis; cf. Or. Henz. 3882, 3721.1203.Arnold, Prov. Adm. pp. 225, 226.1204.Or. Henz. 643.1205.Lex Malag. § 51; Or. 7421; Marq. i. 475; C. Th. xii. 5, 1.1206.C.I.L. viii. 2341, 17838.1207.Marq. i. 499 n. 13.1208.Or. Henz. 7080, 7082, 3811, 3817, 3882.1209.Ib. 3817; cf. Spart. Hadr. c. 19.1210.Lex Urson. § 103.1211.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 28; Duruy, v. 349 sqq.1212.Lex Malag. § 60 sq.1213.See Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, bk. iii. c. 2.1214.There is one case in Or. Henz. 2279.1215.v. Or. Henz. vol. iii. Ind. p. 152.1216.Plin. Ep. i. 19; at Como the census was HS.100,000; cf. Petron. Sat. 44.1217.The Curia is sometimes designated as Cviri, Or. Henz. 764, 3737, 1552. Or., however, interprets CV. as Civium universorum in 764.1218.Ohnesseit, De Jure Municip. p. 55; Marq. Röm. St. i. 504.1219.Plin. Ep. iv. 13, 9.1220.e.g. Or. Henz. 3703, 7190.1221.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 31.1222.Plin. Ep. iv. 22. This autocratic act was the abolition of the games at Vienne by a duumvir.1223.Lex Urson. § 129.1224.Ib. § 99; Ohnesseit, De Jure Municip. p. 51.1225.Ib. p. 53; Lex Urson. §§ 96, 97, 130.1226.Mart. iii. 29; v. 14; v. 23; Juv. i. 28; iii. 131, 159.1227.Or. Henz. 7002, 7018, 3785, 3789, 3798, 3733, 3747.1228.Ib. 2287, 3714, 3851.1229.Pers. iii. 77; Juv. xvi.1230.In the Inscr. they are mentioned after the decurions and before the plebs; cf. Or. Henz. 4009, 3807, 1167. On the distinction between the Augustales and the Seviri Aug. v. Marq. Röm. St. i. 514; Ohnesseit, De Jure Munic. 46; Nessling, De Seviris Aug. Marq. says, scheinen die Augustales als lebenslängliche Mitglieder des Collegiums, die Seviri als jährlich wechselnde Beamte desselben zu betrachten zu sein.1231.Marq. i. 513; Ohnesseit, p. 46; cf. Or. Henz. 3959, 7089; Tac. Ann. i. 54, 73.1232.Petron. 65, 71.1233.Or. 2983; C.I.L. v. 4482.1234.Or. Henz. 3917, 3924, 1561, 7092, 4077, 3127, 4020, 5655, 2374.1235.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 37.1236.Or. Henz. 3787-8; 7103.1237.Petron. Sat. 65.1238.Or. Henz. 6983.1239.Ib. 4044, 7094.1240.Ib. 7112.1241.C.I.L. ix. 58.1242.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 42.1243.Plin. Ep. viii. 8, 6.1244.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 43.1245.Tac. Ann. xii. 58.1246.Sueton. Vesp. 13; Tac. Ann. ii. 47; cf. Nipperdey’s note referring to the monument erected to Tiberius in A.D. 30, at Puteoli.1247.Petron. 44.1248.Suet. Vesp. xviii. Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena constituit.1249.Plin. Ep. iv. 13.1250.Herodot. iii. 131.1251.Strab. iv. c. i. 5 (181), σοφιστὰς γοῦν ὑποδέχονται... κοινῄ μισθούμενοι καθάπερ καὶ ἰατρούς.1252.Marq. Priv. ii. 777.1253.Or. Henz. 3994, 4017.1254.Or. Henz. 3716, 6709, 7146.1255.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. 116; C.I.L. ii. pp. 89-96.1256.Plin. Ad Traj. 17.1257.Ib. 54, 55, 23.1258.Ib. 47.1259.Ib. 17.1260.Ib. 39.1261.Ib. 37.1262.Plin. Ad Traj. 38.1263.Ib. 33.1264.Ib. 110; cf. Marq. Röm. St. i. 522.1265.Plin. Ad Traj. 112, 114, 116.1266.Ib. 79.1267.Ib. 116.1268.Or. Henz. 7001; Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 53; corruption, however, by means of hospitality is expressly forbidden by the Lex Urson. § 132; C.I.L. ii. Suppl. p. 852.1269.Plin. Ad Traj. 96.1270.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 33; Gréard, Plut. pp. 246-7.1271.The different classes of Curatores, which must be carefully distinguished, are clearly given by Arnold, Prov. Admin. 236. Cf. Or. Henz. 3899, 3902, 3989. For a good example of the function of the Curator, cf. Or. 3787.1272.For the sources of these, cf. Marq. Röm. St. ii. p. 96.1273.Mau, Pompeii (Eng. Tr.), p. 16.1274.Mau, Pompeii (Eng. Tr.), p. 15.1275.Petron. Sat. 38.1276.Mau, p. 143.1277.Id. p. 111.1278.Mau, p. 124.1279.Id. pp. 147, 206.1280.Id. p. 164.1281.Or. Henz. 7008, 7010.1282.Duruy, v. 396.1283.Or. 781.1284.Plin. H. N. xxix. 5.1285.Duruy, v. 396.1286.Plin. l.c.1287.D. Chrys. Or. 46 (519).1288.Tac. Hist. iii. 34, reposita fora templaque munificentia municipum.1289.Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 1; Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. p. 120.1290.Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 5.1291.Ib. ii. 6.1292.Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 3.1293.C. Theod. ix. 17, 5; Nov. Valent. 5.1294.Or. Henz. 6993, 7013, 7190, 6622, 2287, 6985, 3325.1295.Ib. 6994.1296.Ib. 6983.1297.Or. Henz. 7013.1298.C.I.L. viii. 5366; she received the honour of five statues in return.1299.Or. Henz. 2287.1300.Ib. 3325.1301.Ib. 3772.1302.Boissier, L’Opp. p. 44.1303.See Rom. Soc. in the Last Century of the Western Empire (1st ed.), p. 202.1304.Suet. Nero, xvi.1305.Suet. Vesp. ix.; D. Cass. lxvi. 10.1306.Suet. Tit. vii. nemine ante se munificentia minor.1307.Suet. Domit. v.1308.Plin. Paneg. 51.1309.D. Cass. lxviii. 7, 15; Plin. Paneg. 29, 51.1310.Ael. Spart. Hadr. c. 29.1311.Ib. c. 19, § 10, eaque omnia propriis auctorum nominibus consecravit.1312.On the sportula at this time, cf. Suet. Nero, xvi., Dom. vii.; Marq. Pr. i., 207 sq.; Momms. De Coll. p. 109.1313.Plut. Caes. 55, ἑστιάσας μὲν ἐν δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις τρικλίνοις ὁμοῦ σύμπαντας: D. Cass. 43, 21, 3.1314.Plin. Ep. i. 3, triclinia illa popularia.1315.Petron. 71.1316.Or. Henz. 7115, 1368, 4088, 4115.1317.Ib. 3882.1318.Or. Henz. 3868.1319.Ib. 6211.1320.Marq. Priv. i. 210; Petron. 45; Or. 842; Momms. Colleg. p. 110.1321.Or. Henz. 3394; cf. Suet. Calig. 18.1322.Or. Henz. 3738.1323.C.I.L. x. 5853; Friedl. Cena Trim. p. 55.1324.Lex Urson. § 132.1325.Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 1.1326.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 142; cf. Jul. Capitol. M. Ant. c. x.1327.Suet. Tit. vii.1328.D. Cass. 68. 15, καὶ θέας ἐν τρισὶ καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἡμέραις ἐποίησεν... καὶ μονομάχοι μύριοι ἠγωνίσαντο.1329.Salv. De Gub. Dei, vi. § 69.1330.Aug. Conf. vi. 8; cf. Sym. Ep. ii. 46.1331.Tac. Ann. i. 76, vili sanguine nimis gaudens.1332.Suet. Calig. xxxv.1333.Calpurn. Ecl. vii. 24 sqq. Vidimus in caelum trabibus spectacula textis Surgere, Tarpeium prope despectantia culmen— ... Sic undique fulgor Percussit: stabam defixus et ore patenti, Cunctaque mirabar, etc. 1334.Sen. De Brev. Vit. viii.; Ep. 95, § 33; Plut. Reipubl. Ger. Pr. c. 29; Luc. Dem. c. 57.1335.Plin. Ep. iv. 22.1336.Suet. Nero, iv.1337.D. Cass. 66. 15; cf. M. Aur. vi. 46.1338.D. Cass. 68. 10 and 15, 66. 25; Suet. Nero, xi.; Suet. Dom. iv.1339.D. Cass. 67. 1; cf. Friedl. ii. 202.1340.Plin. Ep. vi. 34; Paneg. 33.1341.Petron. 45.1342.Strabo, v. c. 4, 13.1343.Mau, 206, 207.1344.Tac. Ann. xiv. 17.1345.Mau, 152.1346.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 206.1347.Mau, 216, 217. The words in one of these, flaminis Neronis Caesaris Aug. fili, fix the date between 50 and 54 A.D.1348.Mau, 217, 218.1349.Ib. 411.1350.Ib. 220; Juv. vi. 82 sqq.; cf. Mart. v. 24.1351.Friedl. ii. 189.1352.Ib. ii. 92.1353.Tac. Ann. iv. 62.1354.Or. Henz. 2532.1355.Ib. 2530.1356.Ib. 6148; C.I.L. x. 1074, 6012. This was given postulante populo.1357.Or. Henz. 5963, 5972, 2531; C.I.L. x. 228.1358.Tac. Hist. ii. 70-72.1359.Ib. iii. 84.1360.Or. Henz. 3725, 6156; Strab. xvii. 1, 10; Friedl. ii. 204, 378 sqq.1361.Apul. Met. x. 18; cf. iv. 13.1362.Plut. Reipubl. Ger. Pr. 30; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 21.1363.Luc. Dem. 57; cf. Mahaffy, Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 271.1364.Or. Henz. 2373, 7037, 148, 2532.1365.Mart. iii. 59, 16.1366.Or. Henz. 81.1367.Petron. 45.1368.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 137, Doch diese Summe erscheint gering im Vergleich mit der kolossalen Verschwendung, mit der die Schauspiele in der letzten Zeit der Republik gegeben wurden; cf. C.I.L. ii. 6278 (Suppl. p. 1032).1369.Or. Henz. 2530; 2533; Friedl. Cena Trim. p. 58; Cic. Ad Att. 12, 2.1370.Suet. Tib. vii.1371.Petron. 45.1372.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 202; Suet. Vitell. xii. circumforaneo lanistae vendidit.1373.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 192.1374.Petron. 45; D. Cass. 60. 30.1375.D. Cass. 74. 2.1376.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 196.1377.D. Cass. 66. 15; Spart. Hadr. 14; cf. Suet. Calig. xxxiv.1378.Lamprid. Com. xi.; cf. viii.; Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 150.1379.Suet. Jul. Caes. xxxix.; Juv. vi. 252.1380.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 198.1381.Or. Henz. 2571, 2572; C.I.L. x. 7364; xii. 5836.1382.Mau, Pompeii, p. 219 sq.1383.Sen. Ep. 70, § 20; Tac. Ann. xv. 46. Sym. Ep. ii. 46; cf. Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 211.1384.Sen. De Prov. iv.1385.Epict. Diss. i. 29, § 37.1386.Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 204.1387.Or. Henz. 2566.1388.Ib. 2571.1389.Or. Henz. 2572-9; C.I.L. xii. 3329.1390.Or. Henz. 2573-5; D. Cass. 72. 22.1391.Juv. iii. 158.1392.C.I.L. x. 1074.1393.Or. Henz. 3721.1394.Ib. 7008, 7010; cf. 7082, where a youth of twenty had been iivir quinquennalis, and had given a gladiatorial show. Cf. 3714, quaestor designatus est annorum xxiiii., 3745, 3246, 3768.1395.Ib. 3764.1396.Ib. 3773, 4036, 82, 5134; cf. 3744.1397.Or. Henz. 3709, 3750; C.I.L. xii. 3203, 3219.1398.Plut. Reipubl. Ger. Pr. c. 27.1399.Or. Henz. 6992.1400.Ib. 3811, 3722, 6999, 7007, 7004 (honore usus inpensam remisit), 7011, 7190, 4100.1401.Ib. 3865, ex aere collato; 6996.1402.This seems clear from Plut. Reip. Ger. Pr. c. 31, καὶ μὴ δανειζόμενον οἰκτρὸν ἅμα καὶ καταγέλαστον εἶναι περὶ τὰς λειτουργίας.1403.Plut. Reip. Ger. Pr. c. 18; cf. c. 10.1404.Plin. Ep. x. 113; 79.1405.Plut. Reip. Ger. Pr. c. 18.1406.Philostr. Apoll. T. iv. 5.1407.Plut. Reip. Ger. Pr. c. 32; cf. Gréard, Morale de Plut. p. 230.1408.Philostr. Apoll. T. v. 41, 10; cf. Gréard, p. 227.1409.Plut. Reip. Ger. Pr. c. 15.1410.Ib. c. 27, 29, 30, 20.1411.Or. Henz. 4007 (Canusium), 2391 (Praeneste), 4491 (Pisa), 3898 (Bergamum), 3787 (Caere). For places out of Italy, cf. C.I.L. xii. 3212 (datus a Trajano); viii. 2403, 2660 (Timgad and Lambesi); iii. 3485 (Aquincum); ii. 484 (Emerita); 4112 (Tarraco); cf. x.; ii. p. 1158; Capitol. M. Ant. c. 11.1412.Or. Henz. 3787, placuit tibi scribi an in hoc quoque et tu consensurus esses.1413.A.D. 113, as the names of the consuls show.1414.See Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, p. 208 sqq. (1st ed.).1415.M. Aurel. vi. 46; vii. 3; ix. 30.1416.Or. Henz. Ind. 151; C.I.L. xii. p. 940; Or. Henz. 3763, 7170 (consensus plebis); C.I.L. xii. 3185 (ex postulatione populi); x. 5067, 1030, 8215, 3704.1417.Tac. Ann. xiii. 48; Hi (i.e. plebs) magistratuum et primi cujusque avaritiam increpantes.1418.C.I.L. iv. 202, 710, 787.1419.Marq. Priv. i. 159, 160; Duruy, Hist. des Rom. v. 631; Athen. vi. 272 D.1420.Suet. Octav. 40; D. Cass. 55. 13.1421.Or. Henz. iii. Ind. p. 180.1422.Or. Henz. 4148, 4143, 4268, 4154. For the provinces of C.I.L. ii. Suppl. p. 1171; viii. p. 1102; x. 1163; xii. p. 943.1423.Or. Henz., 4148, Marcia margaritaria de Via Sacra legavit... libertis libertabusque suis....1424.Juv. i. 24; x. 224; Mart. iii. 16, 59.1425.Duruy, v. 637.1426.S. Hieron. Ep. 108, § 3.1427.Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire (1st. ed.), p. 193.1428.Momms. De Coll. (Morel) p. 28 sq.; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 278; Plut. Numa, c. 17, ἦν δὲ διανομὴ κατὰ τὰς τέχνας αὐλητῶν, χρυσοχόων, κτλ.1429.Momms. De Coll. p. 76.1430.Suet. Caes. 42; Octav. 32.1431.Momms. De Coll. p. 84.1432.Plin. Ep. x. 34.1433.Tac. Ann. xiv. 17, re ad patres relata... collegia quae contra leges instituerant dissoluta.1434.Vop. Aurel. c. 38.1435.Or. Henz. 6086; cf. Momms. De Coll. p. 98; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 313; Duruy, v. 408.1436.Momms. De Coll. p. 87.1437.Lamprid. Alex. Sev. c. 33; cf. Duruy, v. 408.1438.Or. Henz. 4841, Elysiis campis floreat umbra tibi; but cf. 4793, manus levo contra deum qui me innocentem sustulit; 4796, Dii irati aeterno somno dederunt.1439.Ib. 4662, Qutia Silvana Uxor virum expecto meum.1440.Ib. 2677, 2655, 4626, 4639, 4848, Domum servavit, lanam fecit. Dixi, abei.1441.Ib. 4775.1442.Ib. 2669, 4653, 2413, 2414.1443.Or. Henz. 2815, 2817, 4687, 4777, 4653.1444.Ib. 4852, effugi crimen longa senecta tuum.1445.Ib. 4816, balnea, vina, Venus corrumpunt corpora nostra, sed vitam faciunt. Vixi; quod comedi et ebibi tantum meum est. Non fui, fui; non sum, non curo; 4807, 7407, 7387.1446.Ib. 4795, 7406.1447.Ib. 4836.1448.Ib. 4416.1449.Ib. 4417.1450.Ib. 4781, 4783, 4.1451.Or. Henz. 4386, 4357, 4360, 4362, 4388, 4396, 4423, 4425, 4427.1452.Ib. 6086. Ex S.C.P.R. quibus coire convenire collegiumque habere liceat qui stipem menstruam conferre volent in funera, in id collegium coeant neque sub specie ejus collegii nisi semel in mense coeant, etc.1453.Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 313.1454.Momms. De Coll. p. 87.1455.Or. Henz. 2399, 2400.1456.Ib. 4079.1457.Ib. 4093.1458.Ib. 4073, Loc. sep. convictor. qui una epulo vesci solent.1459.Ib. 6086; Momms. De Coll. p. 98; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. p. 309 sqq.; Duruy, v. 412.1460.Or. Henz. 6086; Col. ii., placuit ut quisquis servus ex hoc collegio liber factus fuerit, etc.1461.Momms. De Coll. p. 99; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. p. 309.1462.Momms. De Coll. p. 104.1463.Or. Henz. 2417; Junio Rufino Cos. i.e. A.D. 153; Momms. p. 73.1464.Momms. De Coll. p. 93.1465.They have their ordo, plebs, decuriones, quinquennales, curatores, honorati, patroni, quaestores, etc.; v. Henz. Ind. p. 176 sqq.1466.Herodot. v. 66.1467.Tac. Hist. iii. 32, tempus quoque mercatus ditem alioqui coloniam majore opum specie complebat.1468.Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. p. 63.1469.Apul. Met. i. 5.1470.Momms. Rom. Prov. i. 74.1471.Or. Henz. 178; Tac. Hist. iv. 5.1472.C.I.L. ii. 2423.1473.Ib. iii. 1500.1474.Ib. x. 1634, 1579.1475.Ib. iii. 365, 444, 455, 6051.1476.Suet. Claud. xviii.; cf. Merivale, vi. 126 sq.1477.Juv. xiv. 276.1478.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 34.1479.Or. Henz. 6111, 6835.1480.Ib. 4109.1481.Ib. 6414, 2211, 4095, 4100, 4096; C.I.L. x. 5928, 1493; iii. 4045, 5678.1482.Or. Henz. 2401.1483.C.I.L. iv. 575, 581.1484.Or. Henz. 4063, 4072, 4087, 7007.1485.Or. Henz. 4243, 7205, 6950.1486.Ib. 7007, 7254, 4110, 6950.1487.Ib. 3655, 6029, 3178.1488.Ib. 4093, 7206.1489.Ib. 4105, 2619, 4113, 4112, 2625.1490.Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. p. 286.1491.Dig. L. 7.1492.Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 287.1493.Or. Henz. 6302.1494.Ib.1495.C.I.L. iii. 2, 6150.1496.Ib. ii. 6004.1497.Or. Henz. 2863, Hilara viva rogavit ut ossa sua in olla Midaes coicerentur cum mort. esset.1498.C.I.L. iii. 6077, v. note.1499.Or. Henz. 2386, 4938, 4123.1500.Such as that in Or. Henz. 6086.1501.Or. Henz. 6010, Colleg. Capitolinorum, etc.; cf. Cic. Ad Quint. Fratr. ii. 5.1502.Rutil. Namat. i. 63.1503.Or. Henz. Ind. p. 154 sqq.1504.Ib. 4068, 4107.1505.Ib. 6127, 7181, 7182, 3217, 4138 (v. Orelli’s note to this Inscription), 4071; C.I.L. x. p. 1163; iii. (2) p. 1180.1506.Or. Henz. 2863, 7183, 5372.1507. Or. 2417, ut ne plures adlegantur quam numerus s. s. etc.; C.I.L. ii. 1167, collegio hominum centum dumtaxet constituto. Cf. Plin. x. 33, where the coll. fabrorum is to be limited to 150.1508.Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 295.1509.Or. Henz. 4055.1510.Ib. 4054, 2417, 4056.1511.The ranks are mingled, however, in Or. 2394; C.I.L. iii. 633.1512.D. Cass. 60. 6, τά τε καπελεῖα ἐς ἃ συνιόντες ἔπινον κατέλυσε, κτλ.1513.Or. Henz. 4088, 3298, 2279, 3787, 4085.1514.Ib. 2417, solarium tectum junctum in quo populus collegi s. s. epuletur.1515.Ib. 4070.1516.Or. Henz. 65, 900, 4088; cf. 4107, 4366.1517.Ib. 2416, 4057.1518.Ib. 4068.1519.Ib. 2502.1520.Ib. 2400, 4093.1521.C.I.L. iii. 1, 633.1522.Marq. Priv. i. 203.1523.Or. Henz. 4082, 4118.1524.Ib. 4082, 194, 73, 4077, 6654, 4109, 4069; C.I.L. iii. 1, 1209, 1497, 1051; x. 228; 1696; 3910.1525.Or. Henz. 7007, 4109.1526.C.I.L. iii. 1968; Or. Henz. 3927, 3321, 6275.1527.Or. Henz. 4133.1528.Ib. 7116, 3914, 3923, 4080, qui facultates suas coll. reliq.1529.Ib. 4109; 194, 4069, 4071, 4094, 7194.1530.Ib. 4109.1531.Ib. 3724, honore usus impensam remisit; cf. 7011, 6992, 7190, so passim.1532.C.I.L. ii. 2102.1533.Or. Henz. 4371, 4070, 4400, 7365; cf. Marq. Pr. i. 370.1534.Or. Henz. 4456 aediculae in quibus simulacra, etc., 4510, 4400 area quae ante se est maceria cincta long. p. x̅l̅i̅i̅x̅., lat. p. x̅x̅x̅i̅x̅., 7365, 4337, 4070, 4085.1535.Ib. 4366 ejusque mausolei claves duae penes aliquem libertorum meorum... sint, 4637, 4353.1536.Ib. 6206.1537.Ib. 4366.1538.Or. Henz. 3999, 4076, 4107, 4088.1539.Ib. 3999.1540.Ib. 6085.1541.Ib. 7215 (A.D. 149).1542.Macrob. Sat. iii. 13, 11-13.1543.Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 319; Marq. Pr. i. 208; Hor. Ep. i. 14, 21.1544.Momms. De Colleg. p. 109; cf. Or. 2385 (panem vinum et sportulas dedit), 3949.1545.Or. Henz. 2417.1546.Fl. Apolloni Proc. Aug. qui fuit a pinacothecis.... Optimi piissimi, etc.1547.Or. Henz. 6086, quisquis ex hoc collegio servus defunctus fuerit, etc.; cf. the composition of the club in Or. 2394.1548.Ib. ut quieti et hilares diebus solemnibus epulemur, etc.1549.Or. Henz. 4107.1550.S. Paul. Nol. Carm. xxvii. 547-585; S. Aug. Ep. 32; Serm. v.1551.De Coll. p. 3.1552.Or. Henz. 2417, 4055, 2392, 3774, 3815, 1485, 4134.1553.Ib. 2417, Item viii K. Mart. die Karae cognationis eodem loco dividerent sportulas, etc.1554.Or. Henz. 2399, 4073, 4093.1555.C.I.L. i. 1406; ii. 5927.1556.Momms. De Coll. p. 102; Plin. Ep. viii. 16.1557.For the contempt for slaves in the fourth and fifth centuries, v. S. Hieron. Ep. 54, § 5; Salv. De Gub. Dei, iv. 26. For humaner sentiment, cf. Macrob. Sat. i. 11, 12 sqq.; C. Theod. ix. 6, 2, 3, vii. 13, 8; ix. 7, 4; ix. 9, 1; ix. 12, 1.1558.Plin. Ep. viii. 16, § 1; on the more humane feeling to slaves, cf. Sen. Ep. 47; De Ira, iii. 24, 32; De Clem. i. 18; De Ben. iii. 18, 19, 20; Juv. xiv. 16; Spart. Hadr. c. 18; Wallon, L’Esclav. i. c. 11; Marq. Pr. i. 177.1559.Cagnat, L’Armée Rom. pp. 457 sqq.1560.Veget. ii. 20.1561.D. Cass. 65. 22; Capitol. M. Ant. c. 7; D. Cass. 73. 8; Cagnat, p. 459; Marq. Röm. St. ii. pp. 136, 543.1562.Cf. Marcian ap. Momms. De Coll. p. 87, neve milites collegia in castris habeant.1563.Cagnat, p. 463.1564.C.I.L. viii. 2552-7.1565.Cagnat, pp. 467, 540; cf. Boissier, L’Afr. Rom. p. 111. C.I.L. viii. 2554, optiones scholam suam cum statuis et imaginibus domus div. ex largissimis stipendiis... fecerunt, etc.1566.C.I.L. viii. 2552, 3, 4; 2557, iii. 3524; Henz. 6790; Cagnat, p. 472; Marq. Röm. St. ii. 544.1567.Cagnat, p. 474.1568.The Cornicines of the 3rd Legion at Lambesi paid an entrance fee of 750 denarii (Scamnari nomine). The anularium on retirement, and the funeraticium, were each 500 denarii. It would seem that there must have been a considerable surplus. C.I.L. viii. 2557.1569.Or. Henz. 6086, universi consentire debemus ut longo tempore inveterescere possimus; cf. 4357, 4360, 4366, 4386, 4395.1570.The diptych, which has been singularly preserved, was found in a deserted mine or quarry about 1780, along with some other private documents of a commercial character; v. C.I.L. iii. p. 213, and 921. The dates range from 131 to 167 A.D. Cf. Or. Henz. 6087; Schiller, Gesch. der röm. Kaiserzeit, i. 2, p. 643.1571.See Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, 13, 14, Jener dualistische Idealismus, welchen Plato begründet, und auch Aristoteles nicht grundsätzlich überwunden hatte, führt in letzter Beziehung auf nichts anderes zurück, als auf den Gegensatz des Inneren und Aeusseren des Denkens und der gegenständlichen Welt.... Es war nur ein Schritt weiter in dieser Richtung, wenn die nacharistotelische Philosophie den Menschen in grundsätzlicher Abkehr von der Aussenwelt auf sich selbst wies, um in seinem Innern die Befriedigung zu suchen, etc.1572.See Luc. Eun. c. 3, συντέτακται ἐκ βασιλέως μισθοφορά τις οὐ φαύλη κατὰ γένη τοῖς φιλοσόφοις, Στοϊκοῖς λέγω, κτλ. Cf. Capitol. M. Ant. c. 3; Philostr. Apoll. T. i. 7, § 8.1573.Zeller, iii, 1, 16.1574.Ib. 493-5; Überweg, Hist. of Phil. i. 220; Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. c. 17; De Fin. i. c. 9.1575.Bussell, School of Plato, p. 264; Zeller, iii. 1; p. 8, 9.1576.On pessimism in the reign of Augustus, v. Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p. 241. Cf. Sen. De Ira, ii. 8; De Ben. i. 10; Ad Marc. 20, 22; Tac. Hist. ii. 37; Petron. 88.1577.Cf. Epict. iii. 13, §§ 9, 10, where the contrast between the “pax Romana” and moral unrest is drawn.1578.Zeller, iii. 1, pp. 12, 14, cf. Baur, Ch. Hist. i. p. 14 (Tr.).1579.Cic. Tusc. iii 3, est profecto animi medicina philosophia, Sen. Ep. 22, vena tangenda est; Ep. 53, Epict. iii. 23, § 30, ἰατρεῖόν ἐστι τὸ τοῦ φιλοσόφου σχολεῖον.1580.Sen. Ep. 94, § 5, § 22.1581.Ep. 64, § 8.1582.Plut. De Rect. Rat. Aud. c. 8; Epict. iii. 23, § 23.1583.Plut. De Rect. Rat. Aud. c. 12.1584.Plut. (?) De Lib. Ed. c. 14.1585.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, 487; Plut. Aemil. P. c. vi.; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 135; Polyb. xxxii. 10. But cf. Mahaffy on Zeller’s view, in Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 67.1586.Sen. Ad Marc. 4.1587.Luc. De Merc. Cond. 2, 4, 25.1588.Tac. Ann. xiv. 16, etiam sapientiae doctoribus tempus impertiebat post epulas, utque contraria adseverantium discordia frueretur; Spart. Hadr. 15.1589.Sen. De Tranq. xiv. § 7.1590.Tac. Ann. xvi. 34.1591.Zeller, iii. 1, 656, 663.1592.Epict. iii. 23, §§ 24-34; i. 4, § 9, οὗτος, φησίν, ἤδη δι’ αὐτοῦ δύναται Χρύσιππον ἀναγιγνώσκειν. Εὖ, νὴ τοὺς θεούς, προκόπτεις ἄνθρωπε. Ποίαν προκοπήν;1593.Tertull. De An. c. 20, Seneca saepe noster; S. Hieron. Adv. Jovin. i. 49.1594.S. Hieron, Adv. Jovin. i. 29; De Scrip. Eccl. 12; S. Aug. Ep. 153, cujus etiam ad Paulum apostolum leguntur epistolae.1595.The worst about Seneca is collected in D. Cass. 61. 10. But cf. the attack of P. Suillius, Tac. Ann. xiii. 42 and xiv. 52.1596.Sen. Ad Helv. xix. § 2.1597.Sen. Ep. 108, §§ 13-17.1598.Ep. 108, § 22. He abandoned Pythagorean abstinence, as suspicious, during the persecution of eastern cults; cf. Suet. Tib. 36.1599.D. Cass. 59. 19.1600.Ib. 60. 8; 61. 10; Tac. Ann. xiii. 42, schol. Juv. v. 109.1601.D. Cass. 61. 4; Tac. Ann. xiii. 2. Dion suggests an intrigue with Agrippina, 61. 10.1602.Sen. De Clem. i. 5, 8.1603.Tac. Ann. xiii. 2, quo facilius... voluptatibus concessis retinerent, etc.1604.Ib. xiii. 42; D. Cass. 61. 10.1605.Tac. Ann. xiv. 52, mors Burri infregit Senecae potentiam, etc.1606.Tac. Ann. xiv. 54.1607.Ib. xv. 56 sqq.1608.Sen. Ep. 55; De Tranq. 1 and 2.1609.Sen. Ep. 108, §§ 17-22.1610.Cf. Baur, Ch. Hist. i. p. 16 (Tr.).1611.D. Cass. 61. 10.1612.Tac. Ann. xiii. 13; xiv. 7; and 11, sed Seneca adverso rumore erat, quod oratione tali confessionem scripsisset.1613.Sen. Ep. 77, § 16, ecquid habes propter quod expectes? Voluptates ipsas quae te morantur consumpsisti.... Nihil tibi luxuria tua in futuros annos reservavit intactum: cf. Ep. 89, § 21; 90, § 42.1614.De Ira, ii. 8.1615.Ep. 90, §§ 38-41.1616.Ep. 49, § 5, non vaco ad istas ineptias: ingens negotium in manibus est; Ep. 75, § 5, non delectent, verba nostra, sed prosint... non quaerit aeger medicum eloquentem; Ep. 88, § 36, plus scire quam sit satis, intemperantiae genus est. Cf. Ep. 71, § 6.1617.Ep. 89, § 8, nec philosophia sine virtute est, nec sine philosophia virtus.1618.Ep. 66, § 12.1619.Ep. 89, § 13; 117, §§ 30, 31.1620.Ep. 48, § 8; 75, § 6.1621.Ep. 64, § 3; 58, § 26.1622.De Vita B. xiii, where he defends Epicurus.1623.Ep. 64, § 8.1624.Ep. 88, § 37, § 20.1625.Ep. 88, § 2, unum studium vere liberale est quod liberum facit, etc.1626.Ib. § 39; cf. Ep. 88.1627.Ep. 89; 66, § 33; 58, § 8.1628.Ib. 71, § 6, erige te et relinque istum ludum literarium philosophorum qui rem magnificam ad syllabas vocant, etc.1629.Teuffel, ii. § 284, n. 6; cf. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 623.1630.Zeller, iii. 1, p. 56.1631.Ep. 117, § 19; Nat. Quaest. Prol.; Ep. 65, § 15; cf. Zeller, iii. 1. 622.1632.Nat. Quaest. v. 15; cf. Ep. 88, § 15.1633.Nat. Quaest. Prol. § 11, formicarum iste discursus est in augusto laborantium.... Punctum est istud in quo navigatis, in quo bellatis; Sursum ingentia spatia sunt, etc.; cf. Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 16, § 6.1634.Sen. Ep. 73, § 13, sic deus non vincit sapientem felicitate etiamsi vincit aetate.1635.Cf. Pl. Phaed. 79 D; Arist. Eth. ix 8, § 7.1636.Ep. 102, § 26, dies iste, quem tanquam extremum reformidas, aeterni natalis est... discutietur ista caligo et lux undique clara percutiet... nulla serenum umbra turbabit. Cf. De Imit. iii. 48, § 1, O supernae civitatis mansio beatissima! O dies aeternitatis clarissima, quam nox non obscurat, sed summa Veritas semper irradiat! Lucet quidem Sanctis perpetua claritate splendida, sed non nisi a longe et per speculum peregrinantibus in terra.1637.Nat. Quaest. iii. Praef., non praeterit me quam magnarum rerum fundamenta ponam senex.1638.Ib. ii. 59, § 2.1639.Ib. iii, § 18.1640.Ib. i. 17, § 8, An tu existimas auro inditum habuisse Scipionis filias speculum cum illis dos fuisset aes grave?1641.Nat. Quaest. ii. 59, § 3.1642.Ib. iii. 1, § 1.1643.Ib. vi. 32.1644.Ib. vii. 30, § 1.1645.Ib. vii. 30, § 3, quam multa praeter hos per secretum eunt nunquam humanis oculis orientia?1646.Ib. § 5, multa venientis aevi populus ignota nobis sciet, multa saeculis tunc futuris, cum memoria nostra exoleverit, reservantur.1647.Ib. vii. 31.1648.De Benef. i. 10.1649.Sen. De Ira, ii. 8, 9; Ad Marc. ii. 11, 17, 20; Tac. Hist. ii. 37; Petron. Sat. 88; M. Aurel. v. 33; v. 10.1650.Sen. Ep. 77, § 6; 24, § 25; 89, § 21; 95, § 16; De Tranq. c. i.1651.Ep. 48, § 8.1652.Ep. 71, § 27; 94, § 50; Ad Marc. 24, § 5; Ep. 79, § 12, tunc animus noster habebit quod gratuletur sibi, cum emissus his tenebris, in quibus volutatur, non tenui visu clara perspexerit... et caelo redditus suo fuerit; Zeller, iii. i. 637.1653.Ep. 79, § 12; 102, § 22, per has mortalis aevi moras illi meliori vitae longiorique proluditur, §§ 26, 28; Ep. 73, § 15, Deus ad homines venit, etc. But cf. Zeller, iii. 1, 650; and for a different view, Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie in ihrem Verhältn. zum Stoicismus, etc. pp. 20-32. That Burgmann’s is the truer view appears from Sen. Ep. 95, § 49; 65, § 9; De Clem. i. 5, § 7; De Benef. ii. 29, § 4; De Prov. v. 10; De Ira, ii. 28, § 1; Ep. 41, § 2.1654.Ep. 95, § 10.1655.Ib. § 57, rursus voluntas non erit recta nisi habitus animi rectus fuerit, etc.1656.De Vit. Beat. xii. § 4, nec aestimant, voluptas illa Epicuri quam sobria et sicca sit, sed ad nomen ipsum advolant quaerentes libidinibus suis patrocinium aliquod ac velamentum. Cf. Ep. 18, § 14; 16, § 7; 22, § 13; 28, § 9.1657.Ad Helv. viii. § 3, quisquis formator universi fuit, sive ille deus est potens omnium, sive incorporalis ratio ingentium operum artifex, sive divinus spiritus per omnia aequali intentione diffusus, sive fatum et immutabilis causarum inter se cohaerentium series. Cf. N. Quaest. ii. 45, § 2.1658.Ep. 71, § 14.1659.Ep. 57, § 8; 66, § 12; 117, § 2.1660.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, 122; cf. Nat. Quaest. ii. 45, § 2.1661.De Prov. i. ii. § 6; De Ira, ii. 27; De Benef. ii. 29; Ep. 73, § 16.1662.Ep. 57, § 8, animus qui ex tenuissimo constat, deprehendi non potest, etc.1663.Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, p. 41.1664.Ep. 65, § 24, quem in hoc mundo deus obtinet, hunc in homine animus.1665.Pl. Phaed. 83 C, D; 79 B; D; cf. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 183; iii. 2, p. 634; Sen. Ep. 71, § 27.1666.Nat. Quaest. iii. 30, § 8, sed illis quoque innocentia non durabit—cito nequitia subrepit.1667.Ep. 120, § 14; 65, § 16, nam corpus hoc animi pondus ac poena est; premente illo urgetur, in vinculis est, etc. Ad Polyb. ix. § 6, omnis vita supplicium est; Ad Marc. xx. § 2.1668.Ib. 22, § 3.1669.Ep. 24, § 18, mors nos aut consumit aut eximit; Ep. 36, § 10; 102, § 23; De Prov. vi. § 6; Ad Marc. 25, § 1; ib. 19, § 5; 20, § 2, quae efficit ut nasci non sit supplicium; cf. Epict. ii. 1; iii. 10; iii. 13; iv. 1; M. Aurel. viii. 18; vi. 28; iii. 3; ix. 3.1670.Ep. 53, § 11, est aliquid quo sapiens antecedat deum; cf. Ep. 59, § 16, talis est sapientis animus, qualis mundus super lunam; semper illic serenum est; 72, § 8.1671.Ep. 74, § 1; 62, § 3, brevissima ad divitias per contemptum divitiarum via est; 59, § 14.1672.Ep. 74, §§ 6-12; cf. M. Aurel. v. 15, νῦν δὲ ὅσῳ περ πλείω τις ἀφαιρῶν ἑαυτοῦ τούτων ἢ καὶ ἀφαιρούμενός τι τούτων ἀνέχηται, τοσῷδε μᾶλλον ἀγαθός ἐστι: Epict. ii. 16, § 18; iii. 3, § 14.1673.Sen. Ep. 31, § 10; 74, § 14 aut ista bona non sunt, quae vocantur, aut homo felicior deo est, etc.1674.Ep. 67, § 14.1675.Ep. 66, § 12, ratio autem nihil aliud est quam in corpus humanum pars divini spiritus mersa.1676.Nat. Quaest. ii. 36; De Prov. 5, § 8, eadem necessitate et deos adligat... ille ipse omnium conditor scripsit quidem fata, sed sequitur; semper paret, semel jussit.1677.Ep. 95, § 57; cf. 116, § 7, satis natura dedit roboris si illo utamur.1678.Ep. 73, § 15, non sunt di fastidiosi: adscendentibus manum porrigunt; Ep. 83, § 1, nihil deo clusum est; Ep. 43, § 5, O te miserum si contemnis hunc testem.1679.Ep., 90, § 38 sqq. avaritia omnia fecit aliena et in angustum ex immenso redacta paupertatem intulit, et multa concupiscendo omnia amisit.1680.Ib. § 46, non fuere sapientes;... ignorantia rerum innocentes erant.1681.Sen. Ep. 66, § 13 sqq.; 113, § 14, Cic. Tusc. iv. 15, 34; Plut. Virt. Mor. c. 2; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 224.1682.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 235; Plut. De Prof. in Virt. i. ὥστε τὸν πρωΐ κάκιστον ἑσπέρας γεγονέναι κράτιστον κτλ.; Adv. St. c. x.; cf. Sen. Ep. 76, § 19.1683.Hor. Sat. i. 3, 124; Sen. Ep. i. 1, 106; cf. Ep. 73, § 13; Aelian, Var. Hist. iv. 13; Luc. Vit. Auct. c. 20, μόνος οὗτος σοφός, μόνος καλός, μόνος ανδρεῖος βασιλεὺς ῥήτωρ, κτλ.1684.Sen. De Benef. i. 10, § 1, hoc majores nostri questi sunt, hoc nos querimur, hoc posteri nostri querentur, eversos mores regnare nequitiam, in deterius res humanas labi. Cf. Ad Polyb. c. iv.1685.De Ira, ii. 8, § 1, istic tantumdem esse vitiorum quantum hominum.1686.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 637; cf. p. 249. Cf. Martha, Mor. sous l’Emp. p. 62. On Seneca’s relation to the old Stoic theology, v. Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, p. 42 sq.1687.Sen. De Vit. Beat. c. 22.1688.Ep. 74, § 17; 87, § 29 sq.: De Ben. v. 13, § 1 sq.; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 638.1689.εὐπάθειαι, cf. De Brev. Vit. xiv. § 2; De Ira, ii. 2-4; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 216.1690.De Tranq. vii. § 4, ubi enim istum invenies quem tot seculis quaerimus? Pro optimo est minime malus. Ep. 42, § 1.1691.Ep. 90, § 44 sqq.1692.Ep. 72, §§ 6-11.1693.Ep. 75, § 8 sqq.1694.Ep. 72, § 8 sapiens laetitia fruitur maxima, continua, sua.1695.Ep. 57, § 3, non de me loquor, qui multum ab homine tolerabili, nedum a perfecto absum: cf. Ep. 89, § 2.1696.Ad Polyb. ii. § 1; Ep. 53, § 4; 56 §§ 1-3.1697.Ep. 24; esp. § 14.1698.Ep. 53, § 7, quo quis pejus se habet, minus sentit.1699.Ep. 94, §§ 55, 56.1700.Ep. 112, vitia sua et amat simul et odit.1701.Ep. 29.1702.Ep. 28, § 1.1703.Ep. 13, § 4 sq.; Ep. 24, § 11.1704.Ep. 117, § 31; 75, § 6.1705.Ep. 13, § 17, quid est turpius quam senex vivere incipiens?1706.Ep. 24.1707.Ep. 95, § 49.1708.Ep. 94, § 5, digiti puerorum tenentur et aliena manu per literarum simulacra ducuntur.1709.Ep. 11, § 8; Plut. De Pr. Virt. xv.1710.Ep. 25, § 1.1711.S. Hieron. Ep. 127, §§ 5-7; Ep. 118, § 5; Sulp. Sev. ii. 13, § 7.1712.Sen. Ep. 36, § 1, illum objurgant quod umbram et otium petierit; Ep. 123, § 15, illos quoque nocere nobis existimo, qui nos sub specie Stoicae sectae hortantur ad vitia: hoc enim jactant solum sapientem et doctum esse amatorem.1713.Sen. Ep. 123, § 10. Cf. Inscr. Or. Henz. 4806, 4807, 4816.1714.De Tranq. i.1715.Ib. i. §§ 13-15, nec aegroto nec valeo;... In omnibus rebus haec me sequitur bonae mentis infirmitas. Ib. § 17, rogo, si quod habes remedium quo hanc fluctuationem meam sistam, dignum me putes qui tibi tranquillitatem debeam.1716.Ep. 7, § 8; 19, § 2.1717.Ep. 68, ipsum otium absconde; jactandi autem genus est nimis latere.1718.Ep. 43, § 4; cf. 83, § 1; 10, § 2, mecum loquor... cave ne cum homine malo loquaris.1719.Ep. 10, § 5, turpissima vota dis insusurrant; cf. Pers. Sat. ii. 7-18; Sen. Ep. 41, § 1.1720.Ep. 11, § 8; 104, § 21, vive cum Chrysippo, cum Posidonio.1721.Ep. 6, § 1; Ep. 28; Ep. 50, § 4; Plut. De Prof. in Virt. c. xi. τὸ πάθος λέγειν καὶ τὴν μοχθηρίαν ἀποκαλύπτειν οὐ φαῦλον ἂν εἴη προκοπῆς σημεῖον.1722.De Ira, iii. 36, § 3.1723.Ep. 32, § 2, in tanta brevitate vitae quam breviorem inconstantia facimus, etc.; Ep. 99, § 11, intelleges etiam in longissima vita minimum esse quod vivitur.1724.Ep. 56, § 15; 51, § 5.1725.Ep. 51, § 4; 104, § 20, si vis peregrinationes habere jucundas, tuum comitem sana.1726.Ep. 17, § 5; 18, § 8; Ep. 87, § 1; cf. Martha, p. 42.1727.Ep. 96, § 5.1728.Ep. 78, § 16, 4, nos quoque evincamus omnia, quorum praemium non corona nec palma est, etc.1729.De Vit. Beat. vii. § 4; Ep. 83, § 27.1730.Ep. 37.1731.Ep. 96; 98, §§ 2, 7.1732.De Prov. iii. § 4.1733.Ep. 24, § 13, rebus persona demenda est.1734.Ib. § 18; cf. Ep. 36, § 10; Ep. 30, § 17; Ep. 58, § 27; cf. Epict. ii. 1.1735.De Prov. vi. § 6; Ad Marc. 25; Ep. 102, §§ 23-26, Per has mortalis aevi moras illi meliori vitae longiorique proluditur.1736.Ep. 24, § 11.1737.Ep. 24, § 20; Ep. 36.1738.Ep. 93, § 2, longa est vita si plena est; cf. 101, § 10, singulos dies singulas vitas puta.1739.De Brev. Vit. viii. § 1.1740.Ib. x.1741.Ib. ix. § 4, pueriles adhuc animos senectus opprimit.1742.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 329, der Stoiker ist zu gebildet... um den Werth der wissenschaftlichen Weltbetrachtung zu verkennen.1743.Cf. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 277, die Philosophie immer nur die geschichtlich vorhandenen Zustände abspiegele.1744.Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, p. 26.1745.Ep. 109, § 10; 9, § 15.1746.De Otio, iv.; Ep. 68, § 2; cf. S. Aug. De Civ. Dei, xi. 1.1747.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 274; Stob. Flor. 45, 29; Sen. Ep. 29, § 11.1748.Ep. 19, § 6, subduc cervicem jugo tritam.1749.De Otio, iii. § 2, accedet ad rempublicam nisi si quid impedierit.1750.Ib. viii. § 1, interrogo ad quam rempublicam sapiens sit accessurus, ad Athenas in qua Socrates damnatur, etc.; cf. Diog. Laert. v. 1.1751.Ib. vii. § 131.1752.Sen. Ep. 9, § 13.1753.Ep. 109, § 3 sqq.1754.Epict. Diss. iii. 22, § 69.1755.Epict. Diss. i. 9, § 1 sqq. ἢ τὸ τοῦ Σωκράτους, μηδέποτε πρὸς τὸν πυθόμενον, ποδαπός ἐστι, εἰπεῖν ὅτι Ἀθηναῖος ἢ Κορίνθιος, ἀλλ’ ὅτι Κόσμος.1756.M. Aurel. iii. 11; vi. 44, πόλις καὶ πατρὶς ὡς μὲν Ἀντωνίνῳ μοι ἡ Ῥώμη, ὡς δὲ ἀνθρώπῳ ὁ Κόσμος.1757.Sen. Ep. 95, § 52; cf. M. Aurel. iv. 4, ὁ κόσμος ὡσανεὶ πόλις ἐστί: Epict. Diss. i. 13, § 3; Cic. De Leg. i. 7, 23, ut jam universus hic mundus una civitas sit communis deorum atque hominum existimanda.1758.Sen. Ep. 47, § 2, alteri vivas oportet, si vis tibi vivere; Ep. 55, non sibi vivit qui nemini.1759.De Otio, iii. § 5.1760.De Benef. iv. 18, § 2, nudum et infirmum societas munit.1761.De Ira, i. 5, § 2.1762.De Ira, ii. 10, § 5 sqq.1763.Ib. ii. 8 and 9; Ep. 90, § 9 sqq.; N. Quaest. v. 15.1764.Ib. ii. 10, §§ 6-8.1765.De Clem. i. 6, § 3, peccavimus omnes.1766.De Ira, ii. 28, § 8, aliena vitia in oculis habemus, a tergo nostra sunt.1767.De Ben. iv. 4 and 5; iv. 28; De Ira, iii. 26.1768.De Ira, ii. 28.1769.Ib. iii. 5, ingens animus et verus aestimator sui non vindicat injuriam quia non sentit.... Ultio doloris confessio est.1770.Ib. iii. 6.1771.Ep. 65, § 24; Ad Helv. viii. § 3; Ep. 41, § 2; De Ben. iv. 4 and 7; Ep. 10, § 5, sic vive tamquam deus videat; Siedler, De Sen. Phil. Mor. p. 14; Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, p. 32.1772.De Prov. vi. § 6, hoc est quo deum antecedatis.1773.De Ira, iii. 26; De Ben. i. 10.1774.De Ben. vii. 28, § 2.1775.De Ira, iii. 26; ii. 28; ii. 31.1776.De Ben. iii. 28, unus omnium parens mundus est. Cf. Ep. 47; De Ira, iii. 24; iii. 35; De Clem. i. 18.1777.De Ben. iii. 18.1778.De Ben. iii. 19 and 26; cf. Macrob. Sat. i. 11, § 16.1779.De Ben. iii. 20, interior illa pars mancipio dari non potest.1780.Ad Helv. xvi. § 3; Ep. 95, § 21, libidine vero ne maribus quidem cedunt.1781.Ad Helv. xix. § 2, § 6; Marcia’s husband, probably Vitrasius Pollio, was governor of Egypt.—Teuffel, R. Lit. § 282, 1.1782.Ad Helv. xv.-xvii. § 3.1783.Ad Marc. xvi. par illis, mihi crede, vigor, etc.1784.Tac. Ann. xv. 63, 64; Sen. Ep. 104, §§ 1-6.1785.De Ben. iii. 28; iii. 20.1786.Ad Polyb. xii. xiii. § 4; D. Cass. lxi. 10; Tac. Ann. xiii. 42.1787.Ep. 94, § 73, quae aliis excelsa videntur, ipsis praerupta sunt.1788.De Otio, iv. duas respublicas animo complectamur, etc.1789.Sen. Frag. ap. Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 10; Ep. 41, § 1, non sunt ad caelum elevandae manus, nec exorandus aedituus, ut nos ad aurem simulacri quasi magis exaudiri possimus admittat.1790.Sen. Ad Polyb. iv.1791.De Brev. Vit. xv. § 3 sq.1792.Sen. Ep. 77, § 6, cogita quamdiu jam idem facias: cibus, somnus, libido; per hunc circulum curritur; Ep. 24, § 25, quosdam subit eadem faciendi videndique satietas; Ep. 89, § 21; 95, § 20; 13, § 4; 24, §§ 11-14; 91, § 5, 6; De Tranq. ii. § 13; x. § 5, 6.1793.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, pp. 46, 47; cf. Sen. Ep. 88, § 20; 117, § 20.1794.Sen. Ep. 48, § 8, omnes undique ad te manus tendunt, etc.1795.M. Aurel. ix. 34; v. 33, γυμνὰ νόμιζε βλέπειν τὰ ψυχάρια αὐτῶν. ὅτε δοκοῦσι βλάπτειν ψέγοντες ἢ ὠφελεῖν ἐξυμνοῦντες, ὅση οἴησις;... καὶ κυνίδια διακναιόμενα καὶ παιδία φιλόνεικα, γελῶντα, εἶτα εὐθὺς κλαίοντα. Πίστις δὲ καὶ αἰδὼς καὶ δίκη καὶ ἀλήθεια πρὸς Ὄλυμπον ἀπὸ χθονὸς εὐρυοδείης. Petron. Sat. 88; Sen. De Ira, ii. 8; D. Chrys. xiii. § 13, 33; vii. 133.1796.Pers. ii. 4 sqq.; cf. Herod. vi. 86; Luc. Icaromen. 25.1797.Bernays, Lucian und die Kyniker, p. 34.1798.v. p. 231 of this work. Yet cf. Luc. Somn. seu Gallus, 22, οἱ δὲ πλούσιοι φρίττουσι καὶ διανομαῖς ἱλάσκονταί σε κτλ.1799.Croiset, Lucien, p. 164, il a subi fortement leur influence en écrivant les Dialogues des morts.1800.Luc. Menip. c. 21.1801.Luc. Vit. Auct. 11; Traj. 24; Dial. Mort. x. 9.1802.Cf. Luc. Char. 15, 20; Dial. Mort. i. 3; Somn. 21.1803.Luc. Traj. 15; Necyom. 12.1804.Traj. 19; Cyn. 7; Menip. 11, χωρὶς δὲ οἵ τε πλούσιοι προσῄεσαν ὠχροί κτλ. Cf. Somn. 14, 15, οἱ δὲ (πλούσιοι) εὖ ἴσθι πολὺ ὑμῶν ἀθλιώτερον τὸν βίον βιοῦσι, cf. 22.1805.Char. 23, ἀποθνήσκουσι γάρ, ὦ πορθμεῦ, καὶ πόλεις ὥσπερ ἄνθρωποι.1806.As in Icaromen. 15; Char. 17.1807.Char. 3; cf. a saying of Plato, quoted in M. Aurel. vii. 48, καὶ δὴ περὶ ἀνθρώπων τοὺς λόγους ποιούμενον ἐπισκοπεῖν δεῖ καὶ τὰ ἐπίγεια, ὥσπερ ποθὲν ἄνωθεν, κατὰ ἀγέλας... γάμους, γενέσεις, θανάτους, δικαστηρίων θόρυβον, ἑορτάς, θρήνους, κτλ.1808.Luc. Char. 17, ἀπίασιν ὥσπερ ἐξ ὀνείρατος πάντα ὑπὲρ γῆς ἀφέντες.1809.Luc. Vit. Auct. 3, 13, 16.1810.Epict. Diss. iv. i. 138, Ἆρον ἐκεῖνα τὰ τῶν σχολαστικῶν καὶ τῶν μωρῶν κτλ. M. Aurel. vii. 67; cf. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 203; Hatch, Hibbert Lec. p. 142.1811.M. Aurel. vi. 15; vii. 19; vi. 24, 42, 47; viii 6; xi. 20; viii. 3; vii. 67.1812.Epict. Fr. 175; cf. Diss. iii. 21, § 23, ἀλλά, εἴ σε ψυχαγωγεῖ τὰ θεωρήματα, καθήμενος αὐτὰ στρέφε αὐτὸς ἐπὶ σεαυτοῦ· φιλόσοφον δὲ μηδέποτ’ εἴπῃς σεαυτόν: cf. M. Aurel. ii. 17, τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου βίου ὁ μὲν χρόνος στιγμή... τί οὖν τὸ παραπέμψαι δυνάμενον; ἓν καὶ μόνον, φιλοσοφία.1813.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 26; D. Chrys. Or. xxxii.1814.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 41; iv. 24; D. Chrys. xxxvi, § 17.1815.Luc. Fug. c. 12.1816.Hermot. c. 2, 25.1817.D. Chrys. Or. lxxviii.; Martha, Mor. sous L’Emp. rom. p. 300.1818.Luc. (?) Dem. c. 7, 8.1819.Luc. (?) Dem. c. 63.1820.Sen. Ep. 89, § 6; cf. A. Gell. xvii. 19, 4.1821.Luc. Hermot. c. 5.1822.Ib. c. 7, καὶ οὗτοι δὴ ὑπὸ φιλοσοφίας ὥσπερ ὑπό τινος πυρὸς ἅπαντα ταῦτα περιαιρεθέντες κτλ.1823.Luc. Bis Acc. c. 11.1824.Ib. c. 6, ἁπανταχοῦ πώγων βαθὺς καὶ βιβλίον ἐν τῃ ἀριστερᾳ καὶ πάντες ὑπὲρ σοῦ φιλοσοφοῦσι κτλ.1825.Fug. c. 12; Vit. Auct. c. 10; D. Chrys. xxxii. 9; xxxiv. 3.1826.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 37.1827.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 483. Renan, Les Év. p. 384, les différences des écoles étaient à peu près effacées. Un éclecticisme superficie était à la mode.1828.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 7.1829.Capitol. M. Ant. c. 3.1830.Martha, Moralistes sous l’Emp. p. 275; Capes, Univ. Life, p. 58 sqq.1831.Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire (1st ed.), p. 355.1832.Capes, Univ. Life, p. 69.1833.Epict. ii. 19; iii. 23; Plut. De Recta Rat. Aud. vii. viii.; A. Gell. v. i.; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 657.1834.Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 3.1835.Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. iv. ἔθελγε τῇ τε ἠχῇ τοῦ φθέγματος καὶ τῷ ῥυθμῷ τῆς γλώττης. A. Gell. v. 1, 3; Sen. Ep. 108, § 6, non id agunt ut aliqua illo vitia deponant sed ut oblectamento aurium perfruantur. Cf. Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 7.1836.Epict. iii. 23, ἀλλ’ ἐπαίνεσόν με· εἰπέ μοι Ούᾶ καὶ Θαυμαστῶς. Plut. De Recta Rat. Aud. c. viii.; cf. Hatch, Hibbert Lec. p. 95.1837.Plin. Ep. i. 10.1838.Epict. iii. 21; ii. 1; ii. 23; Sen. Ep. 108, § 6.1839.A. Gell. v. 1, 2, tum scias neque illi philosophum loqui sed tibicinem canere. Philostr. Vit. Soph. iii. 3, ῥυθμούς τε ποικιλωτέρους αὐλοῦ καὶ λύρου ἐσηγάγετο ἐς τὸν λόγον. D. Chrys. Or. xxxv. §§ 7, 8.1840.For a comparative estimate see Capes, Univ. Life in Ancient Athens, p. 90; Hatch, Hibbert Lec. p. 105.1841.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 3; iv. 42; D. Chrys. xxxiii. § 28; xxxiv. § 4; xl. § 31.1842.Cf. A. Gell. xii. 1, nihil, inquit, dubito quin filium lacte suo nutritura sit.1843.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iii. 41 sqq.; iv. 24; iv. 18, 20; i. 11; i. 31.1844.Ib. iv. 13, 16, 19, 20, 33; vi. 40.1845.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 25, τὸ δὲ τῶν ταύρων αἷμα καὶ ὁπόσα ἐθύετο, οὐκ ἐπῄνει τὰ τοιάδε, κτλ.1846.Ib. iv. 3.1847.Ib. iv. 8.1848.Ib. iv. 31.1849.Ib. iv. 41.1850.Ib. i. 11; iv. 40, ὦδε εὔχομαι, ὦ θεοὶ δοίητέ μοι τὰ ὀφειλόμενα.1851.Diog. Laert. iv. 3, 1, καί ποτε... μεθύων καὶ ἐστεφανωμένος εἰς τὴν Ξενοκράτους ᾖξε σχολήν κτλ.: Epict. iii. 1, § 14; Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 253, quaero, faciasne, quod olim Mutatus Polemon? Cf. the conversion of Isaeus, Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 217.1852.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 20; cf. i. 13.1853.Ib. vii. 16; cf. Tac. Ann. xv. 71; D. Cass. lxii. 27.1854.Tac. Ann. xv. 71; xiv. 59; Epict. i. 1, 27. The Rufus is Musonius Rufus.1855.D. Cass. lxvi. 13, πάντας τοὺς φιλοσόφους ὁ Οὐεσπασιανὸς πλὴν τοῦ Μουσωνίου ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐξέβαλε.1856.Zeller. Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, pp. 651-658.1857.Tac. Hist. iii. 81.1858.Max. Tyr. v. viii. §§ 3, 10; xi.; xiv. § 8; xvii. For the little known of him, v. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2. p. 182, n. 3.1859.D. Chrys. Or. xxxii. § 9, οὗτοι δὲ (οἱ Κυνικοὶ) ἔν τε τριόδοις καὶ στενωποῖς καὶ πυλῶσιν ἱερῶν ἀγείρουσι καὶ ἀπατῶσι παιδάρια καὶ ναύτας, κτλ.1860.Sen. Ep. 5, § 1; 29, § 1; Mart. iv. 53, cum baculo peraque senem... cui dat latratos obvia turba cibos; Epict. iii. 22; D. Chrys. Or. xxxiv. § 2; Athen. iii. 113; Petron. 14; Aleiphr. iii. 55; Caspari, De Cynicis, p. 10.1861.Luc. Conviv. c. 16, 35, etc.1862.Fug. c. 5, 15.1863.Ib. c. 12, κατεῖδον τὴν αἰδῶ ὅση παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐστι τοῖς ἑταίροις τοῖς ἐμοῖς,... ταῦτα πάντα τυραννίδα οὐ μικρὰν ἡγοῦντο εἶναι.1864.Luc. Fug. c. 17-21, οἱ ἰδιῶται δὲ ταῦτα ὁρῶντες καταπτύουσιν ἤδη φιλοσοφίας, κτλ.1865.Bernays, Die Kyniker, p. 39. Roheit und arbeitsscheues Vagabundenthum... mussten die Kynische Lebensweise sehr bequem finden.1866.Plut. (?) De Plac. Phil. ii. 8; iv. 5; Luc. (?) Demon. 4, ποιηταῖς σύντροφος ἐγένετο... καὶ τὰς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ προαιρέσεις... ἠπίστατο: cf. Caspari, De Cyn. p. 6; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 685.1867.Cf. Luc. (?) Dem. 14 sqq.; Caspari, p. 6.1868.Epict. iii. 22, § 80, εἰς τοὺς νῦν ἀποβλέπομεν τοὺς τραπεζῆας πυλαωροὺς κτλ., Luc. Fug. 14, καὶ οὐ πολλῆς πραγματείας δεῖ τριβώνιον περιβαλέσθαι.1869.Luc. Ver. Hist. ii. 18; Athen. iv. 158; xiii. 588.1870.S. Aug. Civ. D. xiv. 20, nemo tamen eorum audet hoc facere.1871.D. Chrys. Or. lxxii. 2; Pers. v. 189; Petron. Sat. 71; Tac. Agr. 4; Hist. iv. 5; Plin. Ep. i. 22; Quintil. xi. 1, 35; xii. 2, 6.1872.Capitol. Avid. Cass. 1, § 8, in a letter of Verus, te philosopham aniculam, me luxuriosum morionem vocat: cf. c. 14.1873.Bernays, Die Kyniker, p. 31, sie sind die am reinsten deistische Sect, welche das hellenisch-römische Alterthum hervorgebracht hat.1874.Ib. p. 30; cf. D. Cass. lxxvii. 19, for the favours showered on the Cynic Antiochus by Severus.1875.On Lucian’s Peregrinus, v. Caspari, De Cyn. p. 24 sq.; Bernays, p. 42 sqq.1876.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 5, 10 sq.1877.Ib. c. 11, 12.1878.Ib. c. 14.1879.Ib. c. 17, 18; cf. the rudeness of Demetrius to Vespasian, Suet. Vesp. xiii.; D. Cass. lxvi. 13.1880.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 19, κακῶς ἠγόρευεν ὡς καταθηλύναντα τοὺς Ἕλληνας.1881.Caspari, De Cyn. p. 16; Bernays, Luc. u. die Kyniker, p. 16.1882.Ib. p. 54.1883.This offended Demonax, cf. Luc. (?) Dem. c. 21, Περεγρῖνε οὐκ ἀνθρώπιζεις.1884.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 13.1885.Ib. 10, 14, 37; Bernays, p. 54.1886.Cf. Aristid. Or. xlvi. (Dind. vol. ii. p. 402), τοῖς ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ δυσσεβέσι παραπλήσιοι τοὺς τρόπους. Bernays, p. 36, Übertritte aus dem einen in das andere Lager vorkamen; Hatch, Hib. Lec. p. 166; cf. Caspari, De Cyn. p. 25; Jul. Or. vii. 224. C. τὰ δὲ ἄλλα γε πάντα ἐστὶν ὑμῖν τε κἀκείνοις (i.e. Χριστιανοῖς) παραπλήσια. καταλελοίπατε τὴν πατρίδα ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι.1887.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 36, ἐς τὴν μεσημβρίαν ἀποβλέπων: c. 25, ὅπως τὴν καρτηρίαν ἐπιδείξηται ὥσπερ οἱ Βραχμᾶνες, ἐκείνοις γὰρ αὐτὸν ἠχίου Θεαγένης εἰκάζειν.1888.Ib. c. 2.1889.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 7 sqq.1890.Ib. c. 4, εἰς κενοδοξίαν τινὲς τοῦτο ἀναφέρουσι.1891.Sen. Ep. 58, § 36; 70, § 8; De Prov. ii. 10; vi. § 7; De Ira, iii. 15; De V. Beat. 19; Epict. i. 24. Cf. Plin. Ep. i. 12; i. 22; iii. 7; iii. 9; vi. 24; Boissier, L’Opp. p. 212 sqq.1892.D. Cass. lxix. 8, καὶ ὁ Εὐφράτης ὁ φιλόσοφος ἀπέθανεν ἐθελοντής, ἐπιτρέψαντος αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ Ἁδριανοῦ κωνεῖον διὰ τὸ γῆρας καὶ διὰ τὴν νόσον πιεῖν.1893.Ael. Spart. Hadr. c. 24.1894.Diog. Laert. vi. 18; cf. vi. 77, for the death of Diogenes himself.1895.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 29.1896.Ib. c. 33.1897.Ib. c. 34, ἐγὼ δέ, εἰκάζεις, οἶμαι, πῶς ἐγέλων. v. Baur’s view of this piece (Ch. Hist. ii. 170). He thinks the self-immolation of Peregrinus pure fiction, and that Lucian’s object throughout was to discredit Christianity.1898.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 36.1899.Ib. c. 38.1900.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 39.1901.Ib. c. 40.1902.A. Gell. xii. 11, virum gravem atque constantem vidimus... deversantem in quodam tugurio extra urbem.1903.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 685; Bernays, Luc. u. die Kyniker, p. 27 sq.1904.Epict. Diss. iii. 22, § 23, ἀλλ’ εἰδέναι δεῖ ὅτι ἄγγελος ἀπὸ Διὸς ἀπέσταλται πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, περὶ ἀγαθῶν καὶ κακῶν ὑποδείξων αὐτοῖς ὅτι πεπλάνηται καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ ζητοῦσι τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ ὅπου οὐκ ἔστιν, ὅπου δ’ ἔστιν οὐκ ἐνθυμοῦνται κτλ.1905.Ib. iii. 22, §§ 28-30.1906.Ib. § 38, ὅπου οὐ δοκεῖτε οὐδὲ θέλετε ζητῆσαι αὐτό. εἰ γὰρ ἠθέλετε, εὕρετε ἂν ἐν ὑμῖν ὄν κτλ.1907.Epict. Diss. iii. 22, § 47, ἴδετέ με, ὅτι ἄπολίς εἰμι, ἄοικος, ἀκτήμων, ἄδουλος.1908.Ib. § 56, Κυνικῷ δὲ Καῖσαρ τίς ἐστιν ἢ ὁ καταπεπομφὼς αὐτὸν καὶ ᾧ λατρεύει, ὁ Ζεύς.1909.Ib. § 52.1910.Ib. § 67.1911.Ib. § 81, πάντας ἀνθρώπους πεπαιδοποίηται, τοὺς ἄνδρας υἱοὺς ἔχει, τὰς γυναῖκας θυγατέρας.1912.Ib. § 84.1913.Ib. § 100.1914.Epict. iii. 22, §§ 86, 87.1915.Ib. § 93, πρὸ πάντων δὲ τὸ ἡγεμονικὸν αὐτοῦ δεῖ καθαρώτερον εἶναι τοῦ ἡλίου.1916.Bernays, Luc. u. die Kyniker, pp. 36-38.1917.Ib. p. 99.1918.Ib. p. 37; Caspari, De Cyn. p. 25.1919.Ib. p. 5.1920.Luc. (?) Dem. c. 16-21.1921.Sen. Ben. vii. 11; Philostr. Apoll. T. vii. 42.1922.Sen. Ben. vii. i. 3, vir meo judicio magnus etiamsi maximis comparetur; vii. 8, 2.1923.Id. Ep. 20, 9; Vit. B. xviii. 3.1924.Id. De Ben. vii. 1, § 3, egregia hoc dicere solet, Plus prodesse, si pauca praecepta sapientiae teneas, sed illa in promptu tibi sint, etc.1925.Luc. Adv. Indoct. 19.1926.Sen. De Ben. vii. 8, 2.1927.Tac. Ann. xvi. 34.1928.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 25, 42; vi. 13; viii. 10; vii. 42.1929.Epict. Diss. i. 25, § 22, ἀπειλεῖς μοι θάνατον σοὶ δ’ ἡ φύσις.1930.Suet. Vesp. xiii. philosophorum contumaciam lenissime tulit; Dom. x.; D. Cass. lxvi. 13.1931.Bernays, Luc. u. die Kyniker, p. 29.1932.D. Cass. lxvi. 15.1933.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 19; the attempt of Peregrinus in Greece is probably referred to in Jul. Capitol. Ant. P. 5, § 5; cf. Bernays, p. 30; Caspari, De Cyn. p. 15.1934.Bernays, p. 31.1935.Sen. De Prov. 5, §§ 5-7.1936.Luc. Dem. c. 11; Oenom. Fr. 13, οὐκ ἀθάνατοι, ἀλλὰ λίθινοι καὶ ξύλινοι δεσπόται ἀνθρώπων, 14; cf. Julian, Or. vii. 204, a.1937.Caspari, De Cyn. p. 12; Bernays, p. 35; Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 690.1938.Plut. De Def. Or. vii.1939.Julian, Or. vii. 209.1940.Jul. vii. 209, 210, διαφέρουσι γὰρ οὗτοί τι τῶν ἐπ’ ἐρημίας λῃστευόντων καὶ κατειληφότων τὰς ἀκτὰς ἐπὶ τῷ λυμαίνεσθαι τοῖς καταπλέουσι.1941.Bernays, Luc. u. die Kyniker, p. 104, agrees with Bekker that the Demonax can hardly be a genuine work of Lucian. But its author was a contemporary and friend of Demonax (c. i. ἐπὶ μήκιστον συνεγενόμην).1942.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 691, n. 6.1943.Luc. Dem. c. 3 sqq.1944.Ib. c. 3, 24, 31.1945.Ib. c. 62.1946.Luc. (?) Dem. c. 5, 6.1947.Ib. c. 14.1948.Ib. c. 7.1949.Ib. 6.1950.Ib. 9, 10.1951.Ib. c. 11, τραχύτερον ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ προαίρεσιν ἀπελογήσατο.1952.Ib. c. 37.1953.Ib. 32.1954.Ib. c. 12, 24.1955.Luc. (?) Dem. c. 14, οὗτος, ἔφη, προσειπὼν τὸ ὄνομα, καλεῖ σε Πυθαγόρας.1956.Ib. c. 26, σὺ δὲ μοι ὡς ἐπ’ Ἀγαμέμνονος ἀποκρίνῃ.1957.Ib. c. 55.1958.Ib. c. 57.1959.Ib. c. 63 sqq.1960.D. Chrys. Or. xxxiv. § 2; lxxii. § 2.1961.Cf. Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 7. For other authorities v. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 729, n. 1. Martha, Moralistes sous l’Emp. rom. 294, gives a good sketch of Dion’s career.1962.D. Chrys. Or. xiii. § 1.1963.Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 7.1964.Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 2; ἔλεγε θαμὰ ἐπιστρεφόμενος ἐς τὸν Δίωνα “τί μὲν λέγεις, οὐκ οἶδα, φιλῶ δέ σε ὡς ἐμαυτόν.”1965.D. Chrys. Or. xiii. § 6, 9, 10, στολήν τε ταπεινὴν ἀναλαβὼν καὶ τἆλλα κολάσας ἐμαυτὸν ἠλώμην πανταχοῦ.1966.Ib. § 12, πολλοὶ γὰρ ἠρώτων προσιόντες, ὅ τι μοι φαίνοιτο ἀγαθὸν ἢ κακόν. ὥστε ἠναγκαζόμην φροντίζειν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἵνα ἔχοιμι ἀποκρίνεσθαι τοὶς ἐρωτώσιν. With the conversion of Dion cf. of that of Isaeus and Polemon, etc., Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. p. 218; Apoll. Tyan. i. 13; iv. 20; Epict. iii. 1; Diog. Laert. iv. 3, § 1.1967.D. Chrys. Or. xxxvii. § 25; iv. § 1; vi.1968.Or. liv.; xiii. § 13, 14, ἐνίοτε ὑπὸ ἀπορίας ᾖα ἐπί τινα λόγον ἀρχαῖον λεγόμενον ὑπό τινος Σωκράτους κτλ.: cf. xviii. § 14, πάντων ἄριστος ἐμοὶ καὶ λυσιτελέστατος πρὸς ταῦτα πάντα Ξενοφῶν.1969.D. Chrys. Or. lxx. § 1, 7; καθόλου βίος ἄλλος μὲν τοῦ φιλοσοφοῦντος, ἄλλος δὲ τῶν πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων; cf. xiii. § 33.1970.Ib. xiii. § 28; xxiii. § 7, οὐκοῦν τὸν τυχόντα ἀγαθοῦ δαίμονος ἡγῇ δικαίως ζῆν καὶ φρονίμως καὶ σωφρόνως; cf. Epict. i. § 14, ἐπίτροπον ἑκάστῳ παρέστησε, τὸν ἑκάστου δαίμονα κτλ. M. Aurel. v. 27.1971.D. Chrys. Or. xxxii. § 9; xxxv. § 2, 3; xxxiv. § 2.1972.Or. xvi. § 2, 3; xxxv. § 8; cf. xiii. § 11, οἱ μὲν γὰρ πολλοὶ τῶν καλουμένων φιλοσόφων αὐτοὺς ἀνακηρύττουσιν κτλ.1973.Or. xiii. § 13, 34, ἐδόκουν δέ μοι πάντες ἄφρονες, φερόμενοι τάντες ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ περὶ τὰ αὐτά, περί τε χρήματα καὶ δόξας καὶ σωμάτων τινὰς ἡδονάς κτλ.1974.Or. xxxiii. § 17, 23, 32; cf. the ghastly exposure in Or. vii. § 133.1975.Or. xxxiii. §§ 24-28, εἴ τις διέρχοιτο Πέλλαν οὐδὲ σημεῖον ὄψεται πόλεως, οὐδὲν δίχα τοῦ πολὺν κέραμον εἶναι συντετριμμένον ἐν τῷ τόπῳ. Cf. xiii. §§ 33, 34.1976.A good example is the opening of Or. xxxii.1977.Or. xiv. § 2; xiii. § 13, ἐδόκουν δέ μοι πάντες ἄφρονες, κτλ.: cf. Zeller, Phil. der Gr. iii. 1, p. 730, er zeigt mit den Stoikern, dass die wahre Freiheit mit der Vernünftigkeit, die Sklaverei mit der Unvernunft zusammenfalle; cf. Or. xvi. § 4.1978.Or. xvii. 2, 3.1979.Or. xx. § 8, μὴ οὖν βελτίστη καὶ λυσιτελεστάτη πασῶν ἡ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναχώρησις κτλ. Hatch, Hib. Lec. p. 150.1980.Plin. Ep. x. 17, 23, 24, 58; Bury, Rom. Emp. p. 439.1981.D. Chrys. Or. xxxiv. § 10, 14, 48; xxxviii. § 11; xxxiv. § 16, 19, 29, 31.1982.Ib. xxxvi.1983.D. Chrys. Or. xxxvi. § 15, 8, 9, πάντες οἱ Βορυσθενῖται περὶ τὸν ποιητὴν ἐσπουδάκασιν κτλ. Cf. § 20, 23.1984.Momms. Rom. Prov. i. pp. 326, 354; cf. Aristid. Or. xiv. xv. 223-230 (Dind.).1985.Momms. Rom. Prov. i. p. 362; cf. Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 7; Vit. Soph. i. p. 220, καὶ προβήσεσθαι ἐπὶ μέγα τὰς Κλαζομενὰς ἡγουμένων εἰ τοιοῦτος δὴ ἀνὲρ ἐμπαιδεύσοι σφισίν κτλ.1986.Momms. Rom. Prov. i. pp. 329, 330; cf. Aristid. Or. xv.; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 7, φρονεῖν ἐκέλευεν ἐφ’ ἑαυτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ τῆς πόλεως εἴδει. D. Chrys. Or. xxxiv. 48; Friedl. Sitteng. iii. p. 111.1987.D. Chrys. Or. xxxviii. § 7, 31, 36.1988.Ib. xl. § 27, ἡ δὲ τῶν ἐγγὺς οὕτως καὶ ὀμόρων διαφορὰ καὶ τὸ μῖσος οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔοικεν ἢ στάσει μιᾶς πόλεως ὅπου καὶ γάμων κοινωνία, κτλ.1989.Ib. xxxviii. §§ 26-31.1990.Ib. xxxiv. §§ 44-48, αἱ μὲν οὖν θῖνες καὶ τὸ πρὸς τῇ λίμνῃ χωρίον οὐδενὸς ἄξια.1991.Ib. xl. § 35.1992.Ib. xxxviii. §§ 42-46.1993.Plin. Ep. x. 96, § 7.1994.Mahaffy, Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 242; Merivale, viii. p. 239; Momms. Rom. Prov. ii. p. 264.1995.Momms. ii. p. 263; D. Chrys. xxxii.; Tac. Hist. iv. 81; Ael. Spart. Hadr. c. 12, 14; D. Cass. lxix. 11; Petron. 31, 68.1996.D. Chrys. Or. xxxii. § 57, 41, 51, 55; Pl. Rep. iii. 399; Arist. Pol. viii. 5.1997.D. Chrys. Or. xxxii. § 75.1998.Ib. § 31, οἷς μόνον δεῖ παραβάλλειν τὸν πολὺν ἄρτον.1999.Ib. § 40.2000.See an excellent analysis of this piece (vii.) in Mahaffy’s Greek World under Roman Sway, pp. 277-288.2001.D. Chrys. Or. vii. § 34 sqq.2002.Ib. §§ 105-108.2003.Ib. §§ 82-89, αἱ γὰρ δὴ φιλοφρονήσεις καὶ χάριτες, ἐὰν σκοπῇ τις ὀρθῶς, οὐδὲν διαφέρουσιν ἐράνων καὶ δανείων.2004.D. Chrys. Or. vii. § 133; Musonius, Stob. Flor. vi. 61; cf. on this subject Denis, Idées Morales, etc. ii. p. 134.2005.D. Chrys. Or. vii. § 139.2006.Ib. x. § 13; xv. § 5; 6, 31; cf. Juv. xiv. 16; Sen. Ben. iii. 21; Ep. 47; cf. Denis, ii. 152; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. p. 354.2007.Cf. Newman’s Politics of Aristotle, Introd. p. 144.2008.D. Chrys. Or. xv. § 31.2009.D. Chrys. Or. i. § 13; ii. §§ 75-77; iii. § 39, 62, 107; iv. § 63; cf. Plin. Paneg. 72, 80, 67; Sen. De Clem. i. 13, § 4; i. 19, § 2.2010.D. Chrys. Or. i. § 79; cf. iii. §§ 5, 6.2011.Ib. i. § 52.2012.Ib. § 56.2013.Ib. § 66.2014.Or. iv. § 39.2015.Ib. iii. §§ 51, 62, τὸ ἄρχειν οὐδαμῶς ῥᾴθυμον ἀλλ’ ἐπίπονον κτλ.2016.D. Chrys. Or. iii. §§ 38, 88, 107.2017.Sueton. Dom. xxxiii.; Calig. lx. abolendam Caesarum memoriam ac diruenda templa censuerunt; cf. Or. Henz. 698, 699, 767, where the names of Caligula and Domitian have been erased.2018.Nov. Valent. tit. viii.; Leg. Anthem. tit. i.; Nov. Mart. ii.2019.D. Chrys. Or. vii. § 135, where the gods of pure wedlock are appealed to against vagrant vice.2020.Ib. xii. § 20.2021.D. Chrys. Or. xii. § 26.2022.Luc. De Sacrif. 11, οἴονται ὁρᾶν... αὐτὸν τὸν Κρόνου καὶ Ῥέας εἰς τὴν γῆν ὑπὸ Φειδίου μετῳκισμένον καὶ τὴν Πισαίων ἐρημίαν ἐπισκοπεῖν κεκελευσμένον.2023.Or. xii. § 51, άνθρώπων δέ, ὃς ἂν ῃ παντελῶς ἐπίπονὰς τὴν ψυχήν, πολλὰς ἀπαντλήσας ξυμφορὰς καὶ λύπας ἐν τῷ βίῳ... καὶ ὃς δοκεῖ μοι κατεναντίον στὰς τῆσδε τῆς εἰκόνος ἐκλαθέσθαι πάντων ὅσα ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῳ βίῳ δεινὰ καὶ χαλεπὰ γίγνεται παθεῖν.2024.Or. xii. §§ 27, 28, 33, 42; cf. Sen. Ep. 117, § 6, omnibus insita de dis opinio est.2025.D. Chrys. Or. xii. §§ 42, 43.2026.Ib. § 61, ὥσπερ νήπιοι παῖδες πατρὸς ἢ μητρὸς ἀπεσπασμένοι... ὀρέγουσι χεῖρας οὐ παροῦσι πολλάκις ὀνειρώττοντες κτλ.2027.D. Chrys. Or. xii. § 62.2028.Ib. § 56.2029.Ib. § 61; cf. Plut. De Is. et Osir. lxxi., lxxii., lxxvi.; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. vi. 19; Max. Tyr. Diss. viii. § 5.2030.D. Chrys. Or. xii. § 59, νοῦν γὰρ καὶ φρόνησιν αὐτὴν καθ’ αὑτὴν οὔτε τις πλάστης οὔτε τις γραφεὺς εἰκάσαι δυνατὸς ἔσται: Plut. De Is. lxxix.2031.Cf. Max. Tyr. Diss. viii. § 3, τὸ μὲν Ἑλληνικὸν τιμᾶν τοὺς θεοὺς ἐνομίσε τῶν ἐν γῇ καλλίστοις, ὕλῃ μὲν καθαρᾷμορφῇ δὲ ἀνθρωπίνῃ τέχνῃ δὲ ἀκριβεῖ.2032.D. Chrys. Or. xii. § 78.2033.Ib. §§ 74, 75.2034.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. pp. 430, 435; cf. Thiersch, Politik u. Phil. in ihrem Verhältn. zur Religion, p. 9.2035.Thiersch, Politik und Philosophie in ihrem Verhältniss zur Religion, pp. 14, 15.2036.Réville, Rel. unter den Sev. p. 81.2037.Lamprid. Commodus, c. 9.2038.Apul. Met. xi. c. 11, 22.2039.Or. Henz. 186, 193, 228 sqq., 275, 1637, 1580, 5873, 5879, 5887, 1993.2040.C.I.L. vi. 110, 111.2041.Or. Henz. 6628 (fontis), 4922 (castrorum), 1704 (legionis), 1812 (Neronis), 3953 (Hadriani).2042.Lamprid. Alex. Sev. c. 29; Spart. Hadr. 14, § 5; Luc. Peregr. c. 29; Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. pp. 454-456. Thiersch, Pol. u. Phil. in Verhältn. zur Rel. p. 10.2043.Luc. Alex. 19; Friedl. Sitteng. iii. p. 470; Thiersch, p. 19.2044.Luc. Deor. Conc. 12, ἀλλὰ ἤδη πᾶς λίθος καὶ πᾶς βωμὸς... χρησμῳδεῖ.2045.Friedl. Sitteng. iii. pp 474-478; Wolff, De Nov. Orac. Aetate, p. 29 sq.2046.Petron. Sat. 61, 62.2047.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 12; iv. 5; iv. 10; vii. 5.2048.C.I.L. xii. 3070, 4316; viii. 9195; viii. 4578, Jovi, Junoni, Minervae, Soli Mithrae, Herculi, Marti, Genio loci, Diis, Deabusque omnibus; cf. viii. 4578; vi. 504.2049.Luc. Jup. Trag. 8, 9; Deor. Conc. 8 sqq.2050.Philostr. Apoll. T. vi. 40; Baumgart, Aristides als Repräsentant der Soph. Rhet. pp. 62, 84; cf. Apul. Met. xi. c. 5; Macrob. Sat. i. 17.2051.Apul. Met. xi. cc. 3-6.2052.Lamprid. Alex. Sev. c. 29.2053.Apul. Apol. c. 64 (536), totius naturae causa et ratio, summus animi genitor, aeternus animantum sospitator... neque tempore neque loco neque vice ulla comprehensus, nemini effabilis; cf. Met. xi. c. 25; Denis, Hist. des Idées Morales, ii. p. 264.2054.Thiersch, Pol. u. Phil. in ihrem Verhältn. zur Rel. p. 21, man nennt den Marcus einen Stoiker.... Aber seine Dogmatik und seine ganze Seelenbestimmung gehört schon weit mehr dem Neoplatonismus an. Cf. Bussell, School of Plato, pp. 278-290.2055.Sen. De Ben. iv. 7.2056.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 649. Cf. Sen. Ep. 10, § 5; Ep. 73, § 16; Ep. 41, § 2; Ep. 63, § 7; Ep. 83, § 1; Ep. 95, § 50; Ep. 102, § 28, nulla serenum umbra turbabit; De Prov. iv. 7; De Ira, ii. 27; De Clem. i. 7; De Ben. 1. 29.2057.Epict. i. 9, § 7, τὸ δὲ τὸν θεὸν ποιητὴν ἔχειν καὶ πατέρα καὶ κηδεμόνα, οὐκέτι ἡμᾶς ἐξαιρήσεται λυπῶν καὶ φόβων: cf. i. 3, § 3; Denis, Hist. des Idées Morales, ii. p. 241.2058.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, pp. 179, 184.2059.James, Varieties of Religious Belief, pp. 511, 512.2060.Bussell, School of Plato, p. 296.2061.Sen. Ep. 41, § 2, sacer intra nos spiritus sedet.2062.Yet cf. Zeller, iii. 1, p. 649, der göttliche Beistand, welchen er verlangt, ist kein übernatürlicher. Seneca had broken away unconsciously from the old Stoic idea of God, more than Zeller will admit, or his words have no meaning.2063.Sen. Ep. 95, §§ 51, 52.2064.Ib. 107, § 9; Epict. Diss. iii. 24.2065.Epict. Diss. iii. 20, § 11, κακὸς γείτων; Αὑτῷ· ἀλλ’ ἐμοὶ ἀγαθός· γυμνάζει μου τὸ εὔγνωμον, τὸ ἐπιεικές: iv. 1, § 89; M. Aurel. vi. 44.2066.Epict. i. 16, § 20, τί γὰρ ἄλλο δύναμαι γέρων χωλὸς εἰ μὴ ὑμνεῖν τὸν θεόν; κτλ.2067.M. Aurel. iv. 23.2068.Ib. ix. 40; Sen. Ep. 10, § 5.2069.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 40, ὦδε εὔχομαι, ὦ θεοί, δοίετέ μοι τὰ ὀφειλόμενα. Max. Tyr. Diss. xi. 8, ἀλλὰ σὺ μὲν ἠγεῖ τὴν τοῦ φιλοσόφου εὐχὴν αἴτησιν εἶναι τῶν οὐ παρόντων· ἐγὼ δὲ ὁμιλίαν καὶ διάλεκτον πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τῶν παρόντων καὶ ἐπίδειξιν τῆς ἀρητῆς.2070.Frag. preserved in S. Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 10.2071.D. Chrys. Or. xii. § 24 (412 R); Max. Tyr. Diss. viii. 10.2072.Max. Tyr. Diss. viii. §§ 5-10; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. vi. 19.2073.Max. Tyr. viii. 10, οὐ νεμεσῶ τῆς διαφωνίας, ἴστωσαν μόνον, ἐράτωσαν μόνον, μνημονευέτωσαν μόνον.2074.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 299 sqq.; S. Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 5.2075.Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, i. p. 183 (Tr.); Preller, Rom. Myth. p. 2.2076.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, pp. 18-20.2077.Sen. Ep. 117, §§ 19-30; Epict. Diss. i. 17; M. Aurel. vii. 67. But cf. viii. 13; xii. 14; viii. 3.2078.Luc. Hermot. c. 25, 34, 37 sqq.2079.Überweg, Hist. Phil. i. p. 232; Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 83; Thiersch, Politik u. Phil. etc., pp. 15, 16.2080.Flav. Vop. Vit. Saturn. c. 8, § 2, illic qui Serapem colunt Christiani sunt, et devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Christi episcopos dicunt, etc.2081.Max. Tyr. Diss. xiv. 8, ἦ γὰρ ἂν τῷ διὰ μέσου πολλῷ τὸ θνητὸν πρὸς τὸ ἀθάνατον διετειχίσθη τῆς οὐρανίου ἐπόψεώς τε καὶ ὁμιλίας ὅτι μὴ τῆς δαιμονίου ταύτης φύσεως, κτλ. Cf. xvi. 9.2082.Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 8; ii. 17.2083.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, pp. 57-62.2084.Sen. Nat. Q. vii. 32, 2, Pythagorica illa invidiosa turbae schola praeceptorem non invenit.2085.Sen. Ep. 49, § 2; 108, § 17.2086.Zeller, iii. 2, p. 85.2087.Überweg, Hist. Phil. i. p. 228; cf. Hatch, Hibbert Lec. p. 148.2088.Überweg, Hist. Phil. i. p. 252; cf. Eunapius, Vit. Iambl.2089.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 3, 1; cf. Ael. Spart. Vit. Sev. 18.2090.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 7.2091.Ib. ii. 38.2092.Ib. i. 11, § 16; i. 31; iv. 19, 20; iv. 41.2093.Ib. iii. 41.2094.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 13; iv. 16.2095.Ib. iv. 1, λόγοι τε περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐφοίτων οἱ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Κολοφῶνι μαντείου κοινωνὸν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σοφίας καὶ ἀτεχνῶς σοφὸν τὸν ἄνδρα ᾄδοντες, οἱ δὲ ἐκ Διδύμων.2096.Ib. iv. 41.2097.Ib. iii. 35, τὴν δὲ (ἔδραν ἀποδοτέον) ἐπ’ ἐκείνῃ θεοῖς, οἱ τὰ μέρη αὐτοῦ κυβερνῶσι: cf. Max. Tyr. Diss. xiv. § 6 sqq.2098.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. ii. 37; vi. 11; vii. 26; Max. Tyr. Diss. xiii. § 5.2099.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. vi. 10; iv. 40; v. 12; iv. 18; iv. 44.2100.Ib. iv. 13; iii. 25.2101.Ib. vi. 19.2102.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 40.2103.Ib. iv. 22; iv. 41; v. 26.2104.Gréard, De la Morale de Plutarch, p. 32; Volkmann, Leben, etc. p. 37.2105.For the apocryphal accounts, v. Gréard, p. 3 sqq.2106.Vit. Anton. c. 68, ὁ γοῦν πρόπαππος ἡμῶν Νίκαρχος διηγεῖτο κτλ.: Volkmann, p. 21.2107.Plut. De ΕΙ ap. Delph. c. 1; cf. 17; Vit. Themist. c. 32; Sympos. iii. 1, § 1; ix. 14, § 2; ix. 14, § 7; i. 9; Eunap. Vit. Soph. Prooem. 5, ἐν οἷς Ἀμμώνιός τε ἦν Πλουτάρχου τοῦ θειοτάτου γεγονὼς διδάσκαλος.2108.Sympos. v. 5, § 1, Vit. Agesil. c. 19; Volkmann, pp. 34, 63.2109.Praec. Ger. Reipub. c. 20.2110.Sympos. viii. 7, § 1, Vit. Dem. c. 2. In this passage he says, οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης γυμάζεσθαι περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαικὴν διάλεκτον ὑπὸ χρειῶν πολιτικῶν... ὀψέ ποτε καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἠρξάμεθα Ῥωμαικοῖς γράμμασιν ἐντυγχάνειν. Cf. Frat. Am. 4.2111.Suet. Dom. c. xx.; Spart. Vit. Hadr. c. 16, § 5, Aul. Gell. xii. 2; Luc. Lexiph. c. 20; Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 278; Macé, Suétone, p. 96; Gréard, Morale de Plut. p. 33; cf. Sen. Ep. 114, § 13, multi ex alieno seculo petunt verba: duodecim tabulas loquuntur.2112.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 360.2113.Plut. De Curios. c. 15, ἐμοῦ ποτε ἐν Ῥώμῃ διαλεγομένου Ῥούστικος ἐκεῖνος ὃν ἀπέκτεινε Δομιτιανὸς... ἠκροᾶτο κτλ.2114.Plut. De Tranq. c. 1; Sympos. i. 9; v. 7, § 10; viii. 1; De Cohib. Ira, c. 1; Sympos. ii. 3; i. 5; cf. Plin. Ep. i. 9; iv. 5; Ep. i. 13; iv. 4; Tac. Agr. c. 2; cf. Suet. Vesp. c. xxii.2115.For a description of this society, see Mahaffy’s Greek World under Rom. Sway, c. xliv.2116.Plut. Consol. ad Ux. c. iv. x.; Conj. Praec. c. xliv.2117.Plut. Praec. Ger. Reipub. c. 15; cf. Sympos. vi. 8, § 1.2118.Plut. An Seni Sit Ger. Resp. c. 17, οἶσθά με τῷ Πυθίῳ λειτουργοῦντα πολλὰς πυθιάδας. Suidas, Πλούταρχος: cf. Volkmann, p. 91.2119.De Def. Orac. c. v. viii.2120.Ib. c. ii.2121.Trench, Plutarch, p. 22; Volkmann, p. 58.2122.Plut. Sympos. ii. 2, § 1 (Eleusis); v. 8, § 1 (Athens); i. 10, § 1; ii. 1, § 1 (Patrae); iii. 1, § 1; iv. 4, § 1 (Aedepsus), χωρίον κατεσκευασμένον οἰκήσεσι... μάλιστα δ’ ἀνθεῖ τὸ χωρίον ἀκμάζοντος ἔαρος. πολλοὶ γὰρ άφικνοῦνται τὴν ὥραν αὐτόθι, καὶ συνουσίας ποιοῦνται μετ’ ἀλλήλων ἐν ἀφθόνοις πᾶσι, καὶ πλείστας περὶ λόγους ὑπὸ σχολῆς διατριβὰς ἔχουσι: cf. Volkmann, p. 57.2123.Vit. Anton. c. 28, διηγεῖτο γοῦν ἡμῶν τῷ πάππῳ Λαμπρίᾳ Φιλώτας ὁ Ἀμφισσεὺς ἰατρὸς εἶναι μὲν ἐν Ἀλεξανδρεῖᾳ τότε μανθάνων τὴν τέχνην, κτλ.2124.Sympos. ii. 2, § 1; ix. 15, § 1; viii. 6, § 5.2125.De Fr. Am. c. 16.2126.Sympos. iv. 1, 1; iv. 4, 1; v. 10, 1; v. 5, 1.2127.Ib. ix. 4, § 1; Mahaffy, Greek World, etc. p. 338.2128.Plut. Sympos. viii. 2; viii. 7.2129.Vit. Alex. c. 1, οὔτε γὰρ ἱστορίας γράφομεν ἀλλὰ βίους οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις πράξεσι πάντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας. So Vit. Nic. c. 1, οὐ τὴν ἄχρηστον ἀθροίζων ἱστορίαν ἀλλὰ τὴν πρὸς κατανόησιν ἤθους καὶ τρόπου παραδιδούς.2130.Vit. Pericl. c. 12.2131.Vit. Cat. Min. c. 70.2132.Gréard, Morale de Plut. pp. 36, 52, 67.2133.Cf. A. Gell. xviii. 2.2134.Plut. De Tranq. c. xx. ἀνὴρ δὲ ἀγαθὸς οὐ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν ἑορτὴν ἡγεῖται; κτλ. 2135.Sen. Ep. 88, ad virtutem nihil conferunt liberalia studia; cf. Ep. 94, 95, § 41.2136.M. Aurel. vii. 35; ix. 41; Epict. Frag. lii.2137.Zeller, Phil. der Gr. iii. 1, p. 720 n.2138.A. Gell. i. 10; ii. 26; vii. 13; xii. 1; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 20; v. 16.2139.Oakesmith, Rel. of Plutarch, p. 64.2140.Plut. Cic. c. 4.2141.Zeller, Phil. der Gr. iii. 1, p. 534, in der Hauptsache die bedeutendsten Philosophenschulen übereinstimmen, etc.2142.Ib. p. 503.2143.Ib. iii. 2, pp. 144, 145.2144.Sen. Nat. Qu. vii. 32, 2; Academici et veteres et minores nullum antistitem reliquerunt.2145.Epict. Fr. liii.2146.Sympos. vii. 1; Consol. ad Apoll. xxxvi.2147.e.g. De Gen. Socr. xxii. sqq.; De Ser. Num. Vind. xxii.2148.Non posse Suav. vivi sec. Epic. c. ii. τὰ γὰρ αἴσχιστα ῥήματα, βωμολοχίας, ληκυθισμούς, ἀλαζονείας, ἡεταιρήσεις, ἀνδροφονίας... συνάγοντες Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Σωκράτους καὶ Πυθαγόρου καὶ τίνος γὰρ οὐχὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, κατεσκέδασαν: Adv. Col. c. ii.2149.Trench, Plut. p. 93.2150.Plut. De Virt. Mor. c. vii. sqq.2151.Adv. Stoicos, c. x. ἀλλὰ ὥσπερ ὁ πηχύν ἀπέχων ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἐπιφανείας οὐδὲν ἥττον πνίγεται τοῦ καταδεδυκότος ὀργυιὰς πεντακοσίας, κτλ. Cf. Sen. Ep. 66, § 10; Zeller, Phil. der. Griech. iii. 1, p. 230.2152.M. Aurel. ix. 32; xii. 32; ix. 14; xi. 1; vii. 1; vi. 46; ix. 14.2153.De Tranq. c. iii., iv., xiv., xvii.; De Cup. Div. iii., iv.; De Exil. v.; De Alex. Virt. c. vi.; ad init.; Zeller, iii. 1. p. 281.2154.Zeller, Phil. der Gr. iii. 1, p. 208; cf. iii. 2, p. 163; Plut. De Virt. Mor. c. viii.2155.De Virt. Mor. l.c.2156.Zeller. iii. 2, p. 154.2157.De Virt. Mor. vii.2158.Ib. iv. sq.; De Cur. i.2159.De Virt. Mor. vi.; Gréard, p. 78.2160.Pl. Phaed. 82 B; cf. Archer-Hind, App. i. to Phaed.2161.Plut. De Cohib. Ira, i. ii.; De Prof. in Virt. xiii. xi. iii.2162.De Prof. iv.; De Cohib. Ira, ii.2163.De Prof. xvii. ἀλλ’ οἵ γε προκόπτοντες, οἷς ἤδη καθάπερ ἱεροῦ τινος οἰκοδομήματος καὶ βασιλικοῦ τοῦ βίου κεκρότηται χρυσέα κρηπὶς οὐδὲν εἰκῆ προσίενται τῶν γινομένων, κτλ. 2164.Adv. St. iv. vii.2165.De Fato, c. ix. (572). (Plut.?)2166.Ib. c. iv. v. οὐ πάντα καθαρῶς οὐδὲ διαρρήδην ἡ εἱμαρμένη περιέχει, ἀλλ’ ὅσα καθόλου.2167.Ib. c. iv. οὕτω καὶ ὁ τῆς φύσεως νόμος τὰ μὲν καθόλου συμπεριλαμβάνει προηγουμένως, τὰ δὲ καθ’ ἕκαστα ἐπομένως.2168.De Fort. c. iii. iv.2169.Gréard, p. 68 sq.2170.Plut. De Rect. Rat. Aud. c. vi. διὸ δεῖ ἀκροάσθαι τοῦ λέγοντος ἴλεων καὶ πρᾷων ὥσπερ ἐφ’ ἑστίασιν ἱερὰν καὶ θυσίας ἀπαρχὴν παρειλημμένον κτλ.: cf. viii. ἀλλ’ εἰς διδασκαλεῖον ἀφῖκται τῷ λόγῳ τὸν βίον ἐπανορθωσόμενος: c. xii.2171.Ib. c. vii. viii.; cf. Sen. Ep. 108, § 6, magnam hanc auditorum partem videbis cui philosophi schola diversorium otii sit, etc.; Epict. Diss. ii. 23.2172.De Rect. Rat. Aud. c. ix. ὅμοιός ἐστι μὴ βουλομένῳ πιεῖν ἀντίδοτον ἂν μὴ τὸ ἀγγεῖον ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς κωλιάδος ᾖ κεκεραμευένον.2173.Ib. c. xii.2174.De Cohib. Ira, c. i. τὸ δὲ σφοδρὸν ἐκεῖνο καὶ διάπυρον πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁρῶντί μοι πρᾷον οὕτω καὶ χειρόηθες τῷ λογισμῷ γεγενημένον ἐπέρχεται πρὸς τὸν θυμὸν εἰπεῖν κτλ. 2175.De Rect. Rat. Aud. c. xii.; cf. De Prof. c. xv. τίθεσθαι πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τοὺς ὄντας ἀγαθοὺς ἢ γεγενημένους καὶ διανοεῖσθαι τί δ’ ἂν ἔπραξεν ἐν τούτῳ Πλάτων κτλ.2176.Trench, Plut. p. 33.2177.De Tranq. c. xvi. xvii. xiv. xv.2178.Ib. c. xix. ἀγνοουντες ὅσον ἐστὶ πρὸς ἀλυπίαν ἀγαθὸν τὸ μελετᾶν καὶ δύνασθαι πρὸς τὴν τύχην ἀνεῳγόσι τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἀντιβλέπειν.2179.Plut. De Tranq. c. xi. xiii. xiv. ὅτι ἕκαστος ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὰ τῆς εὐθυμίας καὶ τῆς δυσθυμίας ἔχει ταμεῖα.2180.De Prof. c. xiv. δήμωμα δὲ αὐτοῦ πρῶτα μὲν ὁ πρὸς τὰ ἐπαινούμενα ζῆλος καὶ τὸ ποιεῖν εἴναι προθύμους, ἃ θαυμάζομεν, κτλ.2181.Ib. c. i.-iv.2182.Ib. c. x. ὁ δὲ ἐτὸς γενομένος καὶ φῶς μέγα ἰδὼν οἷον ἀνακτόρων ἀνοιγομένων, ὥσπερ θεῷ τῷ λόγῳ ταπεινὸς συνέπεται κτλ.2183.Ib. c. xvii.2184.Ib. c. xv.; cf. Sen. Ep. 11, § 8; aliquis vir bonus nobis eligendus est... ut sic tanquam illo spectante vivamus, et omnia tanquam illo vidente faciamus.2185.Plut. (?) Consol. ad Apoll. c. vi. vii. sqq.2186.M. Aurel. vii. 1; vii. 19; vi. 15; ἐν δὴ τούτῳ τῷ ποταμῷ τί ἄν τις τούτων παραθεόντων ἐκτιμήσειεν ἐφ’ οὗ στῆναι οὐκ ἔξεστιν: ix. 32; cf. Consol. ad Apoll. c. x. καὶ ᾗ φησιν Ἡράκλειτος, ταὐτό τ’ ἔνι ζῶν καὶ τεθνηκός.2187.Consol. ad Apoll. c. xvii. τό τε πολὺ δήπυθεν ἢ μικρὸν οὐδὲν διαφέρειν δοκεῖ πρὸς τὸν ἄπειρον ἀφορῶσιν αἰῶνα.2188.Ib. c. xiv.2189.Ib. c. xv.; cf. Sen. Ep. 99, § 30; Ep. 36; Ep. 24.2190.Consol. ad Apoll. c. xxxiv. xxxv. καὶ χῶρός τις ἀποτεταγμένος ἐν ᾧ διατρίβουσιν αἱ τούτων ψυχαί: Pind. Ol. ii. 106 sqq.2191.Plut. De Virt. Mor. c. vi.2192.S. Aug. De Civ. Dei, iv. 27; vi. 2.2193.Macrob. Sat. i. c. 17; cf. Roman Society in the Last Century of the W. Empire, p. 77 (1st ed.).2194.De Def. Or. c. 2.2195.De Is. et Osir. c. lxxix.2196.De ΕΙ ap. Delph. c. xix. ὅθεν οὐδ’ ὅσιόν ἐστιν οὐδὲν τοῦ ὄντος λέγειν ὡς ἦν ἢ ἔσται.2197.De Is. et Osir. c. 54, 78; De ΕΙ ap. Delph. c. 20; Def. Or. c. 9, ad fin.; Oakesmith, Rel. of Plut. p. 88; Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 148; De Is. et Osir. c. 40, 66; non p. Suav. c. 22, βοηθεῖν πέφυκεν, ὀργίζεσθαι δὲ καὶ κακῶς ποιεῖν οὐ πέφυκεν: De Ser. Num. Vind. c. iv. v. xviii.; Nitsch, De Plut. Theologo, p. 8; Gréard, Morale de Plut. p. 263; cf. Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, pp. 14-20.2198.Zeller, iii. 2, p. 152; De Is. c. 45-49; De St. Rep. c. 33.2199.Plut. De An. Procr. c. 6.2200.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 155; Plat. Tim. 29, 30.2201.Diog. Laert. ix. § 18, γέγραφε δὲ καὶ [Ξενοφάνης] ἰάμβους καθ’ Ἡσιόδου καὶ Ὁμήρου ἐπισκώπτων αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ θεῶν εἰρημένα: v. extracts in Ritter and Preller, Hist. Phil. p. 82; Plat. Rep. ii. pp. 378-380.2202.Plut. De Is. c. xxiii. ὃς (Εὐήμερος)... πᾶσαν αθεότητα κατασκεδάννυσι τῆς οἰκουμένης.2203.Plut. De Def. Or. c. 18, 21.2204.Sen. Ep. 10, § 5; Ep. 41, § 1; Pers. ii. 73; Max. Tyr. Diss. xi. § 8, σὺ μὲν ἡγεῖ τὴν τοῦ φιλοσόφου εὐχὴν αἴτησιν τῶν οὐ παρόντων· ἐγὼ δὲ ὁμιλίαν καὶ διάλεκτον πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τῶν παρόντων, κτλ.: Martha, Moralistes sous l’Emp. p. 163; Denis, Idées Morales, ii. p. 245 sqq.2205.Of the life of Maximus of Tyre little is known. He began his career as a teacher probably about 155 A.D. Like other philosophers of his time, he had travelled widely. See the references to Arabia and Phrygia in Diss. viii., e.g. § 8, Ἀράβιοι μὲν σέβουσι μὲν ὅντινα δὲ οὐκ οἶδα· τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα εἶδον, λίθος ἦν τετράγωνος. Cf. Zeller, iii. 2, p. 183 n.2206.Max. Tyr. Diss. iv. § 7.2207.Ib. xvi. § 1, § 8.2208.Ib. xvii. § 8.2209.Ib. § 10.2210.Max. Tyr. Diss. xvii. § 11.2211.Ib. xi. § 2, § 7.2212.Ib. viii. § 2, ἀλλ’ ἀσθενὲς ὃν κομιδῇ τὸ ἀνθρωπεῖον καὶ διεστὸς τοῦ θείου ὅσον οὐρανοῦ γῆ, σημεῖα ταῦτα ἐμηχανήσατο.2213.Chrys. Or. xii. § 59 (404 R).2214.Max. Tyr. Diss. x. § 3, ἡ ψυχὴ... ἐδεῖτο φιλοσοφίας μουσικῆς τινος κτλ. Cf. § 5, πάντα μεστὰ αἰνιγμάτων καὶ παρὰ ποιηταῖς καὶ παρὰ φιλοσόφοις.2215.Ib. x. § 3.2216.Plut. De Is. lxviii.; xx.; Max. Tyr. x. §§ 5-7; cf. Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 2, 7-19; Hatch, Hibbert Lec. p. 55 sq.2217.Plut. De Is. lxvi. ad fin.2218.Plut. De Is. c. lxvii. ὥσπερ ἥλιος καὶ σελήνη καὶ οὐρανὸς καὶ γῆ κοινὰ πᾶσιν, ὀνομάζεται δ’ ἄλλος ὑπ’ ἄλλων, οὕτως ἑνὸς λόγου τοῦ ταῦτα κοσμοῦντος καὶ μιᾶς προνοίας ἐπιτροπευούσης, καὶ δυνάμεων ὑπουργῶν ἐπὶ πάντας τεταγμένων, ἕτεραι παρ’ ἑτέροις κατὰ νόμους γεγόνασι τιμαὶ καὶ προσηγορίαι, κτλ.2219.Ib. c. lxi.; xxxv.; cf. Herodot. ii. c. 50.2220.Plut. De Is. c. xxxv.2221.Ib. c. xx.2222.Plut. De Is. c. xxiii. πᾶσαν ἀθεότητα κατασκεδάννυσι τῆς οἰκουμένης.2223.Ib. c. lxvi.2224.Apul. De Deo Socr. c. vi. (133).2225.Max. Tyr. Diss. xiv. §§ 7, 8.2226.Cf. Rohde, Psyche, ii. 361, 1. M. Aurel. v. 10, 27, ὅτι ἔξεστί μοι μηδὲν πρᾶττειν παρὰ τὸν ἐμὸν θεὸν καὶ δαίμονα: vii. 17; Epict. i. 14, § 12, καὶ (ὁ θεὸς) ἐπίτροπον ἑκάστῳ παρέστησε, τὸν ἑκάστου δαίμονα, καὶ παρέδωκε φυλάσσειν αὐτὸν αὐτῷ, κτλ.2227.Plut. De Sera Num. Vind. c. xxii.2228.Apul. De Deo Socr. c. xiii.; Max. Tyr. xv. § 4; Plut. De Def. Or. c. x.2229.Plut De Def. Or. c. xvii.2230.Max. Tyr. xv. § 3.2231.Plut. De Def. Or. c. xviii.2232.Ib. c. xxi.2233.Plut. De Is. c. xxv.; De Def. Or. c. x.2234.Hes. Op. et D. 125; cf. Rohde, Psyche, i. p. 96.2235.For the spiritual influences at work v. Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 312; Grote, i. p. 23; Bury, Hist. of Greece, p. 312; Hardie, Lectures, p. 57.2236.Diog. Laert. i. 27, ἀρχὴν δὲ τῶν πάντων ὕδωρ ὑπεστήσατο, καὶ τὸν κόσμον ἔμψυχον καὶ δαιμόνων πλήρη.2237.Heracl. Reliq. p. 26 Bywater, Ἀθάνατοι θνητοί, θνητοὶ ἀθάνατοι ζῶντες τὸν ἐκείνων θάνατον, τὸν δὲ ἐκείνων βίον τεθνεῶντες. ὁ δὲ Ἡράκλειτός φησιν ὅτι καὶ τὸ ζῆν καὶ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν καὶ ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡμᾶς ἐστι καὶ ἐν τῷ τεθνάναι, κτλ. Cf. ἀνὴρ νήπιος ἤκουσε πρὸς δαίμονος ὅπωσπερ παῖς πρὸς ἀνδρός. Ritter and Preller, Hist. Phil. p. 23; Diog. Laert. ix. 1, § 7.2238.Ritter and Preller, Hist. Phil. pp. 126, 7; Hild, Étude sur les Démons, p. 228.2239.Diog. Laert. viii. 1, § 30 sqq.2240.Pind. Ol. ii. 105 sqq. ἔνθα μακάρων νᾶσος ὠκεανίδες αὖραι περιπνέοισιν· ἄνθεμα δὲ χρυσοῦ φλέγει τὰ μὲν χερσόθεν ἀπ’ ἀγλαῶν δενδρέων, ὕδωρ δ’ ἄλλα φέρβει.2241.Sympos. 202 E; Polit. 271 D; Phaed. 107 D, 108 B; Tim. 90 A.2242.Max. Tyr. Diss. xiv. § 8.2243.Plat. Rep. ii. 377-380.2244.Plut. De Is. c. xlv. αἰτίαν δὲ κακοῦ τἀγαθὸν οὐκ ἂν παράσχοι, δεῖ γένεσιν ἰδίαν καὶ ἀρχήν, ὥσπερ ἀγαθοῦ καὶ κακοῦ, τὴν φύσιν ἔχειν: cf. Hatch, Hibbert Lec. p. 218.2245.De Is. c. xxvi. ὡς τῶν δαιμόνων μικτὴν καὶ ἀνώμαλον φύσιν ἐχόντων καὶ προαίρεσον: De Def. Or. c. x., c. xvi.2246.De Is. c. xxv.2247.Mr. Oakesmith thinks that Plutarch tended to identify them, Rel. of Plut. p. 127.2248.Tatian, Adv. Gr. 20; Clem. Alex. Ad Gent. 26; Cypr. Ep. 75, 10; Min. Felix, c. 26, 27, isti igitur impuri spiritus daemones,... sub statuis et imaginibus delitescunt, et adflatu suo auctoritatem quasi praesentis numinis consequuntur, dum inspirant interim vates, dum fanis immorantur... sortes regunt, oracula efficiunt, falsis pluribus involuta, etc. Cf. Tertull. Apol. c. xxii. operatio eorum est hominis eversio.... Itaque corporibus quidem et valitudines infligunt et aliquos casus acerbos, etc. Cf. De Idol. c. ix; Maury, La Magie, p. 99 sqq.2249.Aug. De Civ. Dei, viii. 14-22.2250.Cic. De Div. ii. 57, 117, cur isto modo jam oracula Delphis non eduntur... ut nihil possit esse contemptius? Strab. vii. 7, 9, ἐκλέλοιπε δέ πως καὶ τὸ μαντεῖον τὸ ἐν Δωδώνῃ καθάπερ τἆλλα.2251.Herodot. viii. 134.2252.Plut. De Def. Or. c. v. viii.2253.D. Cass. lxiii. 14, καὶ τὸ μαντεῖον κατέλυσεν, ἀνθρώπους ἐς τὸ στόμιον, ἐξ οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν πνεῦμα ἀνῄει, σφάξας.2254.Plut. De Def. Or. c. ii.2255.De Pyth. Or. c. xxix.; v. Gréard, p. 252.2256.De Pyth. Or. c. x. τοῦτό γε μᾶλλον ῥίψαι καὶ διασπεῖραι λόγους... οἷς πλανωμένοις ἀπῄντῃσε πολλάκις ἡ τύχη, κτλ.2257.De Pyth. Or. c. xi.2258.Ib. c. v. xvii.2259.Ib. c. xix.2260.Ib. c. xxiii.2261.Ib. c. xxiv.2262.Ib. xxii. τραφεῖσα ἐν οἰκίᾳ γεωργῶν πενήτων κτλ.2263.De Pyth. Or. c. xxv. πλείστης μέντοι ποιητικὴν ἐνέπλησεν ἀδοξίας τὸ ἀγυρτικὸν καὶ ἀγοραῖον καὶ περὶ τὰ μητρῷα καὶ σεράπεια βωμολόχον καὶ πλανώμενον γένος κτλ.2264.De Def. Or. c. viii.2265.Ib. c. ix. εὐηθές γὰρ κομιδῇ τὸ οἴσεθαι τὸν θεὸν αὐτὸν... ἐνδυόμενον εἰς τὰ σώματα τὼν προφητὼν ὑποφθέγγεσθαι; c. xlviii.; De Pyth. Or. c. xxi.2266.De Def. Or. xlii. ψυχῆς τὸ μαντικὸν ὥσπερ ὄμμα δεῖται τοῦ συνεξάπτοντος οἰκείου καὶ συνεπιθήγοντος.2267.Ib. c. x. xii. φύσεις εἰσί τινες ἐν μεθορίῳ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων, δεχόμεναι πάθη θνητά, οὗς δαίμονας ὀρθῶς ἔχει κατὰ νόμον πατέρων σέβεσθαι: cf. Plat. Sympos. 202 E; Apul. De Deo Socr. c. vi.; Max. Tyr. Diss. xiv. §§ 2-8.2268.De Def. Or. c. xliii. τῶν δὲ περὶ αὐτὴν (τὴν γῆν) δυνάμεων πῆ μὲν ἐκλείψεις πῆ δὲ γενέσεις... εἰκὸς ἐστι συμβαίνειν, κτλ.2269.Ib. c. xxxviii.; Maury, p. 149.2270.Plut. De Def. Or. c. xlvi.2271.De Gen. Socr. c. xi. xx.; cf. Hild, Étude sur les Démons, p. 263 sqq.2272.De Gen. Socr. c. xi. ἀκούω δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τῆς Ἀθηναίων δυνάμεως φθορὰν προειπεῖν αὐτόν κτλ.2273.Plut. De Gen. Socr. c. xx.2274.Philostr. Apoll. T. vi. 11.2275.De Gen. Socr. c. xx. αἱ δὲ τῶν δαιμόνων φέγγος ἔχουσαι τοῖς δυναμένοις ἐλλάμπουσιν, οὐ δεόμεναι ῥημάτων οὐδ’ ὀνομάτων κτλ. οὕτως οἱ τῶν δαιμόνων λόγοι διὰ πάντων φερόμενοι μόνοις ἐνηχούσι τοῖς ἀθόρυβον ἦτος καὶ νήμενον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχήν· οὓς δὲ καὶ ἱεροὺς καὶ δαιμονίους ἀνθρώπους καλοῦμεν; cf. De Def. Or. c. xxxvii.2276.De Def. Or. c. xxxix.2277.De Def. Or. c. xxxix.2278.Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 17, 42, § 117; ii. 28, § 70; De Div. ii. 72; Sen. Ep. 123; Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. 23.2279.Lamprid. Com. c. 9.2280.Vop. Aurelian. c. 35, § 3.2281.Plut. De Superst. c. 5, 6, ἡ μὲν ἀθεόθης ἀπάθεια πρὸς τὸ θεῖόν ἐστι... ἡ δὲ δεισιδαιμονία πολυπάθεια κακὸν τὸ ἀγαθὸν ὑπονοοῦσα.2282.De Superst. c. 3, μόνη γὰρ οὐ σπένδεται πρὸς τὸν ὕπνον... εἴδωλα φρικώδη καὶ τεράστια φάσματα καὶ ποινάς τινας ἐγείρουσα καὶ στροβοῦσα τὴν ἀθλίαν ψυχήν.2283.Ib. c. 4, συνάπτουσα τῷ θανάτῳ κακῶν ἐπίνοιαν ἀθανάτων.2284.Ib. c. 6, φοβοῦνται τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ καταφεύγουσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς θεούς, κολακεύουσι καὶ λοιδοροῦσιν. Cf. Bacon’s Essays, Of Superstition, “It were better to have no opinion of God at all, than such an opinion as is unworthy of Him.”2285.Gréard, p. 269.2286.Luc. i. 65; iii. 991; cf. Cic. De Div. ii. 72.2287.Apul. Met. xi. c. 24.2288.Juv. vi. 523, 547; Mart. vii. 54; Luc. Philops. c. 7-13.2289.Eurip. Ion, 104.2290.Liv. xliii. 13.2291.Cic. De Div. ii. 24.2292.Tac. Ann. xi. 15, rettulit deinde ad senatum super collegio haruspicum, ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per desidiam exolesceret.2293.Warde Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 343.2294.D. Cass. lii. 36, τοὺς δὲ ξενίζοντάς τι περὶ τὸ θεῖον καὶ μίσει καὶ κόλαζε.2295.Suet. Octav. xxxi.2296.Cic. De Leg. ii. 9; Fowler, Rom. Fest. p. 233.2297.Ov. Fast. iii. 285; Lucr. i. 131; Liv. i. 20.2298.Val. Max. i. 3, 3; cf. Cic. De Div. ii. 43.2299.Aul. Gell. iii. 10.2300.Cic. In Catil. iii. 4; cf. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 17.2301.Suet. Octav. xciv. xcvii.2302.Cf. D. Cass. lxvi. 9, τούς τε ἀστρολόγους ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐξώρισεν (Οὐεσπασιανὸς) καίτοι πᾶσι τοῖς ἀρίστοις χρώμενος.2303.Suet. Dom. x. interemit Met. Pompeianum quod habere imperatoriam genesin vulgo ferebatur.2304.Tac. Ann. xii. 52; ii. 32, 75; D. Cass. xlix. 43; Suet. Vitell. xiv.2305.Suet. Tib. lxix., circa deos negligentior quippe addictus mathematicae, etc.2306.Ib. xiv. Yet cf. his love of mythical nugae, ib. lxx.2307.Juv. x. 94. See the remarkable chapters in Tac. Ann. vi. 21-22.2308.Tac. Ann. xii. 52.2309.Suet. Ner. lx.; xxxiv., facto per magos sacro evocare manes et exorare tentavit.2310.Ib. xl.2311.Suet. Galb. xviii.2312.Suet. Otho, iv.2313.Tac. Hist. i. 22.2314.Suet. Otho, vii. viii.2315.Tac. Hist. ii. 50.2316.Suet. Vitell. iii. xi. xiv.2317.Tac. Hist. ii. 62.2318.D. Cass. lxv. 1, ἀντιπαρήγγειλαν ἀπαλλαγῆναι ἐκ τοῦ βίου ἐντὸς τῆς ἡμέρας κτλ.2319.Ib. lxvi. 9, 10.2320.Tac. Hist. ii. 78.2321.Suet. Titus, v. viii. ix.2322.Id. Dom. xiv. xv.2323.Suet. Dom. x. xiv. xv. xvi.; D. Cass. lxvii. 15, πάντως γὰρ καὶ ὁ Δομιτιανὸς τῶν πρώτων τάς τε ἡμέρας καὶ τὰς ὥρας ἐν αἷς ἐγεγένητο διασκοπῶν... προανήλισκε.2324.Spart. Hadr. c. 16; cf. Renan, L’Égl. Chrét. c. 2.2325.Spart. Hadr. c. 2, § 4.2326.D. Cass. lxix. 11, μαντείαις μαγγανείαις τε παντοδαπαῖς ἐχρῆτο κτλ.2327.Spart. Hadr. c. 16, § 7.2328.Id. M. Anton. c. 19.2329.D. Cass. lxxi. 8.2330.Luc. Alex. c. 35, 47.2331.M. Aurel. x. 5; ix. 27: on the Stoic belief in divination, v. Cic. De Div. i. 38 (82); Zeller, Phil. der Griechen, iii. 1, p. 313 sqq.2332.Plin. Ep. iii. 5, § 4.2333.Plin. Ep. vii. 27.2334.Ib. i. 18, v. 5, 5; cf. Mayor’s learned note on iii. 5, 4; Gregorovius, Hadrian, p. 229 sqq.2335.Suet. Jul. Caes. lxxvii.2336.Id. Octav. xciii.2337.Cf. Macé, Suétone, p. 59 sqq.2338.Apul. Met. iv. 27; i. 8; cf. Petron. Sat. 62, 63.2339.v. Fabian, Quid Tac. de num. div. judicaverit, pp. 7, 13, 16, 21, 24, 29; Nipperdey, Einleitung, xiv. xxvi.; Tac. Hist. v. 5; ii. 38; Ann. iii. 18; vi. 22; xiv. 12; cf. Peter, Die Gesch. Litt. ii. p. 221.2340.Tac. Agric. c. 2, 4; Hist. iv. 5; Ann. xiv. 12.2341.Agric. c. 45; Hist. i. 2; iii. 37; Ann. i. 7.2342.Ann. i. 1.2343.Hist. i. 3 ad fin.2344.Ann. xvi. 33, aequitate deum erga bona malaque documenta.2345.Ib. vi. 22; cf. Mackail, Rom. Lit. p. 210.2346.Hist. i. 22, genus hominum potentibus infidum sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur semper et retinebitur; cf. Hist. v. 4; Ann. vi. 28; iv. 58; cf. Fabian, p. 19.2347.Hist. ii. 50.2348.Ib. iv. 81; cf. Nipperdey, Einl. xxvi.2349.Hist. ii. 50; iv. 81; i. 6; i. 18; v. 13; Ann. i. 65; ii. 14; Hist. iii. 56; iv. 83; cf. Fabian, Quid Tac. de num. div. judicaverit, p. 19.2350.Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. p. 42.2351.Tac. Hist. iii. 83, simul cruor et strues corporum, juxta scorta et scortis similes, etc.2352.Suet. Nero, c. iv. vi.2353.Id. Calig. xxi. xxii. xxix. xxxiv. xxxvii.; cf. Mackail, Rom. Lit. p. 213.2354.Suet. Nero, lvii.2355.Epict. Diss. ii. 7, § 10, τί οὖν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τὸ συνεχῶς μαντεύεσθαι ἄγει; Ἡ δειλία, τὸ φοβεῖσθαι τὰς ἐκβάσεις.2356.Ib. ὡς ὁ ὁδοιπόρος πυνθάνεται... ποτέρα τῶν ὁδῶν φέρει... οὕτως ἔδει καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν ἔρχεσθαι, ὡς ὁδηγόν. Cf. Ench. 32.2357.Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 72; Preller, Rom. Myth. (Tr.), p. 381.2358.Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. p. 273, ἐθαύμαζε δὲ τὸν Ἡρώδην ὡς ποικιλώτατον ῥητόρων: cf. Praef. Jac. Perizonii ed. Aeliana, Gronov.; Suid. καὶ ἐσοφίστευσεν ἐν Ῥώμῃ αὐτῇ ἐπὶ τῶν μετὰ Ἁδριανὸν χρόνων.2359.Ael. Var. Hist. xi. 13.2360.v. Fragm. Ael. ap. Gronov. p. 1014.2361.Ib. p. 1022.2362.Ib. p. 1024.2363.Ib. p. 1023.2364.Ib. p. 1011.2365.Ib. p. 1030.2366.Fragm. Ael. pp. 1009, 1034.2367.Ib. p. 1013.2368.Ib. p. 1049.2369.Ib. p. 1051.2370.v. Jebb’s Aristides, Collect. Hist. § vi.2371.Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. p. 253.2372.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 440 sqq.; Baumgart, Ael. Aristides als Repräsentant der Soph. Rhet. pp. 68, 96.2373.Baumgart rejects Welcker’s view of the essentially religious character of Aristides, pp. 112, 113.2374.Baumgart, pp. 62, 102, Bald ist in der ganzen Heilungsgeschichte dies die Hauptsache, dass nun sein Rhetorentum die höchste Weihe erhalten habe.2375.Id. p. 62.2376.Baumgart, pp. 60, 61.2377.Id. p. 64.2378.v. c. iii. of Pater’s Marius the Epicurean.2379.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iii. 44; D. Cass. lxix. 22, Ἁδριανὸς δὲ μαγγανείαις μέν τισι καὶ γοητείαις ἐκενοῦτό ποτε τοῦ ὑγροῦ.2380.Caton, Temples and Ritual of Asklepios, p. 27.2381.Baumgart, p. 97; cf. Aristid. Or. p. 574 (Jebb’s Ed.), 531.2382.Aristid. Or. p. 530 (Jebb).2383.Caton, p. 29.2384.Maury, La Magie, p. 231.2385.S. Hieron. in Is. c. lv. p. 482.2386.Pausan. ix. 39, § 4; Max. Tyr. Diss. xiv. 2.2387.Plut. De Def. Or. c. 41-46; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 8; cf. Maury, La Magie, p. 237.2388.Apul. Met. xi. c. 22.2389.Max. Tyr. xvi. i.; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. ii. 37; vi. 11.2390.See a list in Tertullian, De Anima, c. 46.2391.Strab. xvii. 17 (1052).2392.Diod. Sic. i. 25.2393.Cic. De Div. i. 58.2394.Wolff, De Nov. Orac. Aet. p. 29.2395.Caton, p. 28.2396.Diod. Sic. i. 25.2397.Wolff, De Nov. Orac. Aet. p. 31, Ejus sacerdotes fraudibus famosi opportune Isidis templo Pompeiano culpae convicti sunt; ubi ipse scalinam vidi secretam, etc. Maury, La Magie, pp. 237-8.2398.Cf. Maury, p. 240.2399.See a list in Caton, p. 36 sq.2400.Caton, p. 28; Pausan. ii. 27, § 5; cf. Strab. viii. 6, § 15.2401.Caton, pp. 40, 38.2402.Baumgart, p. 101.2403.Cf. Aristid. Or. 536-538 (Jebb, t. i.).2404.Aristid. Or. 537, Ἕβρος πᾶς ἠπείρωτο ὑπὸ κριστάλλου, πεδία δὲ λιμνάζοντα.2405.Ib. 538, καὶ τέλος, οἱ ἰατροὶ κατέτεμνον ἐκ τοῦ στήθους ἀρξάμενοι πάντα ἑξῆς ἄχρι πρὸς τὴν κύστιν κατω. κτλ.2406.Ib. 541, οὔτε βοηθεῖν εἴχον οὔτε ἐγνώριζον τὴν ποικιλίαν τῆς νόσου. τοσοῦτον δ’ οὖν συνέδοξεν εἰς τὰς πηγὰς τὰς θερμὰς κομίσαι. Cf. 514, κτλ., and Collect. Hist. ad an. 160, in Jebb’s Ed.2407.Ib. 504.2408.Ib. 554, τὸ δὲ στῆθος ἔξω παρεωθεῖτο καὶ τὸ νῶτον εἰς τοὔπισθεν ἀντεσπᾶτο ἠρέμει δὲ οὐδὲν τοῦ σώματος, κτλ.2409.Arist. Or. 501-3, 506, 531, 532.2410.Aristid. Or. 521.2411.Ib. 504-5, 541-2.2412.Baumgart, p. 101; Aristid. Or. p. 550 (Jebb, t. i.).2413.Aristid. Or. 553; Baumgart, p. 99.2414.Aristid. Or. 506, 515; cf. Baumgart, p. 122.2415.Aristid. Or. 505, οἱ δὲ ἐνεκάλουν ὡς λίαν ἅπαντα ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀνείρασι ποιουμένῳ, κτλ.2416.Ib. 529.2417.Baumgart, p. 64, und dabei entwickelte sich der Glaube, dass er dem Asklepios alles verdanke, Leib, Leben, und speciell die Gabe der Rede, etc.; cf. p. 68, erhebt er ihn auch als den eigentlichen Verleiher und Spender seiner rednerischen Gaben, etc., p. 69, er dem Gotte einen stärkeren und bleibenden Einfluss auch auf die Gestaltung seines inneren Lebens zuschreibt.2418.Id. p. 69.2419.Aristid. Or. 512, εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεῖπεν ὁ θεὸς ἀπογράφειν τὰ ὀνείρατα.2420.Baumgart, pp. 112, 123.2421.On his vanity v. Baumgart, p. 110. The most glaring example is in Or. Sac. 4, 591-2, ἐξεβόησα, εἶς, λέγων τὸν θεόν, καὶ ὅς ἔφη, σὺ εἶ.2422.Artemid. Oneirocrit. iii. 66.2423.Ib. i. 1, διὰ τὴν εὐχρηστίαν οὐ μόνον τὴν ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν μετέπειτα ἐσωμένων ἀνθρώπων.2424.Ib. Cf. Tertullian, De An. 46, 47.2425.Artemid. Oneirocrit. οὐ γὰρ ἀπὸ πείρας ἀλλ’ αὐτοσχεδιάζοντες... οὕτως ἔγραφον. Praef.2426.Ib. ii. 70, ad fin.2427.Ib. i. Praef., οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι βιβλίον οὐκ ἐτησάμην ὀνειροκριτικόν.2428.Artemid. Oneirocrit. iv. 71.2429.Ib. ἀλλὰ ποτὲ μὲν ἁπλῶς λέγουσι, ποτὲ δὲ αἰνίσσονται... ἐπειδὴ καὶ σοφώτεροι ὄντες ἡμῶν αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ἡμᾶς ἀβασανίστως βούλονται λαμβάνειν.2430.Ib. ii. 69.2431.Maury, p. 241.2432.Artemid. Oneirocrit. iv. Praef.2433.Ib. ii. 4.2434.Ib. i. 13, 17.2435.Ib. i. 22.2436.Ib. i. 37, 39.2437.Ib. i. 51.2438.Ib. i. 66.2439.Ib. v. 18.2440.Artemid. Oneirocrit. v. Praef.2441.Luc. Concil. Deor. c. 12, ἀλλ’ ἤδη πᾶς λίθος καὶ πᾶς βωμὸς χρησμῳδεῖ, κτλ. Cf. Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 14.2442.Cic. De. Div. ii. 57, cur isto modo iam oracula Delphis non eduntur non modo nostra aetate, sed jamdiu, jam ut nihil possit esse contemptius?2443.Strab. ix. 3, 4, (419), ὠλιγώρεται δ’ ἱκανῶς καὶ τὸ ἱερόν, κτλ.: vii. 7, 9, (328) (Dodona); xvii. 1, 43 (Ammon).2444.Plut. De Def. Or. c. 5.2445.Plut. De Def. Or. c. 8, 38.2446.Id. Cic. c. 5.2447.Tac. Ann. ii. 54.2448.Suet. Tib. c. xiv.2449.Id. Calig. c. lvii.2450.Id. Nero, xl.2451.Tac. Hist. ii. 78.2452.Suet. Tit. c. v.2453.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 24.2454.Luc. Alex. c. 29.2455.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 469.2456.D. Cass. lxiii. 14.2457.v. Wolff. De Nov. Orac. Aet. p. 5.2458.Ib. pp. 6, 52.2459.Luc. Alex. c. 3, ὀφθαλμοὶ πολὺ τὸ γοργὸν καὶ ἔνθεον διεμφαίνοντες, κτλ.2460.Luc. Alex. c. 4, 5.2461.Ib. c. 8, ῥᾳδίως κατενόησαν τὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίον ὑπὸ δυοῖν τούτοιν μεγίστοιν τυραννούμενον.2462.Ib. c. 9.2463.Ib. c. 12.2464.Ib. c. 15-18.2465.Ib. c. 20.2466.Luc. Alex. c. 23, ἐτέτακτο δὲ καὶ μισθὸς ἐφ’ ἑκάστῳ χρησμῷ δραχμὴ καὶ δύ’ ὀβολώ.2467.If I am right in interpreting Lucian’s statement, ἀλλ’ εἰς ἑπτὰ ἢ ὀκτὼ μυριάδας ἑκάστου ἔθους ἤθροιζεν.2468.Luc. Alex. c. 23, ἅπασιν ἔνεμεν ἑκάστῳ τὸ κατ’ ἀξίαν.2469.Ib. c. 24.2470.Ib. c. 51, ἀλλὰ καὶ βαρβάροις πολλάκις ἔχρησεν... Συριστὶ ἢ Κελτιστί.2471.Ib. c. 30, ἀλλόκοτα περὶ τῶν θεῶν πεπιστευκώς, κτλ.2472.Ib. c. 31.2473.Ib. c. 32.2474.Ib. c. 30, ἐν πολλαῖς τάξεσι ἐξητασμένος.2475.Luc. Alex. c. 35.2476.Ib. c. 38, εἴ τις ἄθεος ἢ Χριστιανὸς ἢ Ἐπικούρειος ἥκει κατάσκοπος τῶν ὀργίων, κτλ.: cf. 25, λέγων ἀθέων ἐμπεπλῆσθαι καὶ Χριστιανῶν τὸν Πόντον, κτλ.2477.Ib. c. 46.2478.Ib. cc. 53 sqq.2479.Jul. Capitol. M. Ant. cc. 22, 17.2480.Luc. Alex. cc. 36-48.2481.Luc. Alex. c. 38.2482.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. 456.2483.Or. Henz. 1810, 5320; cf. Preller, Rom. Myth. (Tr.), p. 415.2484.D. Cass. lxix, 11; cf. Gregorov. Hadrian, p. 128.2485.Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 29.2486.Jul. Capitol. M. Ant. c. 18, hodieque in multis domibus M. Antonini statuae consistunt inter deos penates... sacrilegus judicatus est qui ejus imaginem in sua domo non habuit.2487.Max. Tyr. Diss. xiv. 8.2488.Petron. Sat. 17.2489.Herod. i. 60.2490.Preller, Myth. Rom. p. 65, 66, 387.2491.Cf. Or. Henz. Ind. pp. 27, 28; v. especially 1730 (genius Jovis), 1812 (Neronis), 193 (Arvernorum), 2204 (Col. Ostiensis), 689 (municipii), 1704 (legionis), 4113 (pavimentariorum), 6628 (fontis).2492.Or. Henz. 2135, Sei Deo Sei Deivae Sac. etc.; 1580, Aesculapio et Hygiae caeterisque diis deabusque hujus loci Salutaribus; 5902, Hospitibus diis Mauricis et genio loci, etc.2493.Cf. Tertull. Apol. c. 24.2494.Or. Henz. 1997-2001; cf. D. Cass. lxxvii. 15.2495.Or. Henz. 823, 1967.2496.Ib. 1959, 1986, 1954; cf. C.I.L. xii. 1556, 3097; viii. 9195, 4578, 8834.2497.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. pp. 482-4.2498.Or. Henz. 1580.2499.Or. Henz. 5689.2500.Ib. 1560.2501.Ib. 1632, 4, 7; Nymphis ob reditum aquarum, etc.2502.Ib. 5758.2503.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 16, Θετταλοὶ γὰρ τὰ ἐναγίσματα χρόνον ἤδη πολὺν εκλελοίπασί μοι.2504.Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. p. 479.2505.Orig. C. Celsum, lib. iii. p. 124, ed. Spencer; lib. vii. p. 334, Friedl. iv. p. 458; S. Aug. De Civ. D. xix. 23, quis ita stultus est qui non intelligat... consilio simili ab impuris daemonibus ita fuisse responsa, etc.; cf. viii. 22, mirabilibus et fallacibus signis sive factorum sive praedictorum deos se esse persuaserunt.2506.Herodot. vi. 86.2507.Plut. Non posse suav. vivi, etc. c. 26 sq.; De Ser. Num. Vind. c. 18.2508.Plat. Phaed. 85 D, εἰ μή τις δύναιτο ἀσφαλέστερον ἐπὶ βεβαιοτέρου ὀχήματος [ἢ] λόγου θείου τινὸς διαπορευθῆναι.2509.Soph. O.C. 1055.2510.Sellar’s Virgil, p. 367; cf. Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. 367.2511.Cic. Tusc. i. 16, sub terra censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum; cf. F. de Coulanges, La Cité Ant. p. 8.2512.Or. Henz. 4525.2513.Ib. 4433, posticum cum apparitorio, et compitum a solo pecun. sua fecerunt, etc.; cf. 4353; Petron. c. 71.2514.Marq. Priv. i. 367.2515.Cf. Duruy, Hist. Rom. v. 637.2516.Aesch. Choeph. 92, 488; F. de Coulanges, La Cité Ant. p. 16.2517.Or. Henz. 7364, 7338, 4076, 4417, 4422.2518.Ib. 4428, somno aeterno sacr.... fecerunt sibi et suis libertis libertabusque, etc., 4631, 4435.2519.Ib. 4781, 3, 5, 6, 4790, quisquis hoc sustulerit aut laeserit ultimus suorum moriatur.2520.Or. Henz. 4775, 4419, 4420, 4415, 4737; T. Lollius positus propter viam ut dicant praeterientes, Lolli ave, cf. 4745.2521.Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 307.2522.Or. Henz. 4414, 4417, nam curatores substituam qui vescantur ex horum hortorum reditu natali meo et praebeant rosam in aeternum. Hos neque dividi neque alienari volo.2523.Ib. 4084, 4100, 4420.2524.Marq. Priv. i. 362; Mau, Pompeii, p. 421 sqq.; cf. Cic. Tusc. i. 16.2525.Or. Henz. 4737.2526.Ib. 7396, 7402, vivite felices qui legitis.2527.Cic. Tusc. i. 12, 27, quas (caeremonias sepulcrorum) ingeniis praediti nec tanta cura coluissent, nec violatas tam inexpiabili religione sanxissent, nisi haereret in eorum mentibus mortem non interitum esse omnia tollentem, etc.2528.Aelian, Fr. p. 1023 (Gronov.).2529.S. Paulin. Nol. Carm. 27; S. Aug. Ep. 22, Serm. v. xvii.; cf. Sidon. Apoll. v. 17; Bingham, Antiq. of Chr. Church, ii. p. 1165.2530.Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 108.2531.Or. Henz. 4775, horis nocturnis ut eum videam, et possim dulcius et celerius aput eum pervenire.2532.Ib. 7346.2533.Marq. Priv. i. pp. 438-9; Preller, Rom. Myth. (Tr.), p. 331.2534.Momms. Rom. Hist. i. p. 189; Tertull. Apol. xv. vidimus et Jovis fratrem gladiatorum cadavera cum malleo deducentem.2535.Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 211.2536.Luc. Philops. c. 6.2537.Ib. c. 16.2538.Ib. cc. 22-24.2539.Ib. c. 27.2540.Plut. Cim. c. 1, ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον εἰδώλων τινῶν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ προφαινομένων, ὡς οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν λέγουσι, κτλ.2541.Plin. Ep. vii. 27.2542.Suet. Calig. c. 59.2543.D. Cass. lxii. 17.2544.Lobeck, Aglaoph. i. p. 221.2545.D. Cass. lvii. 15.2546.Suet. Nero, c. xxxiv.2547.Max. Tyr. xv. 7.2548.Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p. 316.2549.Ib. p. 279; cf. Conington, Introd. Aen. vi. p. 419; Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 165.2550.Grote, ii. p. 518 (ed. 1862).2551.Mommsen, R. Hist. i. p. 187; Preller, Rom. Myth. pp. 197, 407, 438.2552.Aen. vi. 289.2553.Ib. 313, 416.2554.Ib. 441.2555.Ib. 472.2556.Ib. 555.2557.Ib. 600.2558.Ib. 608.2559.Aen. 640; cf. Pind. Ol. ii. 130.2560.Aen. vi. 645.2561.Ib. 748; cf. Conington’s Virg. Introd. Aen. vi. p. 419; Lobeck, Aglaoph. ii. 798.2562.Diog. Laert. Vit. Pythag. viii. 1, § 14; πρῶτόν τέ φασι τοῦτον ἀποφῆναι τὴν ψυχὴν κύκλον ἀνάγκης ἀμείβουσαν ἄλλοτ’ ἄλλοις ἐνδεῖσθαι ζῴοις: S. Aug. De Civ. D. vii. 6; cf. Liebaldt, Theolog. Varr. i. p. 14; Cic. Rep. vi. 15-25; Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 14.2563.Rohde, Psyche, ii. 161, n. 1, 34, 312; Cic. De N. D. i. 11, 27; Pythagoras qui censuit animum esse per naturam rerum omnem intentum et commeantem, ex quo nostri animi carperentur, etc.2564.Aen. vi. 756 sqq.2565.C.I.L. iv. 2361, 1982; Mau, Pompeii, 486-8; Friedl. iii. p. 300.2566.Sen. Ad. Marc. xix. 4; Cic. Tusc. i. 21, 48; Juv. xiii. 48; Plut. De Superst. c. 4.2567.Luc. De Luctu, cc. 1-10.2568.Plut. Non p. Suav. c. 27.2569.Id. De. Ser. Num. Vind. iv. 44; De Gen. Socr. c. 22.2570.Luc. De Luctu, c. 10; Friedl. iii. p. 632; Rohde, Psyche, i. p. 306, n. 3; Maury, La Magie, p. 158.2571.Or. Henz. 4443.2572.Ib. 1197.2573.Ib. 2982.2574.Ib. 4433, 4416, 4417.2575.Ib. 4662, 4755.2576.Or. Henz. 4581, 4841, 4849, 4701, 7352.2577.Ib. 7392.2578.Rel. Rom. i. 342.2579.Or. Henz. 1192.2580.Ib. 7387, 4809, 4810, 4811, 4807, 4813, vixi dum vixi bene; jam mea peracta mox vestra agetur fabula; velete et plaudite, 7411.2581.Or. Henz. 4806, 7; 4; 4816, hic secum habet omnia. Balnea, vina, venus corrumpunt corpora nostra, set vitam faciunt.2582.Ib. 7407.2583.C.I.L. ii. 1877.2584.Or. Henz. 6674, dum vixi bi(bi) libenter; bibite vos qui vivitis.2585.Ib. 7410—miscete Lyaeum, etc., caetera post obitum tellus consumit et ignis.2586.Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. 312-316; Thiersch, Politik und Phil. in ihrem Verhältn. zur Rel. p. 13.2587.Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. 310.2588.Lucret. iii. 952, 991.2589.Ib. 844 sqq.2590.Plut. (?) De Plac. Phil. iv. 7, οἱ Στωικοὶ ἐξιοῦσαν ἐκ τῶν σωμάτων ὑποφέρεσθαι, τὴν μὲν ἀσθενεστέραν ἅμα τοῖς συγκρίμασι γενέσθαι· τὴν δὲ ἰσχυροτέραν, οἵα ἐστὶ περὶ τοὺς σοφούς, καὶ μέχρι τῆς ἐκπυρώσεως.2591.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 185; Cic. Tusc. i. 32, 79.2592.Zeller, iii. 1, p. 711, keine Seelenthätigkeit ist ohne körperliche Bewegung möglich; Renan, Averroès, pp. 128 sq., 418; Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 309.2593.Cf. Graham, Creed of Science (2nd ed.), p. 183, “The poets must count for much in the argument, since they possess in higher degree than others the great creative faculty of imagination which outlines the province of the possible”; Jowett, Plato, i. pp. 389 sqq., etc.2594.Sall. Catil. c. 51.2595.Plin. H. N. vii. 55, 188.2596.Cf. Plut. (?) Cons. ad Apoll. c. xii. xiii.2597.Sen. Ad Marc. c. xix.2598.Sen. Ep. 54, 99, § 30; De Prov. vi. § 6; Ad Marc. 25.2599.Quint. Inst. v. 14, 13, cum, soluta corpore anima an sit immortalis vel ad tempus certe maneat, sit in dubio.2600.Tac. Agric. c. 46; cf. Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 318, n. 3.2601.Spart. Hadr. c. 13, § 3; 14, § 3; 17, § 9; cf. Gregorovius, p. 303.2602.Spart. Hadr. 13, § 1.2603.Ib. c. 15, § 12; 16, § 8.2604.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 660 n.2605.Epict. Diss. iii. 6, § 10.2606.A. Gell. xv. 11.2607.Ael. Spart. Hadr. c. 16.2608.Epict. Diss. iv. 5, § 17.2609.M. Aurel. i. 7, καὶ τὸ ἐντυχεῖν τοῖς Ἐπικτητείοις ὑπομνήμασιν ὧν οἴκοθεν μετέδωκε.2610.Epict. Diss. ii. 1, § 17.2611.Ib. iii. 24, § 93; cf. M. Aurel. iv. 14, 21, and Rohde, Psyche, ii. 330.2612.Epict. Diss. iii. 13, § 15.2613.Ib. § 14, ὅταν δὲ μὴ παρέχῃ τἀναγκαῖα, τὸ ἀνακλητικὸν σημαίνει, τὴν θύραν ἤνοιξε, καὶ λέγει σοι, Ἔρχου, Ποῦ; Εἰς οὐδὲν δεινόν· ἀλλ’ ὅθεν ἐγένου, εἰς τὰ φίλα καὶ συγγενῆ, εἰς τὰ στοιχεῖα.2614.Diss. i. 9, § 14, ἄφες ἡμᾶς ἀπελθεῖν ὅθεν ἐληλύθαμεν κτλ.2615.Überweg, Hist. Phil. i. p. 237.2616.Zeller, iii. 1, p. 735.2617.Phaedo, 86 B.2618.Zeller, iii. 1, p. 740; Überweg, Hist. Phil. i. p. 237.2619.Jul. Capit. M. Ant. c. 13; c. 21; cf. Merivale, Rom. Hist. viii. pp. 335-6.2620.M. Aurel. vii. 67; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 677.2621.M. Arnold, Essays in Criticism, p. 427.2622.M. Aurel. iii. 3, εἰ δὲ ἐν ἀναισθησίᾳ, παύσῃ πόνων καὶ ἡδονῶν ἀνεχόμενος, καὶ λατρεύων τοσούτῳ χείρονι τῷ ἀγγείῳ ἢ περίεστι τὸ ὑπηρετοῦν: Rohde, Psyche, ii. pp. 327-28.2623.ix. 3, οὕτως ἐνδέχεσθαι τὴν ὥραν ἐν ᾓ τὸ ψυχάριόν σου τοῦ ἐλύτρου τούτου ἐκπεσεῖται.2624.xii. 30-32.2625.vi. 42, 47; ix. 29, 32; vi. 15; vii. 19; vi. 36, πᾶν τὸ ἐνεστὼς τοῦ χρόνου, στιγμὴ τοῦ αἰῶνος: Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 147.2626.M. Aurel. vi. 49, μήτι δυσχεραίνεις ὅτι τοσῶνδέ τινων λιτρῶν εἶ καὶ οὐ τριακοσίων; οὕτω δὲ καὶ ὅτι μέχρι τοσῶνδε ἐτῶν βιωτέον σοι καὶ οὐ μέχρι πλείονος.2627.M. Aurel. ix. 32, ἀχανὲς δὲ τὸ πρὸ τὴς γενέσεως ὡς καὶ τὸ μετὰ τὴν διάλυσιν ὁμοίως ἄπειρον.2628.Ib. vi. 36, ἡ Ἀσία, ἡ Εὐρώπη, γωνίαι τοῦ κόσμου... Αθως βωλάριον τοῦ κόσμου.2629.Ib. vii. 35.2630.Ib. x. 33; v. 11; v. 27.2631.Ib. xi. 1.2632.Ib. vi. 16; vi. 2; vi. 51; vii. 21, ἐγγὺς μὲν ἡ σὴ περὶ πάντων λήθη ἐγγὺς δὲ ἡ πάντων περὶ σοῦ λήθη.2633.Ib. xi. 1; vii. 1.2634.M. Aurel. vi. 46, 47; vii. 3; ix. 30.2635.Ib. vi. 47; cf. Luc. Icaromenippus, c. 18; Traj. sive Tyr. c. 8; Charon, c. 17; Menip. c. 15, ἀλλ’ ὅμοια τὰ ὀστᾶ ἦν, ἄδηλα καὶ ἀνεπίγραφα κτλ.2636.M. Aurel. vii. 19, διὰ τῆς τῶν ὅλων οὐσίας, ὡς διὰ χειμάρρου, διεκπορεύεται πάντα τὰ σώματα. Cf. ix. 29, χειμάρρους ἡ τῶν πάντων αἰτία· πάντα φέρει.2637.Ib. vii. 49; vii. 1; ix. 14; x. 23; xi. 1.2638.M. Aurel. iv. 32.2639.Ib. xi. 1.2640.Ib. ix. 29, μηδὲ τὴν Πλάτωνος πολιτείαν ἔλπιζε, ἀλλ’ ἀρκοῦ εἰ τὸ βραχύτατον πρόεισι.2641.Ib. vii. 47; ix. 34.2642.Sen. Ep. 109, § 9.2643.Sen. Ep. 57, § 7.2644.Ib. 73, § 16; Ep. 83.2645.Id. De Prov. iv. § 7, quos amat indurat, exercet.2646.Id. De Ben. iv. 4; De Ira, ii. 27.2647.Sen. Ep. 65, § 22; 102, § 26; Ad Helv. 11, § 7; Ad Marc. 24, § 5. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 83 C, D. Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. vi. 11; vii. 26.2648.Plat. Phaed. 79 C; 81 A.2649.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 185.2650.Sen. Ad Marc. c. 19, 20; cf. Plut. (?) Consol. ad Apoll. c. 15, εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν οὖν τάξιν οἱ τελευτήσαντες καθίστανται τῇ πρὸ τῆς γενέσεως: cf. ib. c. 34.2651.Sen. Ep. 36; 71, § 12; Ad Marc. 19, § 4. Cf. Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 328.2652.Sen. Ep. 102, § 21.2653.Ep. 120, § 14; 102, § 28, aliquando naturae tibi arcana retegentur: discutietur ista caligo... nulla serenum umbra turbabit, cf. Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 328, n. 4. Rohde, like Zeller, seems to me not to recognise sufficiently how far Seneca has departed from the old Stoicism.2654.Ep. 26, § 5; Ad Marc. xxv.2655.See the apocryphal letters, p. 477, of Haase’s ed. of Sen.; cf. Lightfoot, S. Paul’s Ep. to the Philippians, p. 268 sqq. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 637, n. 1; Baur, Ch. Hist. i. p. 16.2656.Sen. Ep. 108, § 17; cf. Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 7, 8.2657.Sen. Nat. Qu. vii. 32, § 2, Pythagorica illa invidiosa turbae schola praeceptorem non invenit.2658.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 95.2659.Herodot. ii. 123.2660.Herodotus never mentions Orpheus, but speaks of τὰ Ὀρφικά, ii. 81; nor do the schol. on Homer allude to him (Lob. Aglaoph. i. p. 540; cf. Aglaoph. p. 255 sqq.). His existence was denied by Aristotle (Cic. De Nat. Deor. 1. 38, 108). Plato seems to be as assured of it as Iamblichus, Cratyl. 402; cf. Iambl. Pythag. 145, 243.2661.Iambl. Pythag. 151; Lobeck, Aglaoph. i. p. 238.2662.Cic. De Leg. ii. 14, 36, neque solum cum laetitia vivendi rationem accepimus, sed etiam cum spe meliore moriendi.2663.Plut. Cons. ad Ux. c. 10.2664.Plat. Phaed. 70 C; 69 C.2665.Plat. Rep. ii. 364 B.2666.Cf. Gardner and Jevons, p. 268, who think the ceremonies never were indecent. Rohde, i. p. 289.2667.Herodot. ii. 81; Iambl. Pythag. 151; Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 103.2668.Baur, Ch. Hist. ii. p. 178.2669.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 99.2670.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 7, 8; cf. Sen. Ep. 108, §§ 17-20.2671.Zeller, iii. 2, p. 122.2672.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. i. 2; cf. Zeller, iii. 2, p. 134, n.; Baur, Ch. Hist. ii. pp. 174, 206.2673.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 20; iii. 41; i. 11, 16; vi. 40.2674.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. ii. 37; vi. 11.2675.Ib. iv. 16.2676.Ib. iv. 16.2677.Ib. viii. 31, περὶ ψυχῆς δὲ, ὡς ἀθάνατος εἴη, ἐφιλοσόφει ἔτι διδάσκων μὴν ὅτι ἀληθὴς ὁ ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς λόγος, πολυπραγμονεῖν δὲ μὴ ξυγχωρῶν τὰ ὦδε μεγάλα.2678.Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. viii. 31, ἢ τὶ μετὰ ζῳοῖσον ἐὼν περὶ τῶνδε ματεύεις;2679.Plut. (?) Consol. ad Apoll. c. 34; cf. c. 15.2680.Ib. c. 7 sqq.2681.Ib. c. 36, τεθνεῶτας γὰρ δεῖ κρίνεσθαι κτλ.2682.Consol. ad Ux. c. 3.2683.Consol. ad Ux. c. 4, 6.2684.Consol. ad Apoll. c. 17-24.2685.De Ser. Num. Vind. c. 18 (561 A).2686.Ib. οὐδέν ἐστι πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς ζῶντας ἀλλ’ ἀπιστοῦνται καὶ λανθάνοισιν.2687.Non p. Suav. c. 26, 27.2688.Ib. c. 23 (1103).2689.Non. p. Suav. c. 30, 26.2690.Ib. c. 27, δι’ ἣν ὀλίγου δέω λέγειν πάντας καὶ πάσας εἶναι προθύμους τῷ Κερβέρῳ διαδάκνεσθαι ὅπως ἐν τῷ εἶναι διαμένωσι μηδ’ ἀναιρεθῶσι.2691.Ib. c. 28.2692.Ib. c. 28, ἡλίκης ἑαυτοὺς χαρᾶς ἀποστεροῦσι... καὶ τὸν φίλον πατέρα καὶ τὴν φίλην μητέρα καί που γυναῖκα χρησθὴν ὄψεσθαι μὴ προσδοκῶντες μηδ’ ἔχοντες ἐλπίδα τῆς ὁμιλίας ἐκείνης καὶ φιλοφροσύνης ἣν ἔχουσιν οἱ τὰ αὐτὰ Πυθαγόρᾳ καὶ Πλάτωνι δοξάζοντες.2693.Consol. ad Apoll. c. 36.2694.De Ser. Num. Vind. c. 16: cf. Gréard, De la Morale de Plut. p. 283; Oakesmith, Rel. of Plut. p. 111 sqq.2695.De Ser. N. Vind. v. c. 17, εἷς οὖν, ἔφην, λόγος ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν καὶ τὴν διαμονὴν τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ψυχῆς βεβαιῶν, κτλ.2696.Ib. c. 17 (560 F).2697.Ib. c. 17, ad fin.2698.Rohde, Psyche, ii. pp. 275, 279; Jowett’s Plato, i. p. 396; Pl. Phaed. 85 C, D; 60 B, C; 69 C; Meno 81 A; Phaed. 114 D, τὸ μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα διισχυρίσασθαι οὕτως ἔχειν, οὐ πρέπει νοῦν ἔχοντι ἀνδρί, κτλ.2699.Plut. De Ser. Num. Vind. c. 22 (563 C).2700.Ib. εἶτα ῥηγνυμένης ἀτρέμα τῆς πομφόλυγος, ἐκβαίνειν τύπον ἐχούσας ἀνθρωποειδῆ, τὸν δ’ ὄγκον εὐσταλεῖς κτλ.2701.Plut. De Ser. Num. Vind. c. 22 (565).2702.Ib. c. 22 (566), ἔδοξεν ἀφορᾶν κρατῆρα μέγαν, εἰς δὲ τούτον ἐμβάλλοντα ῥεύματα τὸ μὲν ἀφροῦ θαλάσσης ἢ χιόνων λαμπρότερον κτλ.2703.Plut. De Ser. Num. Vind. c. 22 (567 D), πάντων δὲ πάσχειν ἔλεγεν οἰκτρότατα τὰς ἤδη δοκούσας ἀφεῖσθαι τῆς Δίκης, εἶτ’ αὖθις συλλαμβανομένας· αὖται δ’ ἦσαν ὧν εἴς τινας ἐκγόνους ἢ παῖδας ἡ ποινὴ περιῆλθεν κτλ.2704.Cf. Pausan. ix. 39, § 5; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. viii. 19; Plut. De Gen. Socr. c. 21, 22 (589, 590); cf. Gardner and Jevons, Greek Antiq. pp. 267-8.2705.Plut. De Gen. Socr. c. 22 (590), ἀναβλέψας δὲ τὴν μὲν γῆν οὐδαμοῦ καθορᾶν, νήσους δὲ λαμπομένας μαλακῷ πυρί κτλ.2706.Ib. (591).2707.Plut. De Fac. in Orb. Lun. c. 30.2708.Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p. 67.2709.W. Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 89.2710.Ib. p. 229.2711.Cic. De Div. i. 5, 9, existimo... si Dii sint, esse qui divinent; i, 38, 82; si sunt Dii, neque ante declarant hominibus quae futura sint, aut non diligunt homines, aut quid eventurum sit ignorant. This argument is attributed to Chrysippus and Diogenes in ii. 49, 101.2712.Sen. Frag. 39 (Aug. De Civ. D. vi. 11). See Varro’s opinion, ib. vi. 5.2713.De Civ. Dei, vi. 4.2714.Cic. De Nat. D. ii. 28, 70; cf. Sen. Frag. 39, cf. Ep. 95, 47.2715.Cic. De Div. i. 3, 6.2716.Polyb. vi. 56, καὶ μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδεται... ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολἠν, κτλ.2717.Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii 17, 43, in illa aureola oratiuncula, cf. Sym. Rel. iii.2718.Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p. 60.2719.Aug. De Civ. D. vi. 2; cf. Cic. De Leg. ii. 13, 33, dubium non est quin haec disciplina et ars augurum evanuerit jam et vetustate et negligentia.2720.D. Cass. liv. 36; cf. W. Fowler’s Rom. Fest. p. 343, Preller, Rom. Mythol. p. 24.2721.Suet. Octav. c. 30.2722.Ib. c. 70, coena δωδεκάθεος: cf. Thuc. vi. c. 28, § 1.2723.Suet. Octav. c. 91, 92.2724.D. Cass. liv. 35 ad fin.2725.Ov. Fasti, i. 609, hic socium summo cum Jove nomen habet. Sancta vocant augusta patres; augusta vocantur Templa, sacerdotum rite dicata manu.2726.D. Cass. lii. 36, τὸ μὲν θεῖον πάντῃ πάντως αὐτός τε σέβου καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τιμᾷν ἀνάγκαζε.2727.Ib. xlvii. 15 ad fin.2728.Ib. liv. 6.2729.Suet. Octav. c. 31.2730.D. Cass. li. 20.2731.Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. 87.2732.Momms. Röm. Staatsr. ii. p. 1024.2733.C.I.L. vi. 2042; cf. 2444 and 2034. Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p 363.2734.C.I.L. vi. 2051, 2.2735.Momms. Röm. Staatsr. ii. p. 1022.2736.Liv. i. 20.2737.Habel, De Pontif. Rom. p. 45.2738.Or. 1080, 1117; cf. Zosim. iv. 36; Amm. Marc. xvi. 10; Sym. Ep. x. 54.2739.Habel, De Pontif. Rom. p. 13.2740.Ib. pp. 16, 17, 62; C.I.L. vi. 932, 1984.2741.Habel, p. 62.2742.Ib. p. 24.2743.Jul. Capitol. M. Ant. Phil. c. 4.2744.Ib. c. 6.2745.Ib. c. 16; Lamprid. Com. c. 12 (a. 175).2746.Jul. Capitol. M. Ant. c. 13.2747.Tac. Ann. iv. 16. Yet he is said to be circa deos negligentior, c. 69.2748.Ib. c. 36.2749.Suet. Claud. c. 22; Tac. Ann. xii. 8.2750.Suet. Otho, c. 7, 8, 12; Vitell. c. 5, 11; Tac. Hist. i. 87.2751.Or. 2364.2752.Tac. Hist. iv. 53.2753.Suet. Dom. c. 5, 15.2754.Ael. Spart. Hadr. c. 22.2755.Ib. 16, § 5; Plin. Ep. vi. 21, § 1; Macé, Suétone, p. 96; Martha, Moralistes, p. 184 sq.2756.Pater, Marius, chap. ii., xxvii.2757.Jul. Capitol. Ant. P. c. 11.2758.Ib. c. 4.2759.Ib. c. 13.2760.Petron. c. 17.2761.C.I.L. iii. p. 1160 sqq.; xii. p. 924 sqq.; Or. Henz. iii.; Ind. pp. 25, 29, 30, 33.2762.C.I.L. xii. 3070, 3077; 2383; iii. 2804, 5787; Or. Henz. 1244, 1245.2763.Liv. xxi. 38, quem in summo sacratum vertice Poeninum montani appellant; Or. Henz. 231-6, 5028, 1271.2764.Or. Henz. 1267, 1271.2765.Petron. Sat. 44.2766.Jul. Capitol. Vit. Ant. P. c. 8; Preller, Rom. Myth. p. 185.2767.Suet. Dom. c. 4.2768.Or. Henz. 1561, 1590; C.I.L. xii. 4316; iii. 1162.2769.Preller, p. 437.2770.Or. Henz. 1603.2771.Ib. 1613.2772.Ib. 1632, 1634, 1637, 5758a.2773.Preller, pp. 406-8; Or. 1580, 1581, 1572.2774.Or. Henz. 2270; cf. Wordsworth, Specimens of Early Latin, p. 158; C.I.L. vi. 2024 sqq.2775.Preller, p. 293.2776.Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 74, 275.2777.C.I.L. vi. 2059, ob inlatum ferrum, etc.2778.Ib. vi. 2040, 2041, 2043; Preller, p. 294; Oldenberg, De Sacris Fr. Arv. p. 5.2779.Oldenberg, p. 9.2780.C.I.L. vi. 2086.2781.Boissier, i. p. 369; Oldenberg, p. 41.2782.Boissier, i. p. 374; Preller, p. 295.2783.C.I.L. vi. 2023-2113.2784.Ib. 2056, ex tabella missa Imp. Vesp. cooptamus, etc.2785.Ib. 2024.2786.Ib. 2051.2787.Jan. 16, 69 A.D.2788.C.I.L. vi. 2052.2789.C.I.L. vi. 2040, 2041.2790.Ib. 2039.2791.Ib. 2042.2792.Ib. 2044; cf. 2029 (Caligula).2793.Ib. 2064, 2067.2794.Ib. 2074.2795.Ib. 2078.2796.Ib. 2086; cf. Flav. Vop. Probus, c. 12.2797.C.I.L. vi. 2092.2798.C.I.L. iii. 5788; Or. 1245, 1290.2799.Or. 1238, Fulguratori, 1240, 1271, Jovi O. M. tempestatum potenti.2800.C.I.L. iii, 1032, 1948, 1590; Or. 1269, 1248, 1225, 1269; C.I.L. xii. 1066.2801.Or. 1335.2802.Ib. 1410.2803.Ib. 1428, 1429, restitutione facta sibi capillorum.2804.Ib. 1634.2805.Ib. 1572, 1576.2806.Plin. H. N. ii. 7, 5, fragilis et laboriosa mortalitas in partes ista digessit infirmitatis suae memor, ut portionibus coleret quisque quo maxime indigeret.2807.v. supra, p. 425 sqq.2808.Min. Fel. Octav. c. 6, quanto venerabilius ac melius antistitem veritatis majorum excipere disciplinam, religiones traditas colere, deos, quos a parentibus ante imbutus es timere quam nosse familiarius, adorare, etc.2809.Virg. Aen. viii. 343; Ov. Fasti, ii. 267; Baronius, Ann. Eccl. viii. 60; Gibbon, c. 36; Fowler, Rom. Fest. p. 310.2810.Sym. Relat. 3.2811.Aug. De Civ. Dei, ii. 4; Tertull. Apol. 13; Adv. Marc. i. 13.2812.Lucret. ii. 600.2813.Aug. De Civ. Dei, ii. 8, vii. 24.2814.C.I.L. vi. 499, 504, 509, 510, 511, 512; xii. 1782, 1567; Or. 1899, 1890, 2335.2815.De Civ. Dei, ii. 4, 7, 8; vi. 7; vii. 24.2816.C.I.L. ii. 179 (Spain, 108 p. Chr.); iii. 1100, 1443 (Dacia, p. Chr. 110); Or. Henz. 5839 (Portugal).2817.Liv. 29, 10.2818.Or. 1906, Navisalviae et matri D. (v. note).2819.Ov. Fasti, iv. 305; Sen. Frag. 80; Suet. Tib. c. 2.2820.Fowler, Rom. Fest. p. 70.2821.Val. Max. vii. 7, 6; Goehler, De Matr. Magn. Cultu, p. 10.2822.Lucret. ii. 600; Virg. Aen. ix. 620; x. 220; Ov. A. Am. i. 507; Prop. iii. 17, 35; cf. Preller, p. 484.2823.C.I.L. vi. 496.2824.Goehler, p. 12.2825.Yet cf. D. Cass. lxi. 20, ἐκιθαρῴδεσέ τε Ἄττιν ὁ Αὔγουστος.2826.C.I.L. x. 1406. Imp. Vesp. templum M. M. terrae motu conlapsum restituit.2827.Ib. ii. 179 (108 p. Chr.); cf. Or. Henz. 5839.2828.C.I.L. iii. 1100, 1443.2829.Ib. x. 1596 (Naples, p. Chr. 134).2830.Or. Henz. 2322.2831.Goehler, p. 15.2832.Tertull. Apol. 25; D. Cass. lxxi. 33.2833.C.I.L. vi. 501 (p. Chr. 383); 509, 511, 510, 500.2834.Réville, p. 60; Ov. Fasti, iv. 251, Cum Trojam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros, Est dea sacriferas paene secuta rates. 2835.Ov. l.c. 293.2836.Aug. De Civ. Dei, vi. 8; vii. 25; Jul. Or. v. p. 161 D.2837.There were many variations of the myth; v. Goehler, pp. 2, 3; Foucart, Assoc. Rel. p. 89; Ov. Fasti, iv. 223.2838.Réville, p. 64; Preller, p. 485.2839.Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 70; cf. Foucart, Assoc. Rel. p. 88, for similar treatment at Athens.2840.C.I.L. x. 3810; viii. 8203; xii. 1782; ii. 5260.2841.Ib. xii. 1782; Or. Henz. 2325, 6031; Goehler, p. 40.2842.Goehler, p. 12; C.I.L. vi. 511, 504, 500.2843.C.I.L. iii. 2920; xii. 1567.2844.Ib. x. 6074; vi. 502, 508; Or. Henz. 7200 (Acte), 2330, 1902, 2371, 2319, 2325; C.I.L. xii. 4322, 4326.2845.Or. Henz. 7336, 2322, 6031, 4109, 7197; C.I.L. viii. 9401.2846.Goehler, p. 45.2847.C.I.L. xii. 1782.2848.Or. Henz. 2325, 2984.2849.Mahaffy, The Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 295 sqq.2850.Réville, Rel. unter den Sev. p. 65; Apul. Met. viii. 24 (v. Hildenbrand’s notes.)2851.Apul. Met. viii. c. 27 (580); cf. Aug. De Civ. Dei, ii. 4.2852.Apul. Met. viii. c. 28 (583).2853.Ib. c. 28 (585).2854.Ib. c. 30 (589).2855.C.I.L. x. 1406; Lamprid. Alex. Sev. c. 37.2856.Firm. Matern. De Err. Prof. Rel. c. 2, 3.2857.Réville, p. 66; Goehler, p. 29; Cumont, Mon. figurés de Mithra, Introd. p. 333; Or. 2329, 2330, 1900; C.I.L. vi. 497, 500, 511; cf. ib. x. 1596, where the taurobolium is connected with Venus Coelesta (sic); Preller, p. 486.2858.Tertull. De Praescrip. Haeret. 40; Firm. Matern. De Err. Prof. Relig. c. 27, neminem aput idola profusus sanguis munit... polluit sanguis iste, non redimit.... Tauribolium quid vel criobolium scelerata te sanguinis labe perfundit? S. Paulin. Nol. Poem. Ult. 112-117.2859.Cumont, Introd. pp. 236, 333; Herodot. iv. 103; Eur. Iph. T. 1455; Strab. v. 3, § 12, p. 240.2860.Cumont, p. 334; Gasquet, Culte de Mithra, p. 75; Cumont, Introd. p. 334, n. 5; Réville, Rel. unter den Sev. p. 93, takes an opposite view.2861.Donsbach, Die räumliche Verbreitung des Mithrasdienstes, pp. 8, 9.2862.This is rendered doubtful by Porphyr. De Abstin. iv. 16, ὡς τοὺς μὲν μετέχοντας τῶν αὐτῶν ὀργίων μύστας λέοντας καλεῖν (εἰώθασιν). τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ὑαίνας (altered by Felicianus to λεαίνας); cf. Gasquet, p. 98.2863.C.I.L. vi. 1778, 9.2864.Goehler, p. 55; C.I.L. x. 1596; Puteoli, p. Chr. 134; taurobol. Veneris Caelestae (sic).2865.Or. 2382; Goehler, p. 55; cf. C.I.L. viii. 8203.2866.Or. 2327, ex jussu ipsius; C.I.L. xii. 1782, ex vaticinatione Archigalli; cf. xii. 4321, 4323.2867.C.I.L. xii. 1782.2868.Ib. xii. 4321 (stipe collata); at private expense, xii. 1568.2869.Peristeph. x. 1011; cf. Duruy, v. p. 743.2870.C.I.L. xii. 1311, 251, 1822, 4332; Or. 2332.2871.Goehler, p. 34; Réville, p. 66; Preller, p. 488; Cumont, Introd. p. 333.2872.Goehler, p. 29.2873.Lafaye, Culte des divinités d’Alexandrie, p. 15; Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 28.2874.Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 35, addressed to Clea, who was high in the worship of Dionysus, and “hereditarily devoted to Osiris.”2875.Lamprid. Com. Ant. c. 9; Spart. Sev. c. 17; Réville, Rel. unter den Sev. p. 58.2876.Foucart, Assoc. Religieuses, p. 83.2877.Lafaye, pp. 27-32; Paus. i. 18, § 4.2878.Lafaye, p. 38.2879.v. Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 53, τὸ τῆς φύσεως θῆλυ, c. 52, οὐχ ἑτέραν τῆς σελήνης: c. 38, οὕτος Ἴσιδος σῶμα γῆν ἔχουσι καὶ νομίζουσιν, οὐ πάσαν, ἀλλ’ ἧς ὁ Νεῖλος ἐπιβαίνει σπερμαίνων: cf. c. 32; c. 56, Ὄσιριν ὡς ἀρχήν, τὴν δὲ Ἴσιν ὡς ὑποδοχήν, τὸν δὲ Ὥρον ὁς ἀποτέλεσμα: cf. Herodot. ii. 156; Apul. Met. xi. c. 7, matrem siderum, parentem temporum, orbisque totius dominam blando mulcentes affamine.2880.Herodot. ii. 154.2881.Ib. 156; cf. Plew, De Sarapide, p. 23 sqq.2882.Thuc. i. 104.2883.Lafaye, p. 15 sqq.2884.Plew, De Sarapide, p. 10 sqq.2885.Tac. Hist. iv. 84.2886.Plew, De Sarapide, p. 15; Preller, p. 478.2887.Plew, De Sarapide, p. 6.2888.Lafaye, p. 17.2889.Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 45, 49.2890.Or. 1890 sqq.; C.I.L. viii. 1005; iii. 4560, 3.2891.Aristid. Or. Sac. viii. 53, καὶ ταμίας ὢν τοῦ βιωσίμου κατὰ τοῦτ’ ἃν δικαίως ἅπαντα περιειληφέναι νομίζοιτο... ὁ δὲ ὥσπερ κορυφαῖος πάντων ἀρχὰς καὶ πέρατα ἔχει. Cf. Baumgar. Aristides als Repräsentant der Soph. Rhet. p. 90 sqq.2892.Or. 1871, tibi quae es omnia.2893.Apul. Met. xi. 7.2894.Lafaye, p. 43.2895.Id. p. 40; Mau, Pompeii, p. 163.2896.Liv. xxix. 10; Goehler, De Matris Magnae Cultu, p. 7.2897.Liv. xxxix. 19.2898.Preller, Myth. Rom. p. 473.2899.Plin. H. N. xiii. 27; Liv. xl. 29; Momms. Rom. Hist. ii. p. 402; Lafaye, p. 41.2900.Tertull. Adv. Marc. i. 13; Firm. Mat. De Err. Prof. Rel. 2, § 7, cur plangitis fruges terrae et crescentia lugetis semina?2901.Apul. Met. xi. c. 30, Collegii vetustissimi et sub illis Sullae temporibus conditi, etc.2902.Tertull. Apol. 6; Ad Nat. i. 10; prohibitos Capitolio Varro commemorat eorumque aras a senatu dejectas nonnisi per vim popularium restructas, Val. Max. i. 3, 4; cf. Lewald, De Peregr. Rel. ap. Rom. p. 10.2903.D. Cass. xlii. 26.2904.Lafaye, p. 47; Val. Max. vii. 3, 8; cf. App. B. C. iv. 47.2905.D. Cass. xliii. 27; xlvii. 15.2906.Catull. x. 26; Tibull. i. 3, 23; Propert. ii. 33.2907.Aen. viii. 698.2908.D. Cass. liii. 2, τὰ μὲν ἱερὰ τὰ Αἰγύπτια οὐκ ἐσεδέξατο εἴσω τοῦ πωμηρίου; cf. liv. 6.2909.Lafaye, p. 55, discredits the tale of the seduction, which is given by Josephus alone, B. Jud. xviii. 3; cf. Tac. Ann. ii. 85; Suet. Tib. 36.2910.C.I.L. x. 2, 7563 sqq.2911.Suet. Claud. 25; cf. D. Cass. lx. 6.2912.C.I.L. vi. 353.2913.Tac. Ann. xv. 36; cf. Suet. Nero, 40, 47, varia agitavit, an vel Aegypti praefecturam concedi sibi oraret, etc.2914.Suet. Otho, 12.2915.Suet. Vesp. iv. v. vii.; Tac. Hist. iv. 81.2916.Tac. Hist. iii. 74; cf. Suet. Domit. i.2917.Lafaye, p. 61, n. 8.2918.Boissier, Prom. Archæol. p. 238; Spart. Hadr. c. 26.2919.Lamprid. Commod. 9.2920.Gibbon, c. 28; Amm. Marc. xxii. 16.2921.C.I.L. ii. 6004.2922.Lafaye, p. 157.2923.Ib. p. 158.2924.Lafaye, p. 157.2925.C.I.G. 5900, Ἀρχιερεῖ Ἀλεξανδρεῖας καὶ Αἰγύπτου πάσης καὶ ἐπιστάτῃ τοῦ Μουσείου καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ βιβλιοθηκῶν... ἐπιστολεῖ τοῦ αὐτοῦ αὐτοκράτορος: cf. Macé, Suétone, pp. 92, 116.2926.Lucan, Phars. viii. 831, nos in templa tuam Romana accepimus Isin; ix. 158, jam numen gentibus Isin.2927.C.I.L. viii. 2630; cf. Cagnat, L’Armée Rom. d’Afr. p. 423. See other dedications by officers in Or. Henz. 5836, 7.2928.C.I.L. viii. 2629, 1002, 4, 5.2929.Ib. iii. 881, 2, 1428, 1590, 1342, 4015; Or. Henz. 5838.2930.C.I.L. iii. 4809; Or. Henz. 2035, 5833.2931.Tac. Germ. 9.2932.Or. Henz. 1897.2933.Ib. 5836.2934.Lafaye, p. 162. For an interesting dedication for the support of the worship at Nîmes v. C.I.L. xii. 3058.2935.Or. Henz. 457; cf. Tac. Hist. i. 67, in modum municipii exstructus locus, amoeno salubrium aquarum usu frequens.2936.Lafaye, p. 160; Réville, Rel. unter den Sev. p. 53; C.I.L. ii. 3386, Isis puellaris.2937.Apul. Met. xi. c. 11.2938.Lafaye, p. 160, 1.2939.Met. xi. c. 24.2940.Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 78; Aristid. Or. Sac. viii. 52, 53.2941.Herodot. ii. c. 50.2942.Ib. c. 81; Iambl. De Pythag. Vit. § 151, cf. § 14; Porph. Pythag. § 6; Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 10.2943.Philostr. Apollon. Tyan. vi. 19; D. Chrys. Or. xii. § 68.2944.Juv. xv. 3; cf. Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 15; Tuscul. v. 27.2945.Plut. De Is. et Osir. cc. 72-74.2946.Herodot. viii. c. 41.2947.Apul. Met. xi. c. 11, attollens canis cervices arduas Anubis; cf. Juv. vi. 534; Plut. De Is. c. 44; Tertull. Apol. 6; Ad Nat. ii. 8.2948.Mau, Pompeii, p. 175.2949.Lafaye, p. 106, 7.2950.Or. 1871.2951.On a Dacian inscription, C.I.L. iii. 1590, Placidae Reginae.2952.Baumgart, Ael. Aristides Repräsent. der Soph. Rhet. des zweit. Jahr. p. 91; cf. Hadrian’s letter to Servianus, Vopisc. Vit. Saturn. c. 8.2953.Plut. De Is. c. 66, 79.2954.Lafaye, p. 101.2955.Tac. Hist. i. 23; D. Cass. lxxi. 8, καὶ γάρ τοι λόγος ἔχει Ἀρνοῦφιν τινα μάγον Αἰγύπτιον συνόντα τῷ Μάρκῳ κτλ.2956.Juv. vi. 581.2957.Or. 1882, ex visu; C.I.L. vi. 346, 572; v. 484.2958.Cic. De Div. i. 58, 132; Diod. i. 25; Aristid. Or. Sacr. iii. p. 319 (Jebb).2959.Tac. Hist. iv. 81, monitu Serapidis, etc.2960.Lafaye, p. 104; Aristid. Or. Sacr. viii. 55.2961.Aristid. Or. Sacr. viii. 54, φιλανθρωπότατος γὰρ θεῶν καὶ φοβερώτατος αὐτός, κτλ.2962.Ib. viii. 54, σωτὴρ αὐτὸς καὶ ψυχοπομπός, ἄγων εἰς φῶς καὶ πάλιν δεχόμενος κτλ.; Plew, De Sarapide, p. 30.2963.Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 126; cf. i. 286; Lobeck, Aglaoph. i. p. 239; Hardie, Lectures on Classical Subjects, pp. 56, 57. The Orphici laid more stress on the moral aspect of immortality than the priests of Eleusis did.2964.Apul. Met. xi. c. 22.2965.C.I.G. 6562, δοίη σοι ὁ Ὄσιρις τὸ ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ: cf. Plew, De Sarap. p. 31.2966.Or. 1879.2967.Pind. Fr. 137 (Christ); Soph. Fr. 753— ὡς τρὶς ὄλβιοι κεῖνοι βροτῶν οἳ ταῦτα δερχένθες τέλη μόλωσ’ ἐς Ἅιδου. Cf. O.C. 1051.2968.C.I.L. xii. 4321, ex stipe collata.2969.Apul. Met. xi. c. 28 (813), veste ipsa mea quamvis parvula distracta sufficientem corrasi summulum; cf. Tertull. Apol. 13.2970.Tibull. i. 3, 31, bisque die, resoluta comas, tibi dicere laudes Insignis turba debeat in Pharia.2971.Apul. Met. xi. c. 20 (795), velis candentibus reductis.2972.Mart. x. 48, 1, nunciat octavam Phariae sua turba juvencae.2973.Mau, Pompeii, pp. 171, 172.2974.Lafaye, p. 115; Catal. No. 222.2975.Mau, p. 171; Apul. Met. xi. c. 17 (791), intuitans deae specimen pristinos casus meos recordabar; Mart. ii. 14, 8.2976.Lafaye, p. 126; Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 39, διὸ μηνὸς Ἀθὺρ ἀφανισθῆναι τὸν Ὄσιριν λέγουσιν, κτλ.: Juv. viii. 29; vi. 534; Ov. Metam. ix. 692, nunquamque satis quaesitus Osiris; Lucan, viii. 831, et quem tu plangens hominem testaris Osirim; Min. Fel. c. 21.2977.Ov. Am. i. 8, 74; iii. 9, 30; Prop. ii. 33, 3; Tibull. i. 3, 23.2978.Apul. Met. xi. c. 11 (774-78); Réville, Rel. unter den Sev. p. 56.2979.Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 38, Νεῖλον Ὀσίριδος ἀπορροὴν... ἔχουσιν.2980.Réville, p. 54; Lafaye, p. 130 sqq.2981.C.I.G. 6006; Apul. Met. ii. c. 28 (159), propheta primarius, xi. c. 17 (788), sacerdos maximus. Or. Henz. 2305, C. Ruf. Volusianus pater ierofanta profata Isidos; 1878, 6666; C.I.L. x. 6445; xii. 410.2982.Lafaye, p. 133.2983.C.I.L. xii. 3061, Ornatrix fani Nemausi.2984.Lafaye, p. 135.2985.Apul. Met. xi. c. 17 (789).2986.Ib. c. 9 (772), dicati Serapi tibicines.2987.Lafaye, p. 138, n. 4.2988.Or. Henz. 2355, 6385, 2309.2989.Foucart, Assoc. Religieuses, p. 117; Inscr. 66, 240.2990.Mau, p. 478, Cn. Helv. Sabinum aed. Isiaci rogant.2991.Foucart, pp. 25-30; Or. Henz. 6029, 2313, mater sacrorum; C.I.L. vi. 2277; Or. 2308, patrono Sacr. Isidis; Apul. Met. xi. c. 30 (817).2992.Lamprid. Commod. c. 9.2993.Apul. Met. xi. c. 22 (800).2994.Lafaye, pp. 189, 190; Mau, p. 169.2995.Lafaye, p. 149.2996.Apul. Met. xi. c. 22 (800), Mithram illum suum sacerdotem praecipuum, divino quodam stellarum consortio ut aiebat mihi conjunctum, sacrorum ministrum decernit.2997.Lafaye, pp. 151, 186; Mau, Pompeii, p. 174.2998.Tibull. i. 3, 30; Mart. xii. 29; Juv. vi. 526; Suet. Otho, 12.2999.Plut. De Is. c. 4, 8, 32.3000.Aristid. Or. Sacr. xiii. p. 54.3001.Apul. Met. xi. c. 24.3002.Ib.3003.Cumont, Monuments Relatifs aux Mystères de Mithra, Intr. pp. 309, 310.3004.Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 101; cf. Macrob. Sat. i. 17; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. ii. 38; vi. 10, § 1; M. Aurel. xi. 27.3005.Cumont, Intr. p. 336; Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie, p. 197.3006.Flav. Vop. Aurelian, c. 36, 39.3007.Cumont, Intr. p. 223 sq.; Gasquet, Le Culte de Mithra, p. 16 sq.3008.Cumont, Intr. p. 225.3009.Gasquet, p. 20.3010.Cumont, Intr. p. 226 sqq.3011.Xen. Cyrop. vii. 5, 53; Oecon. iv. § 24.3012.Cumont, Intr. p. 231; Gasquet, p. 21 sqq.3013.Donsbach, Die räumliche Verbreitung des Mithrasdienstes, p. 5.3014.De Laud. Stilich. i. 62.3015.Luc. Menippus, cc. 6-9.3016.Cumont, Intr. p. 232.3017.v. Cumont, Inscr. Orient. i. 2, 3.3018.Id. Inscr. Grecques, i.3019.Cumont, Intr. p. 236.3020.Gasquet, pp. 31 and 75; Réville, Rel. unter den Sev. p. 93; Goehler, De Matris Mag. Cultu, p. 55; but cf. Cumont, Intr. pp. 334-5.3021.Gasquet, p. 31.3022.C.I.L. vi. 508, 511; cf. Cumont, Intr. p. 235.3023.Strab. xv. 3, § 13 (732), Πέρσαι τοίνυν ἀγάλματα μὲν καὶ βωμοὺς οὐχ ἱδρύονται... τιμῶσι δὲ καὶ Ἥλιον ὃν καλοῦσι Μίθραν, κτλ.3024.Cumont, Intr. pp. 181, 237.3025.Herod. i. 131; Xen. Cyrop. vii. 5, 53; Strab. l.c.3026.Q. Curt. iv. 13, § 48.3027.Stat. Theb. i. 717; cf. Cumont, Textes, p. 47.3028.Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 46.3029.Luc. Deor. Concil. c. 9; Menippus, c. 6 sqq.; Jup. Trag. c. 8.3030.Plut. Pomp. c. 24.3031.Or. Henz. 5844.3032.Cumont, Intr. p. 243, n. 3; Tac. Ann. ii. 42; D. Cass. lvii. 17; Suet. Vesp. c. 8.3033.C.I.L. vi. 732. On the date of the Thebaid, cf. Teuffel, Rom. Lit. § 316, n. 3.3034.Cumont, Intr. p. 253; cf. Tac. Ann. xiii. 35.3035.C.I.L. vi. 718, A.D. 102.3036.Cumont, Intr. p. 265, Inscr. No. 133.3037.Réville, p. 81.3038.Cumont, Intr. p. 274, n. 6.3039.Ib. p. 275; Donsbach, pp. 15-17.3040.Cumont, p. 265, n. 4; cf. p. 333.3041.Id. Inscr.; C.I.L. vi. 510; Or. Henz. 6040.3042.Donsbach, p. 17.3043.Cumont, Intr. p. 246 sq.3044.Ib. p. 258, n. 8; cf. Or. Henz. 5855, 1916, 1917, 1922.3045.Cumont, Intr. p. 263.3046.C.I.L. iii. 3960, 4797, 5620, 4802; vi. 721.3047.Cumont, Intr. p. 265.3048.Cf. Cumont, Inscr. 150, sagaris actor; cf. the list of the Cultores Mithrae, C.I.L. xi. 5737.3049.Cumont, Intr. p 268; Donsbach, p. 19.3050.Cumont, Intr. p. 268.3051.Donsbach, p. 19.3052.C.I.L ix. 4109, 4110.3053.Ib. xi. 5737.3054.Donsbach, p. 20; Cumont, Intr. p. 266.3055.Cumont, Intr. p. 269.3056.Cumont, Mon. 237, 239; Inscr. 408.3057.C.I.L. iii. 3480, 3479, 4796, 4797, 5121.3058.Donsbach, p. 21.3059.Cumont, Intr. p. 249; Donsbach, p. 22.3060.Cumont, Intr. p. 250.3061.Eutrop. viii. 6.3062.Cumont, Intr. p. 247, n. 6.3063.Ib. p. 251, n. 3.3064.Cumont, Intr. pp. 252, 3.3065.Id. Mon. No. 228; Intr. p. 253.3066.Id. Mon. No. 225; Intr. p. 253.3067.Id. Inscr. No. 368.3068.Mommsen, Rom. Prov. ii. p. 63, n.3069.C.I.L. iii. 4418, 4416; Donsbach, p. 25.3070.Tac. Ann. 13, 35, habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus.3071.Cumont, Mon. No. 225.3072.C.I.L. viii. 2675; Cagnat, p. 189.3073.C.I.L. iii. 5650; Cumont, Inscr. No. 416; Mon. No. 238; cf. Donsbach, p. 26.3074.Cumont, Intr. p. 255; Donsbach, p. 27.3075.For the number and the sites v. Donsbach, p. 27.3076.Cumont, Mon. No. 351.3077.Id. Inscr. No. 423; Intr. p. 256, n. 2.3078.Id. Mon. No. 248 (p. 359).3079.Ib. No. 265 (p. 388).3080.Tac. Ann. 14, 33, Londinium... copia negotiatorum maxime celebre.3081.Cumont, Inscr. Nos. 471-490; Donsbach, p. 29.3082.Id. Intr. p. 259 n.3083.Ib. p. 260; Donsbach, p. 30.3084.Cumont, l.c.; cf. Cagnat, L’Arm. rom. d’Afr. p. 353, on the history and composition of the Legio III. Augusta.3085.Luc. Deor. Concil. c. 9.3086.Réville, p. 87.3087.Cumont, Intr. p. 190; Gasquet, p. 70.3088.Cumont, Intr. p. 56; Gasquet, p. 36.3089.Cumont, Inscr. 441, 444; Mon. 213, 245, 252.3090.Ib. 251 (p. 365); Intr. p. 92; cf. Herod. i. 131.3091.Cumont, Mon. 246 (p. 348).3092.Id. Intr. p. 109; Mon. 246, 247, 248, 251, 273.3093.Donsbach, p. 6; Gasquet, p. 24; Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, p. 146; S. Hieron. Com. in Amos, v. 9, 10.3094.Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 15, § 10 sqq.3095.Cumont, Intr. pp. 71, 72.3096.Cf. Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, pp. 150, 165, 202; Cumont, Intr. pp. 331, 336.3097.Gasquet, p. 104; cf. Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 12; Macrob. Sat. i. 17; cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. ii. 933; Rohde, Psyche, ii. pp. 121, 402.3098.Cumont, Intr. pp. 308, 309; cf. Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 12.3099.Cumont, Intr. p. 294; ib. p. 75. But cf. Gasquet, p. 41.3100.Cumont, Intr. p. 295.3101.Ib. p. 296.3102.Ib. p. 301.3103.Id. Mon. 251 (p. 365).3104.Id. Intr. p. 297.3105.Id. Mon. 246 (p. 349).3106.Cumont, Mon. 251 (p. 365).3107.Id. Intr. p. 300; Gasquet, p. 62.3108.Cumont, Intr. p. 316; cf. Gasquet, pp. 94, 95.3109.Cumont, Intr. p. 301.3110.Cf. Denis, Idées Morales, etc. ii. p. 248 sq.; cf. Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, p. 37; Sen. Ep. 95, 50; 31, § 11; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 25; Max. Tyr. Diss. viii.; xiv. § 7, 8; xvi. § 9.3111.v. supra, p. 426.3112.Cumont, Intr. p. 303.3113.Ib. pp. 207, 208.3114.Plut. De Is. et Osir. c. 46.3115.Firm. Matern. c. 20, alterius profani sacramenti signum est θεός ἐκ πέτρας, etc. Cf. S. Hieron. Adv. Jov. i. § 7; Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 70; Prud. Cathem. v. 9; Cumont, Mon. 199, 207.3116.Id. Intr. p. 160.3117.Ib. p. 162; Mon. 204.3118.Id. Intr. p. 164.3119.Ib. p. 165; Mon. 204 (p. 318), 235 (p. 338).3120.Cumont, Intr. p. 167 sq.; Mon. 253, 192, 204, 221.3121.See the finest extant specimen from Osterburken; Cumont, Mon. 246; cf. the one at Heddernheim, Mon. 251.3122.Cumont, Intr. p. 186 sq.; Mon. 104, 246.3123.Gasquet, p. 70.3124.Cumont, Mon. 191 (p. 312); 203 (p. 317); 242 (p. 342); 246 (p. 350); Intr. p. 172.3125.Cumont, Intr. p. 175.3126.Réville, p. 83.3127.Ib. p. 89.3128.Gasquet, p. 77.3129.Gasquet, p. 108.3130.Cumont, Mon. 31, 35, 43.3131.Ib. 251 (p. 364).3132.Id. Intr. pp. 308, 309.3133.Cumont, Intr. p. 297.3134.Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, p. 197; Cumont, Intr. p. 309.3135.Ib. p. 308 sqq.3136.Ib. p. 310.3137.Réville, p. 150; cf. C.I.L. vi. 510; Or. Henz. 2352.3138.Or. Henz. 6042; Gasquet, p. 112, on the inscription of Vincentius, priest of Sabazius, who was buried by the side of Aurelius, a priest of Mithra; cf. Réville, p. 92; Renan, M. Aurèle, pp. 578-9, n. 1.3139.Cumont, Intr. pp. 299, 323.3140.Ib. p. 313; cf. Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, pp. 25, 26.3141.Tert. De Praescrip. Haeret. c. 40; cf. C.I.L. vi. 2151, Ordo sacerdotum Mag. suo; xiv. 403; xiv. 65.3142.Cumont, Intr. p. 325.3143.Ib. p. 325; cf. Lafaye, Div. d’Alexandrie, p. 138; flutes and bells have been found among débris of chapels, Cum. Mon. 253 (p. 380); Intr. p. 68.3144.Gasquet, p. 125.3145.S. Hieron. Ep. 107, § 2; Gasquet, pp. 91, 2; 96; Cumont, Intr. p. 315; Réville, p. 97.3146.De Abstin. iv. 16. Porphyry connects the degrees with ideas of metempsychosis, τὴν κοινότητα ἡμῶν τὴν πρὸς τὰ ζῷα αἰνιττόμενοι, κτλ.3147.Gasquet, p. 101; Réville, p. 97.3148.Tert. De Corona, xv.3149.Cumont, Intr. p. 322.3150.Lamprid. Commodus Ant. c. 9, sacra Mithriaca homicidio vero polluit, cum illic aliquid ad speciem timoris, vel dici vel fingi soleat; Gasquet, p. 90.3151.Cumont, Intr. p. 326. For the organisation of the societies of Magna Mater v. Foucart, Associations Religieuses, p. 20 sqq. Cf C.I.L. vi. 717; vi. 734; vi. 3728; xiv. 286; Or. Henz. 6042 (Sentinum).3152.Or. Henz. 6042; on the doubt, however, as to the meaning of patroni in this inscription v. Henz. note; and Cumont, Intr. p. 327, n. 4.3153.Cumont, l.c.3154.Ib. p. 264. Cf. dedications by slaves or liberti, Inscr. 67, 245, 175, 53, 410, 47, 178, 292.3155.Cf. Or. Henz. 6042; Cumont, Intr. p. 327, n. 4.3156.For the dimensions of one at Rome v. Cumont, Mon. 19 (p. 205).3157.Tert. De Pr. Haeret. c. 40.3158.Gasquet, p. 84; Cumont, Intr. p. 318.3159.Gasquet, pp. 81, 82; Cumont, Intr. p. 320.3160.Just. Mart, c. 78; Porphyr. De Antro Nymph. c. 5; Tertull. De Cor. xv.; S. Hieron. Ep. 57, 107.3161.Cumont, Intr. p. 57; Mon. 237.3162.Cumont, Intr. p. 59. Cf. C.I.L. iii. 1096, cryptam cum porticibus et apparatorio et exedra, etc.; iii. 3960.3163.Cumont, Intr. p. 61; v. the sketch of the Mithraeum under the Church of S. Clement, at Rome, Cumont, Mon. 19.3164.Id. Mon. 19.3165.Id. Intr. p. 64.3166.Twenty-six lamps were found in one Mithraeum, Cumont, Mon. 250 (p. 362). For the classical gods, cf. Mon. 221 (p. 326), 235, 246 (p. 349).3167.Apul. Met. xi. c. 22.3168.Cumont, Intr. p. 279 sqq.3169.v. supra, p. 254.3170.Suet. Vesp. iv. v. vii.; Tit. v.; Domit. i. xiv.; cf. Renan, Les Évangiles, p. 226 sq.; L’Antéchrist, p. 491.3171.D. Cass. xliii. 14; Tac. Ann. iv. 15; vi. 18.3172.Mart. ix. 4.3173.Sen. Lud. De Morte Claud. c. 12; cf. Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p. 193.3174.Suet. Aug. c. lii.3175.Id. Calig. c. xxii.; Meriv. vi. pp. 4-9.3176.D. Cass. lxiii. 5, ἦλθον πρός σε τὸν ἐμὸν θεὸν προσκυνήσων σε ὡς καὶ τὸν Μίθραν.3177.Suet. Aug. lii.; D. Cass. li. 20; lxvii. 13; Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p. 163.3178.Id. Vesp. c. xxiii. vae, inquit, puto, deus fio.3179.Id. Domit. c. xiii.3180.Virg. Georg. i. 498; Warde Fowler, Rom. Festivals, p. 258.3181.Plut. Flamin. c. 16; cf. Herod. v. 47; Thuc. v. 11.3182.Plato, Meno, 99 D.3183.Capitol. M. Aurel. c. 18.3184.Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. 125; Cumont, Intr. p. 283 sqq.3185.Amm. Marc. xv. 1, 3.3186.Athen. vi. 252, τράπεζαν παρετίθει χωρὶς ὀνομάζων τῷ δαίμωνι τῷ βασιλέως.3187.Cumont, Intr. p. 286.3188.Ib. p. 290, n. 2.3189.D. Cass. lxiii. 5, καὶ ἦλθον πρός σε τὸν ἐμὸν θεόν, προσκυνήσων σε ὡς καὶ τὸν Μίθραν.3190.W. Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 169.3191.Plut. De Fort. Rom. iv. οὕτως ἡ τύχη καταλιποῦσα Πέρσας καὶ Ἀσσυρίους... τῷ δὲ Παλατίῳ προσερχομένη, κτλ.3192.Capitol. Ant. P. c. 12.3193.Cf. Vop. Prob. c. i. § 3.3194.Cf. Amm. Marc. xv. 1, 3.3195.Cf. Amm. Marc. xv. 1, 3.3196.Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6, 5, unde reges ejusdem gentis praetumidi appellari se patiuntur Solis fratres et Lunae.3197.D. Cass. lxxii. 15, 5.3198.Treb. Poll. Gallien. 16, 18, crinibus suis auri scobem aspersit, etc.3199.Cumont, Intr. p. 291, n. 5.3200.Cumont, Inscr. No. 367.3201.Macrob. Sat. i. 17; Cumont, Intr. p. 348. The Mithraeum of Sarreburg seems to have been frequented till 395 A.D.3202.Cumont, Intr. p. 332, n. 3.3203.C.I.L. vi. 504, 846; C. Volusianus was perhaps Praef. Urb. in 365 or Consul in 314.3204.Herod, ii. 48, 50; Caes. B.G. vi. 17; Tac. Germ. c. 9.3205.Cumont, Intr. pp. 341, 2.3206.Ib. p. 339.3207.Ib. p. 341; cf. Gasquet, p. 118 sqq.3208.Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 13.3209.Cumont, Intr. p. 344.3210.S. Hieron. Ep. 107 (Ad Laetam).3211.Gasquet, p. 134.3212.Cumont, Intr. p. 329; Porphyr. De Abstin. iv. 36; cf. Gasquet, p. 98.3213.Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 49, 135, 292.3214.Cumont, Intr. p. 334.3215.Gasquet, p. 137.3216.C.I.L. vi. 500, 504, 511, 1779.3217.Maury, La Magie, p. 54.3218.Ib. p. 146.3219.Macrob. Sat. i. 17, § 4.3220.S. Hieron. Ep. 107, § 2.