Primitive Athens as Described by Thucydides

Conclusion

Having now stated what we believe to be the truth respecting the ancient burgh of Athens, its nature and limits and the position of its early Sanctuaries, we have still, in accordance with the plan proposed at the outset (p. 4), to examine other and, as we believe, erroneous views. These views are widely current in manuals and guide-books and are supported by names287 that command respect. A study of the genesis of errors so wide-spread and deep-rooted may not be unprofitable.

The sources of error seem to us fourfold, as follows:

1. The lie of the modern town.

2. A misunderstanding of the text of Thucydides.

3. The duplication of certain sanctuaries and, closely connected with this,

4. Confusion as to Kallirrhoë and Enneakrounos.

1. The Lie of the Modern Town

A glance at the map of modern Athens will show that its centre of gravity lies not West but North of the Acropolis—the modern market lies there with its throng of narrow streets and the whole modern town, with its shops, hotels, stations, spreads out in that direction. Moreover, it is obvious that the business part of Roman Athens also lay North. To the North lies the Gate of the Roman agora288, besides such buildings as the Tower of the Winds and Hadrian’s Library (Fig. 49). More than this, the agora of Hellenistic days (Fig. 46) lay there also, and was almost certainly bounded on its Eastern side by the Stoa of Attalos, of which there are still substantial remains289. Quite recently the foundations of two other colonnades have come to light290, just below and to the East of the hill on which stands the so-called ‘Theseion.’ These two colonnades stand just at the entrance of the Greek agora; the Northern one is probably either the Basileion or the Stoa Basileios, the first building described by Pausanias on his entry into the Kerameikos. The two last colonnades played no part in attempted reconstructions of the agora, for the simple reason that they were below ground; but the Stoa of Attalos, that of the Giants, and the Gateway of the Roman agora have been regularly regarded as data with which any theorist was bound to start; they had to be fitted in somehow.

The next question was, where was the road that led from the agora to the Acropolis, the Panathenaic way? Given an agora to the North and North-East of the Areopagus, and, given that you were working at home in your study with a flat plan before you, the answer seemed obvious; the road must have passed straight from the agora round the Eastern end of the Areopagus, and so straight up to the entrance at the Propylaea. The result is a reconstruction of agora and road, like that seen in Fig. 47, a restoration made by Prof. Curtius. So utterly is the West slope of the Acropolis ignored, that it is simply cut off as irrelevant.

Professor Dörpfeld was the first to point out that at the Eastern end of the Areopagus, though there is a footway up to the Acropolis, there is not now a carriage-road, there never was, and, unless the whole natural features of the place are altered, there never will be. The hill at that point, though short, is impracticably steep. What looks easy and obvious on paper is in actuality impossible. Long before he began his excavations, Prof. Dörpfeld, with the trained eye of the practical engineer, saw the ancient carriage-way must have followed the modern road, that is, round the West end of the Areopagus between that hill and the Pnyx. From that point by successive windings, then and now, it could climb the hill. The old road we have seen has now been found; it lies in places actually under the new and follows the same course, as natural in 500 B.C. as in 1900 A.D.

One school of topographers, headed by the great name of Curtius, placed the agora at the North side of the Acropolis. We have seen that, though wrong for the beginning of things, this is right for the end. Another school, though they knew that the Roman market lay Northwards, yet had compunctions about the earlier agora. This earlier agora they placed due South of the Acropolis, completely separated from the Roman one. The separation was in idea as well as in place. The early agora was supposed to be in some obscure way a religious, the later a political and commercial centre. Such an arrangement is shown in the plan in Fig. 48 291. It is purely theoretical and impossible. The Panathenaic way is made to run North of the Areopagus up the impracticable hill, and the ancient agora lies as a sort of desert island by itself, away from the Council House, the Tholos, the Stoa Basileios, and the rest. The West slope is left void. When and how the mysterious leap from old to new, from South to North, was taken no one explained. This brings us to our second source of error.

2. A Misunderstanding of the Text of Thucydides

What has led topographers to make this singular and unmeaning division of old and new? why have they placed the old agora South of the Acropolis? Simply because, misunderstanding the words of Thucydides, they think he placed it South. Thucydides says, it will be remembered (p. 7), that, in the days before Theseus, ‘what is now the citadel was the city, together with what is below it towards about South.’ We have seen that the simple and satisfactory explanation of the words is that the reference is to the bit of ground known as the Pelargikon, extending mainly West and South-West of the Acropolis and included in the ancient city. We have also seen—and this is of paramount importance—that the sole gist and point of Thucydides’ argument is to show the smallness of the ancient city, to prove that it was practically the same as the citadel, only there was this bit over ‘towards about South.’ It is the fatal accuracy of Thucydides that has led to his being misunderstood. It is actually thought that he desires to prove two points: first, that the ancient city was the citadel; second, that the portion of the city not contained in the citadel was to the South292; whereas, as already seen, the direction of the city has nothing, could have nothing, to do with the case.

Once embarked on the wrong hypothesis that Thucydides lays two propositions before us, and that one of them is that the city lay to the South, the downward road is easy. The four sanctuaries of Thucydides are selected, it is supposed, to prove the second proposition, i.e. that the city is to the South. Four sanctuaries lie ready, only too ready, to hand. We have, South-East of the Acropolis (Fig. 49), a great Olympieion; we know from Pausanias293 that close by it was a great Pythion, within the Olympieion was a precinct of Ge; and last and most convincing of all, on the South-East slope of the Acropolis is the great Dionysiac theatre, with its precinct and two temples. Truly a little archaeology is a dangerous thing. So obvious, so striking are these identifications, that at the first glance they seem to compel adhesion.

But a moment’s thought obliges us to see that, if tempting, these identifications are impossible. From its position the sanctuary of Dionysos Eleuthereus might well have been one of those named by Thucydides, because, as already noted (p. 67), while from his words it would be impossible definitely to say whether the sanctuaries are North, South, East, or West, assuredly the theatre and precinct of Dionysos Eleuthereus are ‘towards’ (πρὸς) the ancient city. But, as we have already (p. 83) seen, it is from this familiar precinct, the sanctuary of the later Dionysos Eleuthereus, that Thucydides is expressly differentiating his more ancient precinct; the same is the case with the Olympieion. Thucydides and everyone at Athens knew that this vast temple was begun in the time of Peisistratos; was it likely to be chosen as a sanctuary to show the limits (or even the direction) of the city of Kekrops?

As regards the Pythion, special stress has been laid on the fact that it—not the sanctuary on the Long Rocks—is called by Pausanias the Pythion; but the explanation is easy and manifest; Pausanias is distinguishing it from the other sanctuary of Apollo near at hand, the Delphinion294.

Sanctuaries so late as these could not fairly be used to prove even the direction of the city of Kekrops; but, as already shown, it is not direction, but size with which Thucydides is concerned. To give sanctuaries like the Olympieion and Pythion, which lay outside even the city of Themistocles, as evidence of the smallness of an ancient ‘Mycenaean’ city, a Pelasgic fortress, is an absurdity so manifest that statement is refutation. We are brought face to face with the third source of error.

3. The Duplication of Certain Sanctuaries

The misinterpretation of Thucydides has been helped and indeed in a large measure caused by a most curious historical fact, calculated until it was properly understood to mislead anyone. There was a duplication in two different districts of certain of the most notable Athenian sanctuaries. To the North and West of the Acropolis, as we have seen in detail, there were sanctuaries of Zeus Olympios, of Apollo Pythios, of Ge and of Dionysos, and near to them was a spring Kallirrhoë, and it is of these, if our view be correct, that Thucydides makes mention, but none the less the fact is patent to everyone who reads Pausanias and visits modern Athens, that to the South-East of the Acropolis there are sanctuaries of the same divinities, of Zeus Olympios, of Apollo Pythios, of Ge and of Dionysos, and that near these also is a spring called to this day Kallirrhoë. How did this come to be? What does it signify? The answer once stated is simple and convincing. The duplication of sanctuaries is due to a shift of population from North-West to South-East, from the district of the Pnyx to the district of the Ilissus. This shift of population is a fact historically attested.

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Plutarch295 in his treatise ‘On Banishment’ is trying to persuade us that exile is in itself no hardship. He asks, ‘Are then those Athenians to be accounted strangers and outlaws who moved from Melite to Diomeia, whence they called the month Metageitnion, and the sacrifice they offered took its name Metageitnia from this removal, since they accepted pleasantly and cheerfully their neighbourhood to new people? Surely they are not.’ Plutarch’s argument does not come to much, but we are grateful to him for recording the fact that there was this shift of population, when or why, alas! we do not certainly know, from Melite in the North-West to Diomeia in the South-East (Fig. 49). Did not the people when they moved take with them their old place-names, their old local legends, their Kallirrhoë? We have curious incidental evidence that they did.

Let us look for a moment at the position of the two demes. As to the position of Melite there has never been any doubt, though its exact boundaries are not clearly defined. Melite was the deme-name given to the hill district West and North-West of the Acropolis. It extended on the West to the barathron, near which cheerful site Themistocles had his home. There, Plutarch296 tells us, in Melite, he built the sanctuary of Artemis Aristoboule which gave such umbrage to the Athenians. Melite was, we know, near the agora and on higher ground. In the opening of the Parmenides297 Kephalos meets Adeimantos in the agora. They want to see Antiphon, and Adeimantos says it will be easy enough for Antiphon has just gone home and ‘he lives close by in Melite.’ Demosthenes298 in the speech against Konon says that he was walking in the agora near the Leokorion when he met Ktesias, and Ktesias ‘passed on to Melite up hill.’

Finally, and for our purpose most important of all, Melite certainly included the Pnyx hill. When Meton appears in the Birds299 and is asked who he is, and where he comes from, he answers

‘Meton am I, Greece knows me and Kolonos.’

The scholiast is concerned as to whether it could correctly be stated that Meton was of the deme Kolonos, and apropos of this, as to where a certain astronomical monument to Meton had been erected. According to one authority there was a sun-dial in the Pnyx in his memory. The scholiast then adds, ‘Is not, some say, the whole of the district in which the Pnyx is included, the Kolonos called μίσθιος? So customary has it become to call the part behind the Long Stoa, Kolonos, though it is not. For all that part is Melite, and it is so described in the boundaries of the city.’ The scholiast is, of course, primarily concerned with the name of the hill dominating the later agora, and on which stands the so-called Theseion (Fig. 46), but incidentally he tells that the deme Melite which included that hill included also the Pnyx. Both points, it will later be seen, are for us important.

Melite then is to the North-West and West of the Acropolis. Where is Diomeia? Its dimensions again are not exactly known, but happily its direction is certain (Fig. 49)300.

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In the deme of Diomeia was a gymnasium and a sanctuary of Herakles, both known as Kynosarges, and from Herodotus301 we know in what direction this Kynosarges lay. After Marathon the Persian fleet rounded Sunium with a view to landing at Phalerum, then the port of Athens. Phalerum, of course, lies almost due South of Athens. The Athenians hurry back from Marathon with all speed to protect the city. They leave the Herakleion at Marathon where they had encamped, and ‘take up their station in another Herakleion, that in Kynosarges’—Kynosarges, and with it Diomeia, must therefore lie in or command the direct road between Phalerum and Athens. Pausanias302 visited Kynosarges and referred to the story of ‘the white dog’ immediately after the low-lying district of the ‘Gardens’ on the Ilissus before he visited the stadium.

The Herakleion of Kynosarges has shown us the direction in which Diomeia lay. Diomeia, we have seen, was colonized from Melite. We naturally ask, Was the Herakleion one of the duplicate sanctuaries? In other words, Was there a worship of Herakles in Melite?

In the Frogs—a play be it remembered performed at the Lenaia, a festival held originally (p. 88) in the Limnae just below the hill district of Melite—Xanthias is dressing up as Herakles; he says to Dionysos, as he is putting on the lion-skin,

‘Now watch if Xanthias-Herakles turns faint,
Or shows the same presence of mind as you’;

and Dionysos answers

‘The real old jail-bird, him from Melite.’

The careful scholiast303 notes it was not usual to speak of a god as ‘from’ a place. The Melitean Herakles would normally be described as Herakles ‘in’ or ‘at Melite’; it was treating Herakles as a mere mortal to say Herakles from Melite. But does not the ‘from’ possibly mark an added joke? Are not the baggage and the donkey and the ‘from’ all put in to parody the real ‘flitting’ of Herakles from Melite to Diomeia? That flitting was already accomplished in the time of Aristophanes, for, later on in the play304, when Aeacus is beating Xanthias-Herakles, and Xanthias utters an involuntary ‘whe-ew,’ Aeacus asks if he is hurt, and Xanthias recovering himself says,

          ‘No; I was just thinking,
When my Diomean Feast would next be due.’

The same curious duplication of sanctuaries meets us in the accounts of the initiation of Herakles. The scholiast on the Frogs305 says, ‘Herakles was initiated in the Lesser Mysteries in Melite, a deme of Attica,’ but by common consent306 these Lesser Mysteries are held to have taken place at Agrae on the Ilissos, and it is there, according to Stephen307 of Byzantium, that Herakles obtained initiation. In Melite on or close to the Pnyx hill Pausanias308 saw beyond the spring ‘temples, one built for Demeter and Kore, the other containing an image of Triptolemos.’ Did the emigrants from Melite carry their cult down with them to the mystic banks of the Ilissos309, to Agrae ‘where,’ according to Eustathius310, they say ‘the Lesser Mysteries of Demeter which they call “those in Agrae” are celebrated’?

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Tradition, then, as to the initiation of Herakles was two-fold; he was initiated in Melite, he was initiated on the banks of the Ilissos at Agrae in Diomeia. We naturally ask, ‘Why was he initiated at all, and why did his initiation attract so much attention?’ If he was a god it was superfluous, if a pious mortal merely normal. The answer to this question may give a clue to the cause of the shift of population from Melite to Diomeia.

Herakles was initiated because he was an immigrant stranger. We have seen (pp. 27 and 65) that in the 6th century B.C. he was at home on the Acropolis itself; he appears on archaic pediments contending with Triton and the Hydra and on vase-paintings his popularity precedes that of his rival Theseus. Yet, none the less, he is a stranger, and his formal reception as a guest was at various places in Attica matter of old world tradition. In the Lysis Ktesippos complains that the boys’ lovers make for him the weary old boast, that to an ancestor of his belonged the honour of the ‘reception of Herakles311.’ Lysis belonged to Aixone, a deme near Phalerum; and by way of the sea in all probability Herakles had come to Athens. Orators, specially religious orators, are less contemptuous. The initiation of Herakles was a telling argument in the mouth of the cosmopolitan peace-loving politician. The Torch-bearer, Kallias312, in his speech to the Lacedaemonian allies urges the familiar precedent. ‘It was right,’ he says, ‘for us not to bear arms against each other since tradition says, your leader Herakles, and your citizens, the Dioscuri, were the first strangers to whom our ancestor Triptolemos showed the unutterable rites of Demeter and Kore.’ Plutarch313, again, in his Life of Theseus tells how the Tyndaridae supported their claim to initiation by citing the analogous case of Herakles. In order to be initiated, Herakles, as a stranger, had to be adopted by a citizen called Pylios; the Tyndaridae, whose exploits were supposed to have taken place at Aphidna, were adopted by Aphidnus. The scene of the initiation of Herakles and the Dioscuri occurs on more than one late red-figured vase314.

The emphasis laid on the initiation of Herakles and the tradition that he was admitted at the Lesser Mysteries mark the fact that he was a stranger. It is possible to go a step further. Herakles was not merely no true-born Athenian citizen, but an actual foreigner, an Oriental. It is therefore no surprise to us to learn from the best of authorities on Athenian ritual, Apollodorus315, that ‘sacrifice was offered to Herakles Alexikakos at Athens after a special and peculiar manner.’ It would be out of place here to enter upon any detailed examination of the Oriental elements in the worship of Herakles generally, but as regards his worship at Athens, and especially in Melite316, some points must be noted.

Melite, all authorities seem to agree, is Malta317, the place of refuge. Diodorus318 gives us a full description of the original Melite-Malta and emphasizes, if emphasis were needed, its harbourage and generally its maritime convenience, its wealth in arts and crafts and manufactures. ‘This island is a colony of the Phenicians, it lay in mid-ocean and had good harbour, hence when they extended their trade to the western Ocean it served them as a refuge.’ Of another island of refuge called Melite Strabo319 tells us ‘the Korybantes removed to Samothrace which was formerly called Melite.’ This Samothrace, according to Diodorus320, was called in ancient days Saonnesos, Safe-island, which of course is merely a translation of its Semitic name. In this Saonnesos-Melite the inhabitants down to the time of Diodorus still in their sacrificial ceremonies used many words of a dialect peculiar to them and, according to tradition, the island got its name in connection with the story—always a Semitic note—of the Flood. The inhabitants set up all round the island boundary stones ‘of salvation.’

In the light of Melite, ‘Refuge,’ we begin to understand why Herakles was worshipped there under the special cultus title of Alexikakos, ‘Preserver-from-Evil321.’ He is Alexikakos, not merely as the hero of the Labours but by divine right; as a god even if an immigrant. Diodorus322 records that while the Thebans and others did honour to Herakles as a hero ‘the Athenians were the first to offer sacrifices to him as a god’; their pious example influenced, he says, first the rest of Greece and afterwards the whole habitable world. Strabo323 hits the mark when he says ‘as in other matters the Athenians were hospitable in what concerned the gods.’

Herakles in Melite was then in all probability a stranger; as to Herakles in Diomeia there is no shadow of doubt. Plutarch324 begins his life of Themistocles with a story that shows in striking fashion the limits of the hospitality extended to Herakles as the typical stranger. ‘The origin of Themistokles was too obscure to be a source of distinction.’ On his father’s side he was an Athenian, but on his mother’s some said a Thracian, but Phanias stated that she was a Karian, and Neanthes that she belonged to Halikarnassos. Anyhow he was what the Athenians accounted base-born (νόθος). ‘The base-born youths subscribed to the “Kynosarges,” the gymnasium of Herakles, outside the city gates, for Herakles, too, was not a true-born god but was introduced by adoption inasmuch as his mother was a mortal. Accordingly, Themistocles persuaded certain of the true-born youths to go to Kynosarges and exercise there with him.’ Kynosarges, haunt of the base-born, outside the gates; there could be no better evidence that its patron, Herakles, was a foreigner325.

Themistocles has yet more evidence to yield us, and that of a curious character. Themistocles, it will be remembered (p. 144), had a home in Melite close to the barathron. Near to his home he founded a sanctuary of Artemis ‘to whom he gave the title of Aristoboule326.’ This was among the many ways in which he annoyed the Athenians. The cause of the annoyance, Plutarch thinks, was that he gave the title to commemorate his good advice before the battle of Salamis. But was this the real reason? Surely the dedication gave all glory to the goddess, not to himself? It is a curious and, I think, significant fact that we know of another Aristoboule, and she is a manifestly Semitic goddess. Porphyry, in enumerating instances of human sacrifice, says327 that in Rhodes on the 6th day of the month Metageitnion, a man used to be sacrificed to Kronos. The custom, which had obtained for a long time, had been modified. A condemned criminal was kept alive till the feast of Kronos, and at the time of the feast they led the man outside the city gates opposite the image of Aristoboule, gave him wine to drink and slew him. If Themistocles was trying ‘craftily,’ as Plutarch328 says, to affiliate a base-born to a true-born divinity, an Aristoboule to an Artemis, small wonder if the Athenians were annoyed. Perhaps the ‘Karian’ mother counted for something in the attempt.

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The festival of Aristoboule in Rhodes, the grim Semitic Kronia, fell—and the fact is surely significant—in the month Metageitnion. Certain Herakleia, probably, though not quite certainly329, the Herakleia in Kynosarges, fell in the same month; and of course the actual ceremonial of the Metageitnia mentioned by Plutarch. To this Metageitnia we now return. We have seen that the population of Melite, the worshippers of Herakles330, were probably foreigners, and that at one time there was a shift of these Herakles worshippers from Melite to Diomeia. Is it not possible that the two facts are connected? Plutarch leaves us in mid-air as to the time and cause of the metastasis, but be it observed the shift is from Melite, a district outside the old burgh, to Diomeia, a district, at least in part, outside the new. May it not have been felt when the new circuit-wall of Themistocles was complete that it comprised too many foreigners? If the shift took place soon after the building of the new fortifications the event would still be remembered at the performance (406 B.C.) of the Frogs.

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At whatever date the metastasis took place thus much is clear. It was no chance incidental flitting of a few scattered families, but a substantial shift of population, and it adequately accounts for the curious duplication of sanctuaries. The foreign character of one element in that population and of the cult they carried with them has been emphasized because it provides at least a possible explanation of the shift, but it must not for a moment be supposed that all the sanctuaries and sanctities were necessarily foreign. We may conclude this portion of the evidence by noting an instance of mythological duplication specially convincing because wholly incidental and undesigned, the legend of Boreas and Oreithyia.

Pausanias331 tells us that ‘the Ilissus is the river where Oreithyia is said to have been playing when she was carried off by Boreas the North wind.’ We are a little surprised; what was the king’s daughter doing playing down by the Ilissus far from her father’s citadel, and was not the Ilissus rather a sheltered spot for the North wind? Plato332 in the Phaedrus, as Sokrates and Phaedrus are lying under the ‘tallest plane tree’ on the bank of the Ilissus, makes Phaedrus say ‘I should like to know whether the place is not somewhere here where Boreas is said to have carried off Oreithyia;’ Sokrates says it is not far, about a quarter of a mile off, and that there is some sort of an altar there—and adds ‘there is a discrepancy however about the spot; according to another version of the story she was taken from the Areopagos and not from this place.’

We pass to our fourth source of error.

4. Confusion as to Kallirrhoë and Enneakrounos

Misunderstanding as regards the duplicated sanctuaries was explicable, even natural, but the downward road once embarked on leads to a deeper depth. Those who believe that Thucydides is concerned to prove that the ancient city lay Southwards have to find for the Fair-Fount and Nine-Spouts of Thucydides a home other than the rock of the Pnyx; they place the ancient city well, whence the king’s daughters drew their water, outside, not only of the walls of Themistocles, but even of the later and wider enclosure of Hadrian; they place it on the Ilissus, at a distance of over half-a-mile as the crow flies from the citadel gate. If the king’s daughters really ventured out there we must not, considering the convention of the times, too severely blame the attacks of the rude Pelasgians. And assuredly, if any one will try the experiment of carrying a bucket of water from Kallirrhoë on the Ilissus to the top of the Acropolis on a hot summer’s day, he will imagine those king’s daughters as cast in more than mortal mould.

In the days when the Kallirrhoë of Thucydides could be placed on the Ilissus the conception of Athens formed by scholars was of an Athens in the days of Pericles. To speak of ancient Athens as a ‘Mycenaean’ city would then have been unmeaning, if not positively insulting. As soon as we realise the conditions of a Pelasgian burgh, with its king and his immediate dependents massed upon and close up to the citadel, we know that the citadel-well must be close at hand—the Fair-Fount of the Pnyx is already full far.

As to the Fair-Fount (Kallirrhoë) on the Ilissus, there has been and still prevails much confusion. A Kallirrhoë there certainly is on the Ilissus; the women of Athens wash their clothes there to-day333, and the existence of this Kallirrhoë Prof. Dörpfeld has never denied. Nay, he expressly points out that even in the days of Thucydides the Kallirrhoë of the Pnyx had already lost its name, and needs to be recalled to his readers. If, as has been seen, many sanctuaries were transferred and names duplicated there is nothing (1) impossible nor (2) injurious to our theory, if the new Kallirrhoë was sometimes, like its old archetype, called Enneakrounos. Though as a matter of fact this seems not to have been the case.

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Two ancient authorities, and two only, appear at first sight definitely to place the Enneakrounos on the Ilissus. These must be examined in detail. First, the Etymologicum Magnum334, under the heading Enneakrounos, says, ‘a fountain at Athens by the Ilissus, which was formerly Kallirrhoë, to which they go to fetch the water for baths for brides.’ Unquestionably, whoever wrote this thought the Enneakrounos was on the Ilissus. But then by the time the Etymologicum Magnum was compiled the old Kallirrhoë at the Pnyx was long forgotten. The statement looks as if it had come originally from Thucydides335, and as if the topographical ‘by the Ilissus’ had been added by some ambitious but ignorant compiler.

Against this statement of the Etymologicum Magnum, for what it is worth, we may set the statement of another lexicographer336. Explaining the expression ‘Wedding Baths,’ he says, ‘the baths brought from a fountain from the agora.’ The wildest topographer has never placed the agora by the Ilissus, though it might go there with quite as good reason as the ancient city well.

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A second ancient literary authority seems at first sight indisputably to place the Enneakrounos near to the temple of Zeus Olympios and, if there, then, as a necessary consequence, on the Ilissus. In the preface to a treatise by Hierocles337 on Veterinary Medicine there occurs, apropos of the age to which horses and mules live, the following statement: ‘Tarantinos narrates that the Athenians when they were building the temple of Zeus near Enneakrounos passed a decree that all the beasts of burden should be driven in from Attica to the town.’ This seems perfectly definite and circumstantial, and the passage has been eagerly seized on by all those who wished to prove that the Enneakrounos was on the Ilissus. Quite naturally, but wait a moment. It is essential that the passage be read to the end. Tarantinos goes on, ‘and a certain husbandman through fear of this decree drove in an aged mule in its eightieth year. But the people out of respect for its age enacted that the mule was to be leader of all the beasts of burden employed in the building of the temple, it was to walk in front unyoked and unspurred, and that none of the wheat-merchants or barley-merchants were to drive it away from their houses or prevent it from browsing.’

The aged mule story is charming; we can scarcely hear it too often, but somehow it is oddly familiar; have we not heard it before in slightly different form? Yes; surely it is the story Plutarch338 tells when he is recounting the kindness of Cato to his beasts. ‘A good man will take care of his horses and dogs, not only while they are young, but when they are old and past service. Thus the people of Athens, when they were building the Hecatompedon set at liberty those mules which they thought had worked hardest and let them go free, and one of them, it is said, afterwards came of her own accord back to the works and trotted by the side of the beasts who were drawing the waggons and led them on and seemed to be exhorting and encouraging them. And the people passed a vote that she should be entertained at the public expense to the day of her death.’ The same story is told by Aelian339 of the time ‘when the Athenians were building the Parthenon,’ and he quotes as his authority Aristotle. It is Aristotle340 who has set the whole uncertainty going. He tells the story of the time ‘when at Athens they were building the temple.’

By the ‘temple’ Aelian and Plutarch are almost certainly right in understanding the Parthenon. If they are right, we can infer that Tarantinos, an author whose date is unknown, and whom we have no ground for regarding as an authority on Athenian topography, has made at any rate one mistake, when he identifies ‘the temple’ with the great temple of his own day, the temple ‘of Zeus.’ Tarantinos is, presumably, taking the story from Aristotle. If so, it is clear that, besides wrongly identifying ‘the temple,’ he supposed that the Enneakrounos, which on this hypothesis he for the first time imports into the story, was identical with the Kallirrhoë of the Ilissos341. But what is the value of his evidence? His supporters may fairly be challenged to produce the credentials of a witness whose only title to be regarded as an authority is an identification almost certainly wrong. There is nothing to rebut the simple supposition that, like the author of the Etymologicum Magnum, he is merely confusing the two Kallirrhoës342.

Finally, supposing for a moment that the passage of Thucydides leaves us in doubt as to the site of the Enneakrounos, naturally our next step would be to ask what does our next best authority, Pausanias, say? Pausanias is a topographer by profession, surely we shall learn from him where he saw the well-house. Pausanias343 after seeing the statues of Harmodios and Aristogeiton ‘not far from’ the temple of Ares, passes straight on to a small group of monuments which he links together more or less clearly; they are the Odeion; near to it the Enneakrounos; above or beyond this the temples of Demeter and Kore; a little further on the temple of Eukleia. It is quite true that he links the Odeion by no connecting particle, but that is his frequent practice when passing straight from one monument to another.

The uninstructed reader in his simplicity would naturally think that, as Pausanias passes straight from the statues of the Tyrant Slayers to the Odeion, the two lay somewhere not far apart, and so they did. The Odeion in the days of Pausanias would almost certainly be near the site of the ancient orchestra, where still are faint remains of a semi-circular building (Fig. 46). Anyhow it stood close to the Areopagos. But this is too simple and natural. Pausanias we are told, here and nowhere else, abruptly breaks his narrative of the buildings in the Kerameikos, and with no apparent reason and no hint in the text, flies off for nearly half-a-mile and plants his reader on the banks of the Ilissus,—a district, be it noted, that he later describes in detail,—whence he shortly returns again without warning and finishes his account of the Kerameikos. In a word we are presented with what is known as the ‘Enneakrounos Episode.’ Various causes are suggested for the ‘Episode’; the leaves of the MS. got mixed, or Pausanias was staying with friends near the Ilissus, and went home to lunch. The real cause of the ‘Episode’ is that Thucydides has been misunderstood, and that the late compiler of the Etymologicum Magnum has blundered. Pausanias344 saw the Odeion in the neighbourhood of the old orchestra at the south-west of the Areopagos, the Enneakrounos near to it by the Pnyx rock, the temples of Demeter and Kore ‘above it’ on the Pnyx rock where were the Thesmophorion345 and the temple of Eukleia ‘not far off’; his course of sight-seeing was here as elsewhere orderly and undisturbed.

---

Pausanias is seen to be at one with Thucydides and, thanks to Prof. Dörpfeld, the evidence of both has been confirmed by excavation; the sources of error and confusion in late authors, lexicographers and modern archaeologists have come to light. Surely now at last the ‘Enneakrounos Episode’ may be laid to sleep in peace.

Footnotes

1 Herod. VII. 140.

2 Thucyd. II. 14 χαλεπῶς δὲ αὐτοῖς, διὰ τὸ ἀεὶ εἰωθέναι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς διαιτᾶσθαι, ἡ ἀνάστασις ἐγίγνετο.

3 Thucyd. I. 5, 10.

4 Thucyd. II. 15 καὶ ξυνοίκια ἐξ ἐκείνου Ἀθηναῖοι ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῇ θεῷ ἑορτὴν δημοτελῆ ποιοῦσι.

5 Thucyd. II. 15 τὸ δὲ πρὸ τούτου ἡ ἀκρόπολις ἡ νῦν οὖσα πόλις ἦν καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον μάλιστα τετραμμένον· τεκμήριον δέ. τὰ γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀκροπόλει καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν ἐστί, καὶ τὰ ἔξω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς πόλεως μᾶλλον ἵδρυται, τό τε τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου καὶ τὸ Πύθιον καὶ τὸ τῆς Γῆς καὶ τὸ ἐν Λίμναις Διονύσου (ᾧ τὰ ἀρχαιότερα Διονύσια τῇ δωδεκάτῃ ποιεῖται ἐν μηνὶ Ἀνθεστηριῶνι) ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ ἀπ’ Ἀθηναίων Ἴωνες ἔτι καὶ νῦν νομίζουσιν, ἵδρυται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἱερὰ ταύτῃ ἀρχαῖα. καὶ τῇ κρήνῃ τῇ νῦν μὲν τῶν τυράννων οὕτω σκευασάντων Ἐννεακρούνῳ καλουμένῃ, τὸ δὲ πάλαι φανερῶν τῶν πηγῶν οὐσῶν Καλλιῤῥόῃ ὠνομασμένῃ—ἐκείνῃ τε ἐγγὺς οὔσῃ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἐχρῶντο, καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρχαίου πρό τε γαμικῶν καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τῶν ἱερῶν νομίζεται τῷ ὕδατι χρῆσθαι. καλεῖται δὲ διὰ τὴν παλαιὰν ταύτῃ κατοίκησιν καὶ ἡ ἀκρόπολις μέχρι τοῦδε ἔτι ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων πόλις.

6 I keep the MS. reading; see Critical Note.

7 See Dr A. W. Verrall, The Site of Primitive Athens. Thucydides II. 15 and recent explorations, Class. Rev. June 1900, p. 274. In the discussion of the actual text, I have throughout followed Dr Verrall.

8 Plat. Kritias 112.

9 Antigonos, Hist. Mirab. 12.

10 W. Dörpfeld, “Ueber die Ausgrabungen auf der Akropolis,” Athen. Mitt. XI. 1886, p. 162.

11 ap. Suidam, s.v. Ἄπεδα el. Ἠπέδιζον: ἄπεδα, τὰ ἰσόπεδα. Κλείδημος ‘καὶ ἠπέδιζον τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, περιέβαλλον δὲ ἐννεάπυλον τὸ Πελασγικόν.’

12 Dörpfeld, “Die Propylaeen,” A. Mitt. X. 1885, p. 139 and see the plan of the Propylaea in my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 352.

13 Dörpfeld, ‘Ausgrabungen auf der Akropolis,’ A. Mitt. XI. 1896, p. 167.

14 Dr Kabbadias, Fouilles de l’Acropole, 1886, Pl. I. and descriptive text.

15 The discussion and interpretation of these figures is reserved for p. 51.

16 Ἐφήμερις Ἀρχαιολογική, 1866, p. 78.

17 Eph. Arch. 1887, pl. 4.

18 Eph. Arch. 1887, pl. 8.

19 Dörpfeld, ‘Die Zeit des älteren Parthenon,’ A. Mitt. 1902, p. 410.

20 A. Mitt. 3892, p. 158, pl. VIII. and IX.

21 Plut. Vit. Cim. 13.

22 Unfortunately at the actual time of the excavations the chronology of the various retaining walls was not clearly evident and the precise place where many of the fragments excavated were found was not noted with adequate precision.

23 A. Mitt. XXVII. 1902, p. 398, Fig. 5.

24 F. Hauser, Strena Helbigiana, p. 115. The reverse was first correctly explained thro’ the identification of the σταφύλη by Dr O. Rossbach, ‘Verschollene Sagen und Kulten,’ Neue Jahrbücher f. Kl. Altertumswissenschaft, 1901, p. 390.

25 Il. II. 765... ἵπποι σταφύλῃ ἐπὶ νῶτον ἔϊσαι.

26 See Roscher, Lex. s.v.

27 Paus. II. 25. 7.

28 Paus. II. 16. 5.

29 Paus. IX. 5. 6.

30 Apoll. Rhod. I. 736.

31 Strabo, VIII. 21 § 379. See my Prolegomena, p. 609.

32 Od. XI. 594. Mr Salomon Reinach in his “Sisyphe aux enfers et quelques autres damnés,” Rev. Arch. 1903, has established beyond doubt the true interpretation of the stone of Sisyphos.

33 Paus. I. 28. 3.

34 Dr Rendel Harris, The Dioscuri, p. 8.

35 Plin. Nat. Hist. VII. 57.

36 For Euryalos see Eph. Arch. 1885, Taf. v. 2 and 3. For Hyperbios, Mon. d. Inst. VI. and VII.

37 Herod. VI. 137 μισθὸν τοῦ τείχεος τοῦ περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολίν ποτε ἐληλαμένου.

38 Herod. V. 64 ἐπολιόρκεε τοὺς τυράννους ἀπεργμένους ἐν τῷ Πελασγικῷ τείχει. All the MSS. except Z have Πελασγικῷ: Z has been corrected to Πελαργικῷ.

39 C.I.A. IV. 2. 27. 6... ἐν τῷ Πελαργικῷ... ἐκ τοῦ Πελαργικοῦ.

40 In the best MS. (Laur. C).

41 For details of this temple, see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 496. For its ground-plan, see below p. 40, Fig. 18.

42 Wiegand-Schrader-Dörpfeld, Poros-Architektur der Akropolis. For any realization of pre-Periclean architecture a study of the coloured plates of this work is essential.

43 Typhon and Tritons appear together on the throne of Apollo at Amyclae. The artistic motives of this Ionian work are largely Oriental. The conjunction of Typhon and the Tritons is not, I think, a mere decorative chance. Attention has not, I think, been called, in connection with this pediment, to the fact that in Plutarch’s Isis and Osiris (XXXII.) Typhon is the sea into which the Nile flows (Τυφῶνα δὲ τὴν θάλασσαν, εἰς ἣν ὁ Νεῖλος ἐμπίπτων ἀφανίζεται). The Egyptian inspiration of the Isis and Osiris no one will deny, and on this Egyptianized pediment with its lotus-flowers the Egyptian sea-god Typhon is well in place. His name is doubtless, as Muss Arnolt Semitic Words in Greek and Latin, p. 59 points out, connected with Heb. ‎‏צָפוֹן‏‎ hidden, dark, northern. The sea was north of Egypt.

44 Ar. Av. 1139

ἕτεροι δ’ ἐπλινθοποίουν πελαργοὶ μύριοι.

45 Eur. Ion 154, trans. by Dr Verrall.

46 See Lechat, Au Musée de l’Acropole d’Athènes, p. 215.

47 Any learned blunderer might write Πελασγικόν for Πελαργικόν, but if Πελασγικόν were the original form it would be little likely to be changed to Πελαργικόν.

48 Thucyd. II. 17 τό τε Πελαργικὸν καλούμενον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὃ καὶ ἐπάρατόν τε ἦν μὴ οἰκεῖν καί τι καὶ Πυθικοῦ μαντείου ἀκροτελεύτιον τοιόνδε διεκώλυε, λέγον ὡς τὸ Πελαργικὸν ἀργὸν ἄμεινον, ὅμως ὑπὸ τῆς παραχρῆμα ἀνάγκης ἐξῳκήθη. Thucydides calls ‘τὸ Πελαργικὸν ἀργὸν ἀμείνον’ a final hemistich. Mr A. B. Cook kindly points out to me that it is in fact a complete line of the ancient metrical form preceding the hexameter and known as paroimiac.

49 καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτὴν μάλιστα πρὸς νότον τετραμμένον.

50 Lucian, Piscator, 46.

51 C.I.A. IV. 2. 27. 6.

52 Poll. On. VIII. 101.

53 Dörpfeld, ‘Die Propyläen 1 und 2,’ A. Mitt. X. 1885, pp. 38 and 131 and see my Mon. and Myth. Ancient Athens, p. 353.

54 Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. XXVII. 1902, p. 405.

55 The number of these gates is of course purely conjectural. The sketch in Fig. 15 which I owe to the kindness of Prof. Dörpfeld gives five only on the western slope. The line of the walls HJK is suggested by remains of the 6th century B.C. which probably occupy the site of still earlier Pelasgic fortifications (see p. 35 note 2). Of the remaining gates one would probably be near where the Asklepieion was later built and one or more on the north slope.

56 Lucian, Bis Accus. 9 μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Πελασγικοῦ.

57 Herod. VIII. 52.

58 Lucian, Piscator 42.

59 See Mon. and Myth. Ancient Athens, p. 299.

60 Op. cit. p. 152.

61 Polem. ap. Schol. Oed. Col. 489 καθάπερ Πολέμων ἐν τοῖς πρὸς Ἐρατοσθένην φησίν, οὕτω... κριὸν Ἡσύχῳ ἱερὸν ἥρω... οὗ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστι παρὰ τὸ Κυλώνειον, ἐκτὸς τῶν ἐννέα πυλῶν. The MS. has Κυδώνιον, the emendation, which seems certain, is due to C. O. Mueller.

62 Plut. Vit. Solon. XII. and Thucyd. I. 126.

63 For these details about the date of the various walls I am indebted to Professor Dörpfeld. Dr F. Noack holds that the nine-gated Pelargikon was not of Mycenaean date but was built by Peisistratos, the earlier Pelargikon being a much simpler structure. Prof. Dörpfeld also holds that there was no nine-gated Pelargikon in Mycenaean days, but he believes that the Peisistratids only strengthened an already existing fortification, building perhaps some additional gates. The Enneapylon would then have its contemporary analogy in the Enneakrounos. See F. Noack, Arne, A. Mitt. 1894, p. 418.

64 A protest was raised against the building of the Asklepieion after it was begun; possibly this was because of its encroachment on the Pelargikon. See A. Koerte, A. Mitt. 1896, pp. 318-331.

65 See Critical Note.

66 See throughout Prof. Dörpfeld, ‘Der ursprüngliche Plan des Erechtheion,’ A. Mitt. 1904, p. 101, Taf. VI.

67 See Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. XXVIII. 1903, p. 468.

68 ο]ντος Αθηνων Κεκροπος, ἐτη ΧΗΗΔ.

69 Thucyd. II. 15.

70 Apollod. III. 14.

71 Herod. VIII. 44.

72 Harp. in voc.; Poll. On. IX. 109.

73 Paus. I. 3. 6.

74 Hom. Il. II. 547 δῆμον Ἐρεχθῆος μεγαλητόρος.

75 Aristoph. Vesp. 438 ὧ Κέκροψ ἥρως ἄναξ τὰ πρὸς ποδῶν δρακοντίδη.

76 Tzetzes, Chil. V. 19.

77 Only once so far as I know is Kekrops definitely called a snake, in the Hekale of Callimachus; speaking of the decision in favour of Athene as against Poseidon he says (V. 9)

τήν ῥα νέον ψήφῳ (τ)ε Διὸς δύο καὶ δέκα τ’ ἄλλων
ἀθανάτων ὄφιός τε κατέλλαβε μαρτυρίῃσιν.

See Gomperz, Rainer Papyrus VI. 1897, p. 9.

78 Prof. Dörpfeld kindly suggests to me that the type of the Cretan Snake-Goddess recently brought to light by Dr Evans and Miss Boyd may have had its influence on the goddess of Athens. I agree (see my Prolegomena, p. 307 note 3) and hope to return to this question on another occasion.

79 Herod. VIII. 41. The snake was of course at first imaginary and Herodotus seems to doubt its existence.

80 Paus. I. 24. 7.

81 Hesiod, ap. Strab. IX. 9. § 393.

82 Soph. Philoct. 1327.

83 Paus. VI. 20. 2-4.

84 Clem. Al. Protr. III. 45, p. 39.

85 Theod. Graec. affect. cur. VIII. 30, p. 908 καὶ γὰρ Ἀθήνησιν, ὡς Ἀντίοχος ἐν τῇ ἐνάτῃ γέγραφεν ἱστορίᾳ ἄνω γε ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει Κέκροπός ἐστι τάφος παρὰ τὴν Πολιοῦχον αὐτήν.

86 Δελτ. Αρχ. 1889, p. 10, fig. No. 3 ἐν τῷ τοῦ Κέκροπος ἱε[ρῷ.

87 C.I.A. III. 1276 ἱε[ρ]εὺς Κέκρο[π]ος Ἀρίστων Σωσιστράτου Ἀθμονεύς.

88 Brit. Mus. I. xxxv.; C.I.A. I. 322. The inscription is engraved on two slabs of Pentelic marble.

89 loc. cit. line 83

ἐπὶ τε͂ι προστάσει τε͂ι πρὸς το͂[ι]
Κεκροπίοι ἔδει
τὸς λίθος τὸς ὀροφιαίος τὸς
ἐπὶ το͂ν κορο͂ν...

90 For the name Caryatid as explained by Vitruvius see my Mon. and Myth. Anc. Athens, p. 489.

91 Dörpfeld, ‘Der ursprüngliche Plan des Erechtheion,’ A. Mitt. XXIX. p. 104, 1904.

92 Wiegand, Die archäische Poros-Architektur der Akropolis zu Athen (1904), p. 106; and see also M. H. Lechat, La sculpture Attique avant Pheidias, p. 53.

93 Herod. VII. 41 λέγουσι Ἀθηναῖοι ὄφιν μέγαν φύλακα τῆς ἀκροπόλιος ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ.

94 Eur. Ion 21-26, trans. Dr Verrall.

95 Brit. Mus. Cat. E 418. See my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. xxxi. Two snakes also appear as Dr Wiegand op. cit. points out in the Atthis attributed to Amelesagoras; see Westermann Paradoxogr. XII. 63 Ἀμελησαγόρας δὲ ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ὁ τὴν Ἀτθίδα συγγράφων... φησὶ τὰς δὲ Κέκροπος θυγατέρας τὰς δύω Ἄγραυλον καὶ Πάνδροσον τὴν κίστην ἀνοῖξαι καὶ ἰδεῖν δράκοντας δύω περὶ τὸν Ἐριχθόνιον. Hesychius s.v. οἰκουρὸς ὄφις says... οἱ μὲν ἕνα φασὶν οἳ δὲ δύο ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἐρεχθέως.

96 C.I.A. I. 322, line 44

το͂ν κιόνον το͂ν ἐπὶ τὸ τοίχο
τὸ πρὸς τὸ Πανδροσείο,

and in C.I.A. IV. 321, III. line 32

τὰ μετακιόνια τέτταρα ὄντα τὰ πρὸς τοῦ Πανδροσείου.

97 Δελτ. Αρχ. 1888, p. 87, fig. 1 B, lines 27 and 41

ὁ πρὸς τοῦ Πανδροσείου.

98 P. I. 27. 2 τῷ ναῷ δὲ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Πανδρόσου ναὸς συνεχής ἐστι.

99 Paus. I. 18. 2. For the vase-paintings that illustrate the story see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. xxiii.

100 Paus. I. 21. 4 see Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 299.

101 P. I. 22. 5.

102 P. I. 18. 2.

103 See my ‘Mythological Studies—the three daughters of Kekrops,’ Journ. Hell. Soc. XII. p. 351, 1891.

104 For a fuller discussion of the Arrephoria in relation to the Thesmophoria, see my Prolegomena, p. 131; and for the child in the mystery liknon, p. 525.

105 C.I.A. II. 481, 58.

106 s.v. ἐπίβοιον.

107 C.I.A. I. 322 (Brit. Mus. I. 35. 571), l. 83 ἐπὶ τε͂ι προστάσει τε͂ι πρὸς το͂[ι] Κεκροπίοι ἔδει τὸς λίθος τὸς ὀροφιαίος τὸς ἐπὶ το͂ν κορο͂ν ἐπεργάσασθαι ἄνοθεν, see p. 46.

108 Anth. Pal. VI. 280

τάς τε κόρας Λιμνᾶτι Κόρα κόρα, ὡς ἐπιεικὲς
ἄνθετο·

see my Prolegomena, p. 301.

109 C.I.A. I. 141 κορὴ χρυσῆ ἐπὶ στήλης, v. Lolling, Cat. des inscr. de l’Acropole, No. 267 τήνδε κόρην ἀνέθηκεν ἀπαρχήν.

110 Jahrbuch d. Inst. II. 1887, p. 219.

111 C.I.A. IV. suppl. 373 and Eph. Arch. 1886, p. 81, l. 6.

112 Paus. II. 5. 1, III. 15. 10.

113 Paus. III. 21. 10.

114 Paus. I. 26. 5.

115 Paus. VIII. 2. 3.

116 Athen. XIII. 2. § 555 and Tzetzes, Chil. V. 19. v. 650.

117 S. Aug. de civitat. Dei, 18. 9 ut nullus nascentium maternum nomen acciperet.

118 Apollod. III. 14. 2 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἧκεν Ἀθηνᾶ, καὶ ποιησαμένη τῆς καταλήψεως Κέκροπα μάρτυρα ἐφύτευσεν ἐλαίαν ἣ νῦν ἐν τῷ Πανδροσείῳ δείκνυται.

119 Herod. VIII. 55.

120 Hesych. Fig. 146 ἀστὴ ἐλαία, ἡ ἐν ἀκροπόλει ἡ καλουμένη παγκύφος διὰ χθαμαλότητα.

121 For full discussion of the fragments see Dr Th. Wiegand, Die archäische Poros-Architektur der Akropolis zu Athen, p. 97; Das älteste Erechtheion und der heilige Oelbaum, Taf. XIV. on which the restoration in Fig. 20 is based. The door really at the end of the building is, perhaps by a not uncommon convention, brought into view at the side. Cf. the temple of Janus on a coin of Nero.

122 Unfortunately the site of the ‘sea’ has never been systematically excavated and examined. Professor Dörpfeld tells me that the cistern now visible is of mediaeval date. Until the mediaeval masonry is removed the precise character of the ‘sea’ cannot be determined. There was certainly no spring, the geological character of the Acropolis plateau forbids that, but a well may exist.

123 Paus. I. 26. 5 ταῦτα δὲ λέγεται Ποσειδῶνι μαρτύρια ἐς τὴν ἀμφισβήτησιν τῆς χώρας φανῆναι.

124 Apollod. III. 14. 1.

125 Paus. I. 26. 5. The sea well at Caria was sacred to a foreign god called Osogoa, see Paus. VIII. 10. 4. It is worth noting that Semitic gods have ‘seas’ in their sanctuaries; Solomon’s temple had a brazen ‘sea’ and Marduk at Babylon had a tamtu or sea, and curiously enough it was associated with the great serpent. See King, Babylonian Religion, p. 105.

126 Ovid Fasti, II. 667

Nunc quoque, se supra ne quid nisi sidera cernat
    Exiguum templi tecta foramen habent.

127 Serv. ad Aen. IX. 448.

128 Varro L. L. V. 66.

129 Vitr. I. 2. 5.

130 Paus. V. 14. 10.

131 Od. VII. 80-81, trans. Butcher and Lang.

132 Il. II. 546.

133 Herod. V. 82.

134 For Poseidon as the Tory-god I am indebted to Mr R. A. Neil’s edition of the Knights; see lines 144 and 551.

135 Paus. I. 26. 5.

136 s.v. Ἐρέχθευς, but the scholiast in Lycophron, Al. 431, says Ἐρέχθευς ὁ Ζεὺς ἐν Ἀθήναις καὶ ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ τιμᾶται; see Mr A. B. Cook, Classical Review, 1904, p. 85.

137 Apollod. III. 15. 1.

138 Vit. X. Orat. p. 843ᵉ.

139 Thucyd. II. 2.

140 Paus. II. 17. 3. For the whole subject of the importance of these priestly genealogies, see Professor Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, p. 102.

141 Aristoph. Eq. 551. See Mr R. A. Neil, ad loc.

142 Apollod. III. 15. 1. See supra, p. 62.

143 Herod. II. 50. See R. Brown, Poseidon, 1872, p. 66.

144 Herod. IV. 188-189.

145 See Prof. Ridgeway, The Early Age of Greece, p. 226.

146 Herod. I. 59. To the question of the origin and development of the cult of Athena and to the examination of certain Oriental factors in it I hope to return on another occasion.

147 Class. Rev. 1900, XIV. p. 279.

148 Prof. Dörpfeld draws attention (Rhein. Mus. LI. p. 134) to the analogous case of Torone, which Thucydides (IV. 110) describes thus: οὔσης τῆς πόλεως πρὸς λόφον—‘was nach dem Zusammenhang nicht nach dem Hügel hin sondern nur an dem Hügel hinauf bedeutet.’ But it must carefully be noted that as Dr Verrall (Class. Rev. 1900, p. 278) observes, the notion of ascent is given not by πρός but by λόφον. The analogy is one of fact, not of the verbal description of that fact.

149 Paus. I. 3. 4.

150 For details of this Olympieion, see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 189.

151 Eur. Ion, 283.

152 Eur. Ion, 7 ff.

153 Strabo IX. 2 § 404 ἐτήρουν δ’ ἐπὶ τρεῖς μῆνας, καθ’ ἕκαστον μῆνα ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας καὶ νύκτας ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσχάρας τοῦ Ἀστραπαίου Διός· ἔστι δ’ αὕτη ἐν τῷ τείχει μεταξὺ τοῦ Πυθίου καὶ τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου.

154 Paus. I. 28. 4.

155 Philostr. Vit. Soph. II. 5, p. 550 ἐκ Κεραμεικοῦ δὲ ἄρασαν χιλίᾳ κώπῃ ἀφεῖναι ἐπὶ τὸ Ἐλευσίνιον καὶ περιβαλοῦσαν αὐτὸ παραμεῖψαι τὸ Πελασγικὸν, κομιζομένην τε παρὰ τὸ Πύθιον ἐλθεῖν οἷ νῦν ὥρμισται.

156 Paus. I. 29. 1.

157 loc. cit. supra. Between the words νομίζουσι and ὡς πεμφθείη we must mentally supply ἐνταῦθα καὶ τοῦ Πανὸς ἱερόν, φασὶ δὲ, or words to that effect.

158 The ‘Valerian’ wall was probably the work of Antonio Acciajoli. See Dr Judeich, Topographie von Athen, p. 103, note 6.

159 For a full account of Dr Kabbadias’s excavations from which the above particulars are taken see Ephemeris Archäologike, 1897, 1-32 and 87-92, pl. I.-IV. and for résumé in French Bull. de Corr. Hell. XX. 382 ff., also American Journal of Arch. 1897, p. 348 and 1898, p. 311.

160 Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1897, p. 8, pl. 4 Ἀγαθὴ τύχη, Γ(άϊος) Ἰούλιος Μητρόδωρος Μαραθ(ώνιος) θεσμοθετήσας Ἀπόλλωνι ὑπὸ Μακραῖς ἀνέθηκεν.

161 Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1897, p. 9, pl. 4 Τιβ(έριος) Ἀντίστιος Κίνεας ἐκ Κοίλης Ἀπόλλωνι ὑπ’ Ἄκραις βασιλεύς.

162 Ar. Ἀθ. Πολ. LV. 15 and Harpocrat. s.v. Ἀπόλλων Πατρῷος.

163 Ar. Ἀθ. Πολ. LVII. 4. There is no mention of Delphi, and the word ἰσομέτρητον does not occur, but in Plato’s reference (Phaedr. 235 D) it is distinctly stated both occur, καί σοι ἐγὼ ὥσπερ οἱ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες, ὑπισχνοῦμαι χρυσὴν εἰκόνα ἰσομέτρητον εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀναθήσειν.

164 Ar. Ἀθ. Πολ. LV. 5 ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ὀμόσαντες εἰς ἀκρόπολιν βαδίζουσιν καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖ ταῦτα ὀμνύουσι.

165 Dem. de Cor. 275 καλῶ... καὶ τὸν Ἀπόλλω τὸν Πύθιον ὃς πατρῷός ἐστι τῇ πόλει.

166 C.I.A. III. 198.

167 Prof. Dörpfeld kindly tells me that he thinks it quite possible that the poros structure below and north of the Klepsydra may be remains of the Olympion. The situation would of course admirably suit the words of Thucydides. The remains are marked in solid black in Fig. 46.

168 For full particulars of this temple see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 190.

169 I see to my great regret that Prof. Ernest Gardner in translating Thucydides II. 15 renders ἱερόν throughout by ‘temple’, ‘the temple of Olympian Zeus, the Pythium, the temple of Earth.’ Though templum in Latin is used to denote any sanctified space of earth or air, surely such a use of temple is misleading in English.

170 Paus. I. 18. 9 τοῦ δὲ Ὀλυμπίου Διὸς Δευκαλίωνα οἰκοδομῆσαι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἱερὸν σημεῖον ἀποφαίνοντες ὡς Δευκαλίων Ἀθήνῃσιν ᾤκησε τάφον τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ νῦν οὐ πολὺ ἀφεστηκότα.

171 A. Mitt. 1895, p. 56. The word οἰκοδομέω does not necessarily imply house or temple building. It is used of building a wall, a labyrinth.

172 Plat. Phaedr. 227 Σω. ἀτὰρ Λυσίας ἦν ὡς ἔοικεν ἐν ἄστει; Φαι. Ναὶ παρ’ Ἐπικράτει ἐν τῇδε τῇ πλησίον τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου οἰκίᾳ τῇ Μορυχίᾳ. Nothing can be inferred from ἐν ἄστει. It means simply ‘in town’ as opposed to the Peiraeus or the country.

173 Thucyd. I. 126 ἔστι γὰρ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις Διάσια ἃ καλεῖται Διὸς ἑορτὴ Μειλιχίου μεγίστη, ἔξω τῆς πόλεως.

174 For a discussion of the worship of Meilichios see my Prolegomena, pp. 12-29. What I there say as to the chthonic character of Meilichios still I hope holds good, but I offer my apologies to M. Foucart for my attempted refutation of his theory as to the Semitic origin of the god. I now see that he was right. Meilichios is none other than ‎‏מֶלֶךְ‏‎ misunderstood. See also Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques, 1905, pp. 99-109.

175 Par. Chron. (Jacobi) 6 Βασιλεύοντος Ἀθηνῶν Κρ[ανα]οῦ ἀφ’ οὗ κατακλυσμὸς ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος ἐγένετο καὶ Δευκαλίων τοὺς ὄμβρους ἔφυγεν ἐγ Λυκωρείας εἰς Ἀθήνας πρὸ[ς Κρανα]ὸν καὶ τοῦ Διὸ[ς το]ῦ Ὀ[λυ]μ[πί]ου τὸ ἱ[ε]ρὸν ἱδ[ρύσατ]ο [καὶ] τὰ σωτήρια ἔθυσεν. I would suggest that behind Kranaos hides another Semitic figure, Kronos.

176 Herod. VIII. 44.

177 Schol. ad Ar. Av. 1527 πατρῷον δὲ τιμῶσιν Ἀπόλλωνα Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐπεὶ Ἴων ὁ πολέμαρχος Ἀθηναίων ἐξ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Κρεούσης τῆς Ξούθου ἐγένετο.

178 Paus. I. 31. 2.

179 Eur. Ion, 57-64.

180 Eur. Ion, 289-295.

181 Paus. VII. 1. 2, and see Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. lxxxi.

182 Eur. Ion, 492.

183 Ar. Lys. 911.

184 See Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 546.

185 Eur. Ion, 492, trans. Mr D. S. MacColl.

186 Ar. Lys. 720 τὴν μὲν δὲ πρώτην διαλέγουσαν τὴν ὄπιν.

187 Paus. I. 22. 3.

188 For a full list of these see Dr Frazer on P. I. 22. 3.

189 Ar. Thesm. 300 καὶ τῇ Κουροτρόφῳ τῇ Γῇ, schol. εἴτε τῇ γῇ εἴτε τῇ ἑστίᾳ, ὁμοίως πρὸ τοῦ Διὸς θύουσιν αὐτῇ.

190 Suidas, s.v. Κουροτρόφος Γῆ... καταστῆσαι δὲ νόμιμον τοὺς θύοντάς τινι θεῷ ταύτῃ προθύειν.

191 Paus. I. 20. 3. See Mr Mitchell Carroll in the Classical Review (July 1905, p. 325), ‘Thucydides, Pausanias and the Dionysium in Limnis,’ but Mr Carroll makes the to my mind fatal mistake of examining the Limnae question apart from the other sanctuaries.

192 See Dr Verrall (Class. Rev. XIV. 1900, p. 278), who cites Burnham Beeches which has nothing to do with any beech and Sandiacre which has nothing to do with sand, and, as Mr Carroll observes, ‘Rhode Island’ is not an island nor is Washington a Washing-Town.

193 Such sources as are necessary for my argument will be given as required, but the whole material for the study of the Attic festivals of Dionysos has been collected by Dr Martin P. N. Nilsson in his Studia de Dionysiis Atticis, Lund, 1900.

194 For the ceremonies see my Prolegomena, p. 40.

195 Athen. XI. p. 464 F. Φανόδημος δὲ πρὸς τῷ ἱερῷ φησὶ τοῦ ἐν Λίμναις Διονύσου τὸ γλεῦκος φέροντας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐκ τῶν πίθων τῷ θεῷ κιρνάναι: and X. 437 B... ἀποφέρειν τοὺς στεφάνους πρὸς τὸ ἐν Λίμναις τέμενος.

196 [Dem.] c. Neaer. § 73 καὶ τοῦτον τὸν νόμον γράψαντες ἐν στήλῃ λιθίνῃ ἔστησαν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Διονύσου παρὰ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν Λίμναις.

197 c. Neaer. § 76 καὶ διὰ ταῦτα ἐν τῷ ἀρχαιοτάτῳ ἱερῷ τοῦ Διονύσου καὶ ἁγιωτάτῳ ἐν Λίμναις ἔστησαν ἵνα μὴ πολλοὶ εἰδῶσι τὰ γεγραμμένα· ἅπαξ γὰρ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἑκάστου ἀνοίγεται, τῇ δωδεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἀνθεστηριῶνος μηνός.

198 This and the separate character of the festivals belonging to the Limnae from those of the precinct of Dionysos Eleuthereus were first pointed out I believe by Professor W. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, ‘Die Bühne von Æschylos,’ Hermes XXI. p. 617.

199 The sources are (1) the law of Euegoros (Dem. c. Meid. 10) Εὐήγορος εἶπεν· ὅταν ἡ πομπὴ ᾖ τῷ Διονύσῳ ἐν Πειραιεῖ καὶ οἱ κωμῳδοὶ καὶ οἱ τραγῳδοί, καὶ ἡ ἐπὶ Ληναίῳ πομπὴ καὶ οἱ τραγῳδοὶ καὶ οἱ κωμῳδοί, καὶ τοῖς ἐν ἄστει Διονυσίοις ἡ πομπή...; (2) an official inscription, C.I.A. II. 741, in which the same two festivals are three times mentioned.

200 Poll. On. IV. 121 καὶ Διονυσιακὸν θέατρον καὶ Ληναϊκόν.

201 Hesych. s.v. ἐπὶ Ληναίῳ ἀγών· ἔστιν ἐν τῷ ἄστει Λήναιον περίβολον ἔχον μέγαν, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ Ληναίου Διονύσου ἱερόν, ἐν ᾧ ἐπετελοῦντο οἱ ἀγῶνες Ἀθηναίων πρὶν τὸ θέατρον οἰκοδομηθῆναι. The same account is given by Photius s.v. Λήναιον, by the Etym. Magnum ἐπὶ Ληναίῳ and Bekker’s Anecdota I. p. 278.

202 Phot. s.v. ἴκρια: τὰ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ, ἀφ’ ὧν ἐθεῶντο τοὺς Διονυσιακοὺς ἀγῶνας πρὶν ἢ κατασκευασθῆναι τὸ ἐν Διονύσου θέατρον, and see also Eustath. 1472, 7, and Hesych. s.v. παρ’ αἰγείρον θέα. Hesychius quotes Eratosthenes from whom very probably all the other accounts came.

203 Tim. Lex. Plat. Ὀρχήστρα τόπος ἐπιφάνης εἰς πανήγυριν ἔνθα Ἀρμοδίου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονος εἰκόνες.

204 Paus. I. 8. 4.

205 To any one using my Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens I must at this point offer my apologies. The rough sketch map of the agora (facing p. 5) was made before Prof. Dörpfeld’s excavations. The Limnae is wrongly marked on the district near the Dipylon. I was at that time convinced only that the Limnae did not lie South of the Acropolis and wrongly identified it with the sanctuary seen by Pausanias on his entrance into the city. The orchestra also on my plan must be moved further to the South-East. The conjectural site of the Odeion seen by Pausanias is shown on Prof. Dörpfeld’s plan (Fig. 46). At this point a curved foundation of Roman masonry has come to light.

206 Plat. Prot. 327.

207 Ar. Ran. Hyp. ἐδιδάχθη ἐπὶ Καλλίου τοῦ μετὰ Ἀντιγένη διὰ Φιλωνίδου εἰς Λήναια.

208 Ar. Ran. 218

ἣν ἀμφὶ Νυσήιον
Διὸς Διόνυσον ἐν
Λήμναις ἰαχήσαμεν
ἡνίχ’ ὁ κραιπαλόκωμος
τοῖς ἱεροῖσι Χύτροισι
χωρεῖ κατ’ ἐμὸν τέμενος λαῶν ὄχλος.

Trans. by Mr Gilbert Murray. For the χύτρινοι ἀγῶνες, see Schol. ad loc., ἤγοντο ἀγῶνες αὐτόθι οἱ χύτρινοι καλούμενοι καθ’ ἅ φησιν Φιλόχορος ἐν τῇ ἑκτῇ τῶν Ἀτθίδων.

209 For the literature of the excavations see Bibliography. A résumé of the portion relating to the Limnae will be found in Dr Frazer’s Pausanias, vol. V. p. 495, Addenda, Athens.

210 H. Schrader, ‘Funde im Bezirk des Dionysion,’ A. Mitt., 1896, XXI. p. 265, pl. IX.

211 Published and fully discussed by Dr S. Wide, ‘Inschrift der Iobakchen,’ A. Mitt. 1894, p. 248, and see E. Maass, Orpheus, p. 16 ff.

212 C.I.A. III. 1159, 1186, 1193, 1197, 1202. See Dr Wide, op. cit. p. 1.

213 See Dr Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. XX. 1895, p. 34. The intricacies of this earlier Bakcheion do not concern the present argument.

214 I owe this view to the kindness of Mr Percy Droop of Trinity College. It is taken from a point close to the N.W. end of the Lesche (Fig. 24).

215 A. Mitt. V. 116.

216 Schol. ad Ar. Ran. 216 Λίμνη τόπος ἱερὸς Διονύσου ἐν ᾧ καὶ οἶκος καὶ νεὼς τοῦ θεοῦ Καλλίμαχος ἐν Ἑκάλῃ

Λιμναίῳ δὲ χοροστάδας ἦγον ἑορτάς.

217 Thucyd. II. 15 τὸ ἐν Λίμναις Διονύσου.

218 c. Neaer. 76 τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Διονύσου ἐν Λίμναις.

219 Phanodemus ap. Athen. XI. 465 A τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ ἐν Λίμναις Διονύσου.

220 Is. Or. VIII. 35 τὸ ἐν Λίμναις Διονύσιον. For these references see Dr Dörpfeld, ‘Lenaion,’ A. Mitt. 1895, XX. p. 368.

221 For the fullest account of this orchestra see Prof. Dörpfeld, Das Griechische Theater, p. 27.

222 In the Parian Chronicle, ἀφ’ οὗ Θέσπις ὁ ποιητὴς [ὑπεκρίνα]το πρῶτος, ὃς ἐδίδαξε [δρ]ᾶ[μα ἐν ἄ]στ[ει. The restoration ἐν ἄστει seems certain.

223 Ps. Plut. Vit. X. Orat. 6 εἰσήνεγκε δὲ καὶ νόμους τὸν περὶ τῶν κωμῳδῶν ἀγῶνα τοῖς Χύτροις ἐπιτελεῖν ἐφάμιλλον ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ, καὶ τὸν νικήσαντα εἰς ἄστυ καταλέγεσθαι, πρότερον οὐκ ἐξὸν, ἀναλαμβάνων τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐκλελοιπότα.

224 Ps. Plut. Vit. X. Orat.

225 Paus. I. 8. 6 τὸ θέατρον ὃ καλοῦσιν ᾠδεῖον.

226 Philostr. Vit. Soph. II. 5. 4 τὸ ἐν τῷ Κεραμεικῷ θέατρον ὃ δὴ ἐπωνόμασται Ἀγριππεῖον. For the whole question of the Odeion which, save for its possible identity in site with the old orchestra, does not concern us, see Dr Dörpfeld, ‘Die verschiedenen Odeien in Athen,’ A. Mitt. XVII. 1892, p. 352.

227 Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, Chapter II., The Anthesteria.

228 Dr Verrall, J. H. S. XX. 115.

229 Journal of Hellenic Studies XXIV. p. xxxix. 1904.

230 It seems to me possible that the transition may have been helped as regards the word Lenaion by the fact that the Greek ληνός means coffin as well as wine-press. The ληνός like the πίθος could be used for purposes widely diverse.

231 A. Koerte, ‘Bezirk eines Heilgottes,’ A. Mitt. 1893, XVIII. pl. xi.; A. Koerte, ‘Ausgrabungen am Westabhange IV. Das Heiligtum des Amynos,’ A. Mitt. 1896, XXI. p. 286, pl. xi.

232 ων τευξα-
        —ων σεμνοτάτην.
Λυσιμαχι]δῆς Λυσιμάχου Ἀχαρνε[ύς.

See Dr Koerte’s discussion of the relief, A. Mitt. 1893, p. 235.

233 See my Prolegomena, p. 349.

234 Koerte, A. Mitt. 1896, XXI. p. 295 Μνησιπτολέμη ὑπὲρ Δικαιοφάνου[ς] Ἀσκληπιῷ Ἀμύνῳ ἀνέθηκε.

235 Koerte, op. cit. p. 299... δεδόχθαι τοῖς ὀργεῶσι ἐπειδή εἶσιν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ περὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ὀργεώνων τοῦ Ἀμύνου καὶ τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ καὶ τοῦ Δεξίονος....

236 line 15 ἀναγράψαι δὲ τόδε τὸ ψήφισμα ἐν στήλαις λιθίναις δυοῖν καὶ στῆσαι τὴν μὲν ἐν τῷ το[ῦ] Δεξίονος ἱερῷ τὴν δὲ [ἐ]ν τῷ το(ῦ) Ἀμύνου καὶ Ἀσκληπιοῦ.

237 For the worship of Sophocles, see my Prolegomena, p. 346.

238 Eur. El. 1271.

239 Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, II. p. 554.

240 Prolegomena, pp. 239-253.

241 Athen. X. 437.

242 Harp. s.v. Πάνδημος Ἀφροδίτη... Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τῷ περὶ Θεῶν πάνδημόν φησιν Ἀθήνῃσι κληθῆναι τὴν ἀφιδρυθεῖσαν περὶ τὴν ἀρχαίαν ἀγοράν....

243 Paus. I. 22. 3.

244 Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. 1896, p. 511.

245 Foucart, Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1889, p. 157.

246 The facsimile is from Δελτίον 1889, p. 127. The inscription reads as follows:
...]δωρος μ’ ἀνέθηκ’ Ἀφροδίτην δῶρον ἀπαρχήν.
    Πότνια τῶν ἀγαθῶν τῶ[ι] σὺ δὸς ἀφθον[ί]αν.
οἵ τε λέγ[ου]σι λόγους ἀδίκως ψευδᾶς κ...εκ....

It is discussed with the two that follow by Mr Foucart, Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1889, p. 157.

247 Τόνδε σοὶ, ὦ μεγάλη σεμνὴ Πάνδημε Ἀφρ[οδίτη]
    [κοσ]μοῦμεν δώροις εἰκόσιν ἡμετέραις

Ἀρχῖνος Ἀλυπήτου Σκαμβωνίδης, Μενεκράτεια Δεξικράτους
Ἰκαριέως θυγάτηρ, ἱέρεια τῆς [Ἀφροδίτης],...
...Δ]εξικράτους Ἰκαριέως θυγάτηρ, Ἀρχίνου δὲ μήτηρ.

For discussion of this inscription and the nature of the building dedicated, see Dr Kawerau, ‘Die Pandemos-Weihung auf der Akropolis’ (A. Mitt. 1905), which through his kindness reached me after the above was written.

248 ἡ πομπὴ τῆι Ἀφροδίτηι τε͂ι Πανδή-
μωι παρασκευάζειν εἰς κάθαρσι[ν
τ]οῦ ἱεροῦ περιστέραν καὶ περιαλε[ῖ-
ψαι] τοὺς βωμοὺς καὶ πιττῶσαι τὰ[ς
ὀροφὰς] καὶ λοῦσαι τὰ ἔδη παρασκευ-
άσαι δὲ κα]ὶ πορφύραν ὁλκὴν 𐅂 𐅂 [𐅂.

See B.C.H. 1889, p. 157, and Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 331.

249 Plat. Symp. 180 D. For Aphrodite Ourania, see Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 211.

250 Paus. IX. 16. 3.

251 I follow M. Victor Bérard, Origine des cultes Arcadiens, p. 142. Ourania is ‘Queen of Heaven,’ ‎‏מלכת־השׁמים‏‎, as in the Hebrew scriptures, Jerem. vii. 18, xliv. 18-20. Pandemos is ‎‏רבת־הארץ‏‎, lady of the land. I have ventured above, p. 54, to suggest that to the armed Ourania, the Virgo Caelestis, we owe at least some elements in the armed Athena.

252 Paus. VIII. 32. 2.

253 Herod. I. 105. The name Kythera is Semitic (‎‏כתרת‏‎); see M. Victor Bérard, Les Phéniciens et l’Odyssée, p. 427. Kythera means a headdress, a tiara, and its Greek ‘doublette’ is Skandeia.

254 Paus. I. 14. 7.

255 We have incidentally curious evidence of the association of Kourotrophos with the Oriental Aphrodite. An inscription (C.I.A. III. 411) found on a Turkish wall near the temple of Nike mentions the entrance to a chapel of Blaute and Kourotrophos (εἴσοδος πρὸς σηκὸν Βλαύτης καὶ Κουροτρόφου). Lydus (de Mens. I. 21), on the authority of Phlegon, tells us that Blatta was ‘a title of Aphrodite among the Phenicians’ (καὶ βλάττα δέ, ἐξ ἧς τὰ βλάττια λέγομεν, ὄνομα Ἀφροδίτης, ἐστι κατὰ τοὺς Φοίνικας ὡς ὁ Φλέγων ἐν τῷ περὶ ἑορτῶν φησί). He does not tell us,—what is obvious enough,—that Blaute and Blatta are Greek attempts to reproduce Baalat (‎‏בַּעֲלַת‏‎). Blaute is but Aphrodite-Pandemos, Lady, Baalat of the People.

256 Luke ii. 24.

257 Mr E. Babelon, Monnaies des Phéniciens, CXXV.

258 Ael. Nat. Anim. IV. 2; see M. Victor Bérard, Cultes Arcadiens, p. 106.

259 For what can here be deduced from the text apart from new archaeological material, see Dr Verrall, Class. Rev. 1900, p. 277.

260 Paus. I. 14. 1 πλησίον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον, οὕτω κοσμηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου. Between the statues of Harmodios and Aristogeiton (I. 8. 5) and the Odeion (I. 8. 6) there is no connecting particle. This often happens in Pausanias when things in immediate juxtaposition are described. Traces of curved foundations of Roman date which may mark the site of the Odeion are shown in Prof. Dörpfeld’s plan (Fig. 46), but as the identification is conjectural I prefer not to use it as an argument.

261 Paus. I. 14. 1 ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν κρήνην ὁ μὲν Δήμητρος πεποίηται καὶ Κόρης.

262 Plat. Axioch. I. § 364 Ἐξιόντι μοι ἐς Κυνόσαργες καὶ γενομένῳ [μοι] κατὰ τὸν Ἰλισσὸν διῆξε φωνὴ βοῶντός του, Σώκρατες, Σώκρατες. ὡς δὲ ἐπιστραφεὶς περιεσκόπουν ὁπόθεν εἴη Κλεινίαν ὁρῶ τὸν Ἀξιόχου θέοντα ἐπὶ Καλλιρρόην.

263 Herod. VI. 137 αὐτοὶ Ἀθηναῖοι λέγουσι... φοιτᾶν γὰρ ἀεὶ τὰς σφετέρας θυγάτερας ἐπ’ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον.

264 Paus. I. 14. 1 φρέατα μὲν γὰρ καὶ διὰ πάσης τῆς πόλεώς ἐστι, πηγὴ δὲ αὔτη μόνη.

265 For what follows I am entirely indebted to Herr Gräber’s final investigations, completing those of Prof. Dörpfeld. See ‘Enneakrounos,’ A. Mitt. 1905, p. 58.

266 Fully discussed by Herr Gräber, op. cit.

267 Herod. III. 60.

268 For a full account of the Samos aqueduct, see Dr Fabricius, A. Mitt. IX. 1884, p. 175.

269 Examined and discussed by Dr E. Ziller, A. Mitt. II. p. 112, and see Herr Gräber, ‘Die Enneakrounos,’ A. Mitt. 1905, p. 58.

270 The account is taken entirely from the official reports by Prof. Dörpfeld after examination of the site under his guidance. See Bibliography, Enneakrounos, and for the more recent supplementary investigations of Herr Gräber ‘Enneakrounos,’ A. Mitt. 1905, XXX. p. 1.

271 A. Mitt. XVIII. 1893, p. 223.

272 By Herr Gräber, op. cit. p. 26.

273 Paus. I. 40. 1 οὗτος ὁ Θεαγένης τυραννήσας ᾠκοδόμησε τὴν κρήνην μεγέθους ἕνεκα καὶ κόσμου καὶ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν κιόνων θέας ἀξίαν· καὶ ὕδωρ ἐς αὐτὴν ῥεῖ καλούμενον Σιθνίδων νυμφῶν.

274 Delbrück and Vollmöller, ‘Das Brunnenhaus des Theagenes,’ A. Mitt. 1900, XXV. p. 23, pl. vii. and viii.

275 ap. Athen. XI. § 465 ὅθεν καὶ Λιμναῖον κληθῆναι τὸν Διόνυσον, ὅτι μιχθὲν τὸ γλεῦκος τῷ ὕδατι τότε πρῶτον ἐπόθη κεκραμένον. Διόπερ ὀνομασθῆναι τὰς πηγὰς Νύμφας καὶ τιθήνας τοῦ Διονύσου ὅτι τὸν οἶνον αὐξάνει τὸ ὕδωρ κιρνάμενον.

276 Brit. Mus. Cat. B. 329, Antike Denkmäler II. Taf. 19. On another vase in the British Museum (Cat. B 331) is inscribed Kalire Krene, Spring Fair-Fount, and on it also occurs the name Hippokrates, which may be intended for the brother of Kleisthenes; see Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, Fig. 20.

277 Mr F. M. Cornford draws my attention to the striking resemblance between the plan of the Kallirrhoë cavern (Figs. 36 and 43) and the curious arrangement of the ‘cavernous underground chamber’ which in Plato (Rep. VII. 514) symbolizes the prison-house of earthly existence. This chamber was entered by a long and steep descent from the outer air and had at the opposite end a low parapet, answering to the well-parapet in Kallirrhoë. Even the image in the niche has its Platonic counterpart in the shadows cast by the fire-light upon the inmost wall from the images carried along the parapet. One can imagine that Plato himself had often visited the well, had seen his own shadow thrown across the parapet by the torch of his guide standing at the foot of the entrance-stair, and heard the echo of his own voice as though it were proceeding from the shadow (Plat. Rep. 515 B).

278 Omont, Athènes au XVII. siècle, Pl. XXXIX.

279 See Prof. Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. XX. p. 510, 1895.

280 Prof. Dörpfeld writes to me—‘Unhappily this is no longer true; the inscribed stones have been stolen.’

281 Wordsworth, Greece pictorial, descriptive and historical, p. 133, 1839.

282 C.I.A. II. 11 and IV. 211 b.

283 C.I.A. II. 14. See Foucart, Bull. de Corr. Hell. p. 166, 1888.

284 Ar. Eq. 1092

          καὶ μοὐδόκει ἡ θεὸς αὐτὴ
ἐκ πόλεως ἐλθεῖν καὶ γλαῦξ αὐτῇ ’πικαθῆσθαι.

285 Ar. Lys. 175.

286 Speeches of Isaeus, p. 476, where the use of polis for acropolis is fully discussed.

287 See Bibliography.

288 The map in Fig. 46 is reproduced by Prof. Dörpfeld’s kind permission from his official plan published in the Antike Denkmäler (II. 37). To discuss the later Greek, Hellenistic and Roman agoras is no part of the object of the present book, but it was thought well to reproduce the plan as showing how the agora spread gradually to the North and also as elucidating the complex of roads that meet at the Enneakrounos.

289 For the details of this and the other buildings both of the Hellenistic and Roman agoras, see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, pp. 17-22, 199, 183-203.

290 A. Mitt. 1896, XXI. p. 108.

291 After the restoration of W. Judeich, Jahrbuch f. Phil. CXLI. p. 746. The plan is only given here to illustrate bygone conceptions. I am rejoiced to see that Dr Judeich in his recent Topographie von Athen, 1905, accepts the main outlines of Prof. Dörpfeld’s topography. See his Plan I.

292 For a full statement of this view see Dr Frazer, Pausanias, Vol. V. p. 484, and Prof. Ernest Gardner, Ancient Athens, p. 141. I regret to see that Prof. Ernest Gardner translates καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον μάλιστα τετραμμένον ‘and the district outside it to the Southward.’

293 Paus. I. 18. 6 and 7, and I. 19. 1.

294 Paus. I. 19. 1. For a full account of this Olympieion and Pythion which, save for the mistaken identification, do not concern us here, see my Myth. and Mon. of Anc. Athens, p. 184.

295 Plut. de Exil. VI. ἆρα οὖν ξένοι καὶ ἀπόλιδες εἰσὶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ μεταστάντες ἐκ Μελίτης εἰς Διωμίδα ὅπου καὶ μῆνα Μεταγειτνιῶνα καὶ θυσίαν ἐπώνυμον ἄγουσι τοῦ μετοικισμοῦ τὰ Μεταγείτνια, τὴν πρὸς ἑτέρους γειτνιάσιν εὐκόλως καὶ ἱλαρῶς ἐκδεχόμενοι καὶ στέργοντες; οὐκ ἂν εἴποις. Attention was first drawn to the importance of this passage by Prof. Dörpfeld.

296 Plut. Vit. Them. 22 πλήσιον δὲ τῆς οἰκίας κατεσκεύασεν ἐν Μελίτῃ τὸ ἱερόν οὗ νῦν τὰ σώματα τῶν θανατουμένων....

297 Plat. Parmenid. 126 C.

298 Dem. LIV. 7... παρῆλθε πρὸς Μελίτην ἄνω.

299 Ar. Av. 999

          ἐγὼ Μέτων,
ὃν οἶδεν Ἕλλας χὠ Κολωνός,

Schol.... ἐπὶ Ἀψεύδους δὲ τοῦ Πυθοδώρου ἡλιοτρόπιον ἐν τῇ νῦν οὔσῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ πρὸς τῷ τείχει τῷ ἐν τῇ πνύκι. μήποτε οὖν τὸ χώριον φασί τινες ἐκεῖνο ἅπαν ᾧ περιλαμβάνεται καὶ ἡ Πνύξ, Κολωνός ἐστιν ὁ ἕτερος, ὁ μίσθιος λεγόμενος· οὕτως μέρος τι νῦν σύνηθες γέγονε τὶ Κολωνὸν καλεῖν τὸ ὄπισθεν τῆς μακρᾶς στοᾶς· ἀλλ’ οὔκ ἐστι. Μελίτη γὰρ ἅπαν ἐκεῖνο ὡς ἐν τοῖς ὁρισμοῖς γέγραπται τῆς πόλεως.

The MSS. have ἐκεῖνο ἐπάνω, Forchammer ἐπάνω ᾧ, Wachsmuth ἅπαν ᾧ, Dobree πᾶν ᾧ. I follow Wachsmuth.

300 Diomeia is marked on my map (Fig. 49) to the South-East of the Olympieion. My map was drawn before the appearance of Dr Judeich’s Topographie von Athen; I am glad to see that he (Topographie, pp. 155, 158) accepts the position assigned by Professor Dörpfeld to Diomeia. The British School of Archaeology claims to have found the gymnasium of Kynosarges (Annual of the British School, 1896-7, p. 89), but as the plans are not yet published I prefer to base my argument on literary evidence.

301 Herod. VI. 116.

302 Paus. I. 19. 3. Those who following Curtius (Stadtgeschichte von Athen, pl. IV.) place Diomeia and Kynosarges North-West on the slopes of Lykabettos have to make Pausanias retrace his steps to visit the stadium.

303 Schol. ad Ar. Ran. 501... οὑκ Μελίτης μαστιγίας, σύνηθές τε οὐχ οὕτω λέγειν ἐπὶ θεῶν, οὑκ Μελίτης ἀλλ’ ὁ ἐν Μελίτῃ, ὡς καὶ Ζεὺς ὁ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ· ἐπὶ δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἐκ Μελίτης.... My attention was drawn to the scholiast’s remark in relation to the ‘flitting’ by Mr Gilbert Murray.

304 Ar. Ran. 650

          ἀλλ’ ἐφρόντισα
ὁπόθ’ Ἡράκλεια τἀν Διομείοις γίγνεται.

305 Ar. Ran. 501 Schol.... ἐν γὰρ Μελίτῃ δήμῳ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐμυήθη Ἡρακλῆς τὰ μικρὰ μυστήρια.

306 Plut. Demetr. 26. Kleidemos, ap. Bekk. Anec. p. 326 Ἄγραι χωρίον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως Ἀθηνῶν, οὗ τὰ μικρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος ἄγεται μυστήρια.

307 Steph. Byz. Ἄγρα καὶ Ἄγραι χωρίον... ἐν ᾧ τὰ μικρὰ μυστήρια ἐπιτελεῖται μίμημα τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον, ἐν ᾧ λέγουσι καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα μεμυῆσθαι (codd. μεμνῆσθαι).

308 Paus. I. 14. 2.

309 Kleidemos, loc. cit. παρ’ Ἰλισσοῦ μυστικαῖς ὄχθαις.

310 Eustath. 361. 38 ἀπὸ χώρας πρὸς τῷ Ἰλισσῷ ᾧ κλῆσις Ἄγραι καὶ Ἄγρα, οὗ τὰ μικρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος ἤγετό φησι μυστήρια ἃ ἐλέγετο τὰ ἐν Ἄγραις. Professor Tucker is I believe right in his conjecture (Class. Rev. 1904, p. 416) that the Mysteries in the Frogs are these Lesser Mysteries and this, as I have pointed out in connection with his discussion (op. cit., p. 418), adds fresh significance to the figure of Herakles.

311 Plat. Lys. 205 C Ἡρακλέους ξενισμόν.

312 Xen. Hell. VI. 3. 6.

313 Plut. Vit. Thes. 33.

314 See my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 155, Fig. 33.

315 Apollod. ap. Zenob. Cant. V. 22 μήλου (l. μήλων) Ἡρακλῆς. Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τοῖς περὶ θεῶν ὅτι θύεται Ἀθήνησι Ἡρακλεῖ ἀλεξικάκῳ ἰδιάζουσά τις θυσιά. Pollux (Onom. I. 30) gives the aetiological myth and adds the important detail that the same cultus title Melon and the same ritual was in use in Boeotia. καὶ καλεῖται παρὰ τοῖς Θηβαίοις ἢ τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς Μήλων ὁ Ἡρακλῆς, ὄνομα ἐκ τοῦ τρόπου τῆς θυσίας λαβών. Melos and Belos appear to be interchangeable forms (Steph. Byz. Βῆλος, ἢ καὶ Μῆλος πρὸς ταῖς Ἡρακλέους στήλαις), and of the island Melos we know from the same writer (s.v. Μῆλος) that its earlier colonists were Phenicians, Φοίνικες οὖν οἰκισταὶ πρότερον. Cf. Herakles at Gades, Appian (ed. Bekk. p. 49) says Θρησκεύεται νῦν ἔτι φοινικικῶς.

316 The Oriental character of the Herakles cult at Melite was first, I believe, pointed out by Curtius, and further emphasized by Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, p. 404 ff. It has never, I believe, been discussed in relation to the shift of population from Melite to Diomeia.

317 See Lewy, Die Semitischen Fremdwörter im Griechischen, p. 209, the root mālaṭ ‎‏מלט‏‎ to save, ‎‏מְלִיטָה‏‎.

318 Diod. V. 12 καὶ πρώτη μέν ἐστιν ἡ προσαγορευομένη Μελίτη... ἐστὶ δὲ ἡ νῆσος αὕτη Φοινίκων ἄποικος οἳ ταῖς ἐμπορίαις διατείνοντες μέχρι τοῦ κατὰ τὴν δύσιν Ὠκεανοῦ καταφυγὴν εἶχον ταύτην, εὐλίμενον οὖσαν καὶ κειμένην πελαγίαν.

319 Strab. X. 472... ἀπελθεῖν τούτους (τοὺς Κορύβαντας) εἰς Σαμοθράκην καλουμένην πρότερον Μελίτην.

320 Diod. V. 47 ἔνιοι δέ φασι τὸ παλαιὸν Σαόννησον καλουμένην... ἐσχήκασι δὲ παλαιὰν ἰδίαν διάλεκτον οἱ αὐτόχθονες ἧς πολλὰ ἐν ταῖς θυσίαις μέχρι τοῦ νῦν τηρεῖται... ὅρους θέσθαι τῆς σωτηρίας.

321 Hesych. s.v. ἐκ Μελίτης μαστιγίας, καλεῖται δὲ ὁ ἐν Μελίτῃ Ἡρακλῆς ἀλεξίκακος. The Greek was doubtless, as Lewy points out, simply the translation of some such Semitic divine title as ‎‏מְמַלֵּט מֵרָעָה‏‎ mᵉmallēṭ mērāʿā, Preserver-from-Evil.

322 Diod. IV. 39. Diodorus goes on to describe the strange primitive ceremony of adoption by which Hera naturalized Herakles among the Olympians; see my Proleg., p. 347.

323 Strabo X. 471.

324 Plut. Vit. Them. 1.

325 The cult of Herakles in Diomeia contains other elements obviously Semitic, the discussion of which would lead us far. The details are given in my Myth. and Mon. Ancient Athens, p. 216, but the Semitic character of the ‘white dog’ legend I did not then realize. Prof. Robertson Smith long ago (Religion of the Semites, p. 274, note 2), pointed out that the supposed ‘white dog’ is really the ‘dogs’ enclosure’ and that the sacred dogs are a class of Semitic temple-ministrants (see Deut. xxiii. 18, and C.I.S. No. 86). To the whole question of the Semitic elements in the worship of Herakles I hope to return on another occasion.

326 Plut. Vit. Them. 22... ἣν Ἀριστοβούλην μὲν προσηγόρευσεν.

327 Porphyr. de Abst. II. 54 ἐθύετο γὰρ καὶ ἐν Ῥόδῳ μηνὶ Μεταγειτνιῶνι ἑκτῇ ἱσταμένου ἄνθρωπος τῷ Κρόνῳ ὃ δὴ ἐπὶ πολὺ κρατῆσαν ἔθος μετεβλήθη· ἕνα γὰρ τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ δημοσίᾳ κατακριθέντων μέχρι μὲν τῶν Κρονίων συνεῖχον, ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς προαγαγόντες τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔξω πυλῶν ἄντικρυ τοῦ Ἀριστοβούλης ἕδους οἴνου ποτίσαντες ἔσφαττον. In this connection it is strange that the tradition of human sacrifice before the battle of Salamis, possibly apocryphal, attaches itself to Themistocles; see my Prolegomena, p. 489.

328 Plut. Vit. Them. 1.

329 Aug. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen, p. 160. Probably Mommsen is right in his conjecture that the sacrifice of the Metageitnia mentioned by Plutarch was an actual part or at least preliminary to the Herakleia.

330 I selected the worship of Herakles for discussion because we have definite evidence that Herakles is connected with Diomeia as well as Melite. An equally striking case of the shift of a foreign cult from Melite to the district of the Ilissos is that of Aphrodite Ourania. Pausanias (I. 14. 7) saw the sanctuary in Melite, noted its oriental origin and the current story that Porphyrion founded a sanctuary of Aphrodite in the deme Athimoneus, i.e. on the way from Marathon. When he came to the Ilissos to the district of the Gardens (I. 19. 2) he sees the sanctuary of Aphrodite Ourania, her image as a herm and the inscription says she is eldest of the Fates. He notes that there is ‘no local legend.’ How should there be if the cult was transplanted? From this sanctuary he passes on next to Kynosarges.

331 Paus. I. 19. 5.

332 Plat. Phaedr. 229 A.

333 See Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 226 and Fig. 17. Since I wrote that account excavations have been undertaken by the Greek Archaeological Society on the supposed site of the Enneakrounos on the Ilissus; traces of channels for the conducting of water have been found, but the water so conducted is not drinkable. For report see Πρακτικὰ τῆς Ἀρχ. Ἑταιρίας, 1893, pp. 111-136.

334 Etym. Mag. Ἐννεάκρουνος· κρήνη Ἀθήνησι παρὰ τὸν Ἴλισσον, ἡ πρότερον Καλλιρόη ἔσκεν ἀφ’ ἧς τὰ λουτρὰ ταῖς γαμουμέναις μετίασι. Πολύζηλος Δημοτυνδαρέῳ

‘ἴξει πρὸς Ἐννεάκρουνον, εὔυδρον τόπον.’

See Koch, Frag. Com. vol. I. pp. 790-2. Polyzelos is of course not responsible for the statement about the Ilissos.

335 Hesych. s.v. Ἐννεάκρουνος takes his account and acknowledges it ὥς φησι καὶ Θουκυδίδης.

336 Suidas, s.v. νυμφικὰ λουτρά—τὰ εἰς γάμους ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπὸ κρήνης λαμβανόμενα.

337 Hierocles, Hippiatr. praef. sub fin. Ταραντῖνος δὲ ἱστορεῖ τὸν τοῦ Διὸς νεὼν κατασκευάζοντας Ἀθηναίους Ἐννεακρούνου πλησίον εἰσελαθῆναι ψηφίσασθαι τὰ ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς εἰς τὸ ἄστυ ζεύγη ἅπαντα· φόβῳ δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματός τινα τῶν γεωργῶν ἡμίονον ἀγαγεῖν γέραιον ἄγοντα ἔτος ὀγδοηκοστὸν, τὸν δὲ δῆμον τιμῇ τοῦ γήρως προηγητόρα τῶν ζεύγων εἰς τὴν κατασκευὴν αὐτὸν τοῦ νεὼ καταστῆσαι προβαδίζειν τε ἄζευκτον καὶ ἄπληκτον ψηφίσασθαι μηδένα δὲ τῶν πυροπώλων ἢ κριθοπώλων ἀπελαύνειν αὐτὸν τῆς ἑστίας ἢ ἀπείργειν τῆς βρώσεως. It will be seen that I have construed πλησίον with κατασκευάζοντας, that being the usual rendering. Dyer has however pointed out (Journal of Philology, III. 1871, p. 90) that it might be taken with εἰσελαθῆναι.

338 Plut. Cat. V. ὁ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος οἰκοδομῶν τὸν Ἑκατόμπεδον, and De sollert. an. XIII. τὸν γὰρ ἑκατόμπεδον νεὼν Περικλέους ἐν ἀκροπόλει.

339 Ael. Hist. An. VI. 49 Ἡνίκα γοῦν Ἀθηναῖοι κατεσκεύαζον τὸν Παρθενῶνα.

340 Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 24 ἤδη γάρ τις βεβίωκεν ἔτη καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα οἷον Ἀθήνησιν ὅτε τὸν νεὼν ᾠκοδόμουν· ὃς καὶ ἀφειμένος ἤδη διὰ τὸ γῆρας, συναμπρεύων καὶ παραπορευόμενος παρώξυνε πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ὡς ἐψηφίσαντο μὴ ἀπελαύνειν αὐτὸν τοὺς σιτοπώλους ἀπὸ τῶν τηλιῶν. Aristotle is obviously the ultimate source of the statement of Tarantinos.

341 Professor Ernest Gardner in his Ancient Athens, p. 20, quotes the passage of Tarantinos as part of the ‘overwhelming evidence that Kallirrhoë lay in the bed of Ilissus.’ No one, so far as I know, has ever doubted that there was a Kallirrhoë in the bed of the Ilissus, the point is whether the particular Kallirrhoë which was transformed into Enneakrounos lay there. Attention was I believe first drawn by Prof. Dörpfeld to the various temple buildings with which the mule-story is connected. I owe the references to Dr Bodensteiner’s ‘Enneakrounos und Lenaion,’ Blätter f. das Gym. Schulwesen, 1895, p. 31.

342 It is almost incredible that the fact that Alciphron in one epistle (III. 49. 1) mentions Enneakrounos—as a source of ordinary drinking water—and in another (III. 51. 1) speaks of Kallirrhoë—as an object of sentiment—has been urged as an argument for an Enneakrounos on the Ilissos. He is obviously speaking of two different springs. Pliny (N. H. IV. 7. 11) enumerating the Attic fountains says ‘Cephisia Larine Calliroe, Enneacrunos,’ and some editors assume that Pliny wrote Calliroe Enneacrunos by apposition. Surely, as Dyer observes (Journ. Phil. III. p. 87), since Pliny was reckoning up the actual number of fountains, he would have given his readers notice that these were only two different names for the same object, and have inserted seu or some such word between them.

343 Paus. I. 8. 5 οὐ πόρρω δὲ ἑστᾶσιν Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων. I. 14. 1 ἐς δὲ τὸ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐσελθοῦσιν Ὠδεῖον... πλήσιον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον... ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν κρήνην ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω ναὸς Εὐκλείας.

344 For further evidence on these sanctuaries, see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, pp. 89-111.

345 For the Eleusinion and Thesmophorion, see Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. XXII. 1897, p. 477, and 1896, p. 106.