8 Phoenicia Under the Romans (B.C. 65-A.D. 650)
Syria made a Roman province, B.C. 65—Privileges granted by Rome to the Phoenician cities—Phoenicia profits by the Roman suppression of piracy, but suffers from Parthian ravages—The Phoenicians offend Augustus and lose their favoured position, but recover it under later emperors— Mention of the Phoenician cities in the New Testament— Phoenicia accepts Christianity—Phoenician bishops at the early Councils—Phoenician literature at this date—Works of Antipater, Apollonius, Philo, Hermippus, Marinus, Maximus, and Porphyry—School of law at Berytus—Survival of the Phoenician commercial spirit—Survival of the religion— Summary.
The kingdom of the Seleucidæ came to an end through its own internal weakness and corruption. In B.C. 83 their subjects, whether native Asiatics or Syro-Macedonians, were so weary of the perpetual series of revolts, civil wars, and assassinations that they invited Tigranes, the king of the neighbouring Armenia, to step in and undertake the government of the country.14464 Tigranes ruled from B.C. 83 till B.C. 69, when he was attacked by the Romans, to whom he had given just cause of offence by his conduct in the Mithridatic struggle. Compelled by Lucullus to relinquish Syria, he retired to his own dominions, and was succeeded by the last Seleucid prince, Antiochus Asiaticus, who reigned from B.C. 69 to B.C. 65. Rome then at length came forward, and took the inheritance to which she had become entitled a century and a quarter earlier by the battle of Magnesia, and which she could have occupied at any moment during the interval, had it suited her purpose. The combat with Mithridates had forced her to become an Asiatic power; and having once overcome her repugnance to being entangled in Asiatic politics, she allowed her instinct of self-aggrandizement to have full play, and reduced the kingdom of the Seleucidæ into the form of a Roman province.14465
The province, which retained the name of Syria, and was placed under a proconsul,14466 whose title was “Præses Syriæ,” extended from the flanks of Amanus and Taurus to Carmel and the sources of the Jordan, and thus included Phoenicia. The towns, however, of Tripolis, Sidon, and Tyre were allowed the position of “free cities,” which secured them an independent municipal government, under their own freely elected council and chief magistates. These privileges, conferred by Pompey, were not withdrawn by Julius Cæsar, when he became master of the Roman world; and hence we find him addressing a communication respecting Hyrcanus to the “Magistates, Council, and People of Sidon.”14467 A similar regard was shown for Phoenician vested rights by Anthony, who in B.C. 36, when his infatuation for Cleopatra was at its height, and he agreed to make over to her the government of Palestine and of Coelesyria, as far as the river Eleutherus, especially exempted from her control, despite her earnest entreaties, the cities of Tyre and Sidon.14468 Anthony also wrote more than one letter to the “Magistates, Council, and People of Tyre,” in which he recognised them as “allies” of the Roman people rather than subjects.14469
So far the Phoenicians would seem to have gained rather than lost by exchanging the dominion of Syria for that of Rome. They gained also greatly by the strictness with which Rome kept the police of the Eastern Mediterranean. For many years previously to B.C. 67 their commerce had been preyed upon to an enormous extent by the piratical fleets, which, issuing from the creeks and harbours of Western Cilicia and Pamphylia, spread terror on every side,14470 and made the navigation of the Levant and Ægean as dangerous as it had been in the days anterior to Minos.14471 Pompey, in that year, completely destroyed the piratical fleets, attacked the pirates in their lairs, and cleared them out from every spot where they had established themselves. Voyages by sea became once more as safe as travels by land; and a vigilant watch being kept on all the coasts and islands, piracy was never again permitted to gather strength, or become a serious evil. The Phoenician merchants could once more launch their trading vessels on the Mediterranean waters without fear of their suffering capture, and were able to insure their cargoes at a moderate premium.
But their connection with Rome exposed the Phoenicians to some fresh, and terrible, perils. The great attack of Crassus on Parthia in the year B.C. 53 had bitterly exasperated that savage and powerful kingdom, which was quite strong enough to retaliate, under favourable circumstances, upon the mighty mistress of the West, and to inflict severe sufferings upon Rome’s allies, subjects, and dependencies. After a preliminary trial of strength14472 in the years B.C. 522 and 51, Pacorus, the son of Orodes, in B.C. 40, crossed the Euphrates in force, defeated the Romans under Decidius Saxa, and carried fire and sword over the whole of the Syrian presidency.14473 Having taken Apamea and Antioch, he marched into Phoenicia, ravaged the open country, and compelled all the towns, except Tyre, to surrender. Tyre, notwithstanding the mole constructed by Alexander, which joined it to the continent, was still regarded as impregnable, unless invested both by sea and land; on which account Pacorus, as he had no naval force, relinquished the idea of capturing it.14474 But all the other cities either gave themselves up or were taken, and the conquest of Phoenicia being completed, the Parthian prince proceeded to occupy Palestine. Jerusalem fell into his hands, and for three years the entire tract between the Taurus range and Egypt was lost to Rome, and formed a portion of the Parthian Empire. What hardships, what insults, what outrages the Phoenicians had to endure during this interval we do not know, and can only conjecture; but the conduct of the Parthians at Jerusalem14475 makes it probable that the inhabitants of the conquered districts generally had much cause for complaint. However, the time of endurance did not last very long; in the third year from the commencement of the invasion the fortune of war turned against the assailants. Rome, under Ventidius, recovered her lost laurels. Syria was reoccupied, and the Parthians driven across the Euphrates, never again to pass it.14476
In the struggle (which soon followed these events) between Antony and Augustus, Phoenicia had the misfortune to give offence to the latter. The terms on which they stood with Antony, and the protection which he had afforded to their cities against the greed of Cleopatra, naturally led them to embrace his cause; and it should scarcely have been regarded as a crime in them that they did so with ardour. But Augustus, who was certainly not clement by nature, chose to profess himself deeply aggrieved by the preference which they had shown for his rival, and, when he personally visited the East in B.C. 20, inflicted a severe punishment on two at least of the cities. Dio Cassius can scarcely be mistaken when he says that Tyre and Sidon were “enslaved”—i.e. deprived of freedom—by Augustus,14477 who must certainly have revoked the privilege originally granted by Pompey. Whether the privilege was afterwards restored is somewhat uncertain; but there is distinct evidence that more than one of the later emperors was favourably disposed to Rome’s Phoenician subjects. Claudius granted to Accho the title and status of a Roman colony;14478 while Hadrian allowed Tyre to call herself a “metropolis.”14479
Two important events have caused Tyre and Sidon to be mentioned in the New Testament. Jesus Christ, in the second year of his ministry, “arose and went” from Galilee “into the borders of Tyre and Sidon,” and there wrought a miracle at the earnest request of a “Syro-Phoenician woman.”14480 And Herod Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great, when at Cæsarea in A.D. 44, received an embassy from “them of Tyre and Sidon,” with whom he was highly offended, and “made an oration” to the ambassadors.14481 In this latter place the continued semi-independence of Tyre and Sidon seems to be implied. Agrippa is threatening them with war, while they “desire peace.” “Their country” is spoken of as if it were distinct from all other countries. We cannot suppose that the Judæan prince would have ventured to take up this attitude if the Phoenician cities had been fully incorporated into the Roman State, since in that case quarrelling with them would have been quarrelling with Rome, a step on which even Agrippa, with all his pride and all his rashness, would scarcely have ventured. It is probable, therefore, that either Tiberius or Claudius had revoked the decree of Augustus, and re-invested the Phoenician cities with the privilege whereof the first of the emperors had deprived them.
Not long after this, about A.D. 57, we have evidence that the great religious and social movement of the age had swept the Phoenician cities within its vortex, and that, in some of them at any rate, Christian communities had been formed, which were not ashamed openly to profess the new religion. The Gospel was preached in Phoenicia14482 as early as A.D. 41. Sixteen years later, when St. Paul, on his return from his third missionary journey, landed at Tyre, and proceeded thence to Ptolemaïs, he found at both places “churches,” or congregations of Christians, who received him kindly, ministered to his wants, prayed with him, and showed a warm interest in his welfare.14483 These communities afterwards expanded. By the end of the second century after Christ Tyre was the seat of a bishopric, which held an important place among the Syrian Sees. Several Tyrian bishops of the second, third, and fourth centuries are known to us, as Cassius (ab. A.D. 198), Marinus (A.D. 253), Methodius (A.D. 267-305), Tyrannion (A.D. 310), and Paulinus (A.D. 328). Early in the fourth century (B.C. 335) Tyre was the seat of a synod or council, called to consider charges made against the great Athanasius,14484 who was taxed with cruelty, impiety, and the use of magical arts. As the bishops who assembled belonged chiefly to the party of Arius, the judgment of the council condemned Athanasius, and deprived him of his see. On appeal the decision was reversed; Athanasius was reinstated,14485 and advanced; the cause with which he had identified himself triumphed; and the Synod of Tyre being pronounced unorthodox, the Tyrian church, like that of Antioch, sank in the estimation of the Church at large.
Tyre also made herself obnoxious to the Christian world in another way. In the middle of the third century she produced the celebrated philosopher, Porphyry,14486 who, of all the literary opponents of Christianity, was the most vigorous and the most successful. Porphyry appears to have been a Phoenician by descent. His original name was Malchus—i.e. Melek or Malik, “king.” To disguise his Asiatic origin, and ingratiate himself with the literary class of the day, who were chiefly Greeks or Grecised Romans, he took the Hellenic and far more sonorous appellation of Porphyrius, which he regarded as a sort of synonym, since purple was the royal colour. He early gave himself to the study of philosophy, and was indefatigable in his efforts to acquire knowledge and learning of every kind. In Asia, probably at Tyre itself, he attended the lectures of Origen; at Athens he studied under Apollonius and Longinus; in Rome, whereto he ultimately gravitated, he attached himself to the Neo-Platonic school of Plotinus. His literary labours, which were enormous, had for their general object the establishment of that eclectic system which Ammonius Saccas, Plotinus, Jamblichus, and others had elaborated, and were endeavouring to impose upon the world as constituting at once true religion and true philosophy. He was of a constructive rather than a destructive turn of mind. Still, he thought it of great importance, and a necessity of the times, that he should write a book against the Christians, whose opinions were, he knew, making such progress as raised the suspicion that they would prevail over all others, and in a short time become universal. This polemical treatise ran to fifteen books, and “exhibited considerable acquaintance with both the Jewish and the Christian scriptures.”14487 It is now lost, but its general character is well known from the works of Eusebius, Jerome, and others. The style was caustic and trenchant. An endeavour was made to show that both the historical scriptures of the Old Testament and the Gospels and Acts in the New were full of discrepancies and contradictions. The history and antiquities of the Jews, as put forth in the Bible, were examined, and declared to be unworthy of credit. A special attack was made on the genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel, which was pronounced to be the work of a contemporary of Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded in palming off upon his countrymen his own crude production as the work of the venerated sage and prophet. Prevalent modes of interpreting scripture were passed under review, and the allegorical exegesis of Origen was handled with especial severity. The work is said to have produced a vast effect, especially among the upper classes, whose conversion to Christianity it tended greatly to check and hinder. Answers to the book, or to particular portions of it, were published by Eusebius of Cæsarea, by Apollinaris, and by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre; but these writers had neither the learning nor the genius of their opponent, and did little to counteract the influence of his work on the upper grades of society.14488
The literary importance of the Phoenician cities under the Romans is altogether remarkable. Under Augustus and Tiberius—especially from about B.C. 40 to A.D. 20—Sidon was the seat of a philosophical school, in which the works of Aristotle were studied and explained,14489 perhaps to some extent criticised.14490 Strabo attended this school for a time in conjunction with two other students, named Boëthus and Diodotus. Tyre had even previously produced the philosophers, Antipater, who was intimate with the younger Cato, and Apollonius, who wrote a work about Zeno, and formed a descriptive catalogue of the authors who had composed books on the subject of the philosophy of the Stoics.14491 Strabo goes so far as to say that philosophy in all its various aspects might in his day be better studied at Tyre and Sidon than anywhere else.14492 A little later we find Byblus producing the semi-religious historian, Philo, who professed to reveal to the Greeks the secrets of the ancient Phoenician mythology, and who, whatever we may think of his judgment, was certainly a man of considerable learning. He was followed by his pupil, Hermippus, who was contemporary with Trajan and Hadrian, and obtained some reputation as a critic and grammarian.14493 About the same time flourished Marinus, the writer on geography, who was a Tyrian by birth, and “the first author who substituted maps, mathematically constructed according to latitude and longitude, for the itinerary charts” of his predecessors.14494 Ptolemy of Pelusium based his great work entirely upon that of Marinus, who is believed to have utilised the geographical and hydrographical accumulations of the old Phoenician navigators, besides availing himself of the observations of Hipparchus, and of the accounts given of their travels by various Greek and Roman authors. Contemporary with Marinus was Paulus, a native of Tyre, who was noted as a rhetorician, and deputed by his city to go as their representative to Rome and plead the cause of the Tyrians before Hadrian.14495 A little later we hear of Maximus, who flourished under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus (ab. A.D. 160-190), a Tyrian, like Paulus, and a rhetorician and Platonic philosopher.14496 The literary glories of Tyre culminated and terminated with Porphyry, of whose works we have already given an account.
Towards the middle of the third century after Christ a school of law and jurisprudence arose at Berytus, which attained high distinction, and is said by Gibbon14497 to have furnished the eastern provinces of the empire with pleaders and magistrates for the space of three centuries (A.D. 250-550). The course of education at Berytus lasted five years, and included Roman Law in all its various forms, the works of Papinian being especially studied in the earlier times, and the same together with the edicts of Justinian in the later.14498 Pleaders were forced to study either at Berytus, or at Rome, or at Constantinople,14499 and, the honours and emoluments of the profession being large, the supply of students was abundant and perpetual. External misfortune, and not internal decay, at last destroyed the school, the town of Berytus being completely demolished by an earthquake in the year A.D. 551. The school was then transferred to Sidon, but appears to have languished on its transplantation to a new soil and never to have recovered its pristine vigour or vitality.
It is difficult to decide how far these literary glories of the Phoenician cities reflect any credit on the Phoenician race. Such a number of Greeks settled in Syria and Phoenicia under the Seleucidæ that to be a Tyrian or a Sidonian in the Græco-Roman period furnished no evidence at all of a man having any Phoenician blood in his veins. It will have been observed that the names of the Tyrian, Sidonian, and Berytian learned men and authors of the time—Antipater, Apollonius, Boëthus, Diodotus, Philo, Hermippus, Marinus, Paulus, Maximus, Porphyrius—are without exception either Latin or Greek. The language in which the books were written was universally Greek, and in only one or two cases is there reason to suppose that the authors had any knowledge of the Phoenician tongue. The students at Berytus between A.D. 250 and 550 were probably, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, Greeks or Romans. Phoenician nationality had, in fact, almost wholly disappeared in the Seleucid period. The old language ceased to be spoken, and though for some time retained upon the coins together with a Greek legend,14500 became less frequent as time went on, and soon after the Christian era disappeared altogether. It is probable that, as a spoken language, Phoenician had gone out of use even earlier.14501
In two respects only did the old national spirit survive, and give indication that, even in the nation’s “ashes,” there still lived some remnant of its “wonted fires.” Tyre and Sidon were great commercial centres down to the time of the Crusades, and quite as rich, quite as important, quite as flourishing, commercially, as in the old days of Hiram and Ithobal. Mela14502 speaks of Sidon in the second century after Christ as “still opulent.” Ulpian,14503 himself a Tyrian by descent, calls Tyre in the reign of Septimus Severus “a most splendid colony.” A writer of the age of Constantine says of it: “The prosperity of Tyre is extraordinary. There is no state in the whole of the East which excels it in the amount of its business. Its merchants are persons of great wealth, and there is no port where they do not exercise considerable influence.”14504 St. Jerome, towards the end of the fourth century, speaks of Tyre as “the noblest and most beautiful of all the cities of Phoenicia,”14505 and as “an emporium for the commerce of almost the whole world.”14506 During the period of the Crusades, “Tyre retained its ancient pre-eminence among the cities of the Syrian coast, and excited the admiration of the warriors of Europe by its capacious harbours, its wall, triple towards the land and double towards the sea, its still active commerce, and the beauty and fertility of the opposite shore.” The manufactures of purple and of glass were still carried on. Tyre was not reduced to insignificance until the Saracenic conquest towards the close of the thirteenth century of our era, when its trade collapsed, and it became “a rock for fishermen to spread their nets upon.”14507
The other respect in which the vitality of the old national spirit displayed itself was in the continuance of the ancient religion. While Christianity was adopted very generally by the more civilised of the inhabitants, and especially by those who occupied the towns, there were shrines and fanes in the remote districts, and particularly in the less accessible parts of Lebanon, where the old rites were still in force, and the old orgies continued to be carried on, just as in ancient times, down to the reign of Constantine. The account of the licentious worship of Ashtoreth at Aphaca, which has been already quoted from Eusebius, belongs to the fourth century after our era, and shows the tenacity with which a section of the Phoenicians, not withstanding their Hellenisation in language, in literature, and in art, clung to the old barbarous and awful cult, which had come down to them by tradition from their fathers. A similar worship at the same time maintained itself on the other side of the Lebanon chain in Heliopolis, or Baalbek, where the votaries of impurity allowed their female relatives, even their wives and their daughters, to play the harlot as much as they pleased.14508 Constantine exerted himself to put down and crush out these iniquities, but it is more than probable that, in the secret recesses of the mountain region, whither government officials would find it hard to penetrate, the shameful and degrading rites still found a refuge, rooted as they were in the depraved affections of the common people, to a much later period.
The mission of the Phoenicians, as a people, was accomplished before the subjection to Rome began. Under the Romans they were still ingenious, industrious, intelligent. But in the earlier times they were far more than this. They were the great pioneers of civilisation. Intrepid, inventive, enterprising, they at once made vast progress in the arts themselves, and carried their knowledge, their active habits, and their commercial instincts into the remotest regions of the old continent. They exercised a stimulating, refining, and civilising influence wherever they went. North and south and east and west they adventured themselves amid perils of all kinds, actuated by the love of adventure more than by the thirst for gain, conferring benefits, spreading knowledge, suggesting, encouraging, and developing trade, turning men from the barbarous and unprofitable pursuits of war and bloodshed to the peaceful occupations of productive industry. They did not aim at conquest. They united the various races of men by the friendly links of mutual advantage and mutual dependence, conciliated them, softened them, humanised them. While, among the nations of the earth generally, brute force was worshipped as the true source of power and the only basis of national repute, the Phoenicians succeeded in proving that as much could be done by arts as by arms, as great glory and reputation gained, as real a power built up, by the quiet agencies of exploration, trade, and commerce, as by the violent and brutal methods of war, massacre, and ravage. They were the first to set this example. If the history of the world since their time has not been wholly one of the potency in human affairs of “blood and iron,” it is very much owing to them. They, and their kinsmen of Carthage, showed mankind what a power might be wielded by commercial states. The lesson has not been altogether neglected in the past. May the writer be pardoned if, in the last words of what is probably his last historical work, he expresses a hope that, in the future, the nations of the earth will more and more take the lesson to heart, and vie with each other in the arts which made Phoenicia great, rather than in those which exalted Rome, her oppressor and destroyer?
Footnotes
Preface
III—THE PEOPLE—ORIGIN AND CHARACTERISTICS
VIII—INDUSTRIAL ART AND MANUFACTURES
IX—SHIPS, NAVIGATION, AND COMMERCE
11100 (return)
[ So Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. p. 402; Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 301, and others.]
11101 (return)
[ There seems also to have been a tendency to increase the number of the gods by additions, of which the foreign origin is, at any rate, “not proven.” Among the deities brought into notice by the later Phoenicians are—1. Zephon, an equivalent of the Egyptian Typhon, but probably a god of Phoenician origin (Ex. xiv. 2); 2. Sad or Tsad, sometimes apparently called Tsadam; 3. Sakon or Askun, a name which forms perhaps the first element in Sanchon-iathon (= Sakon-yithan); 4. Elat, a goddess, a female form of El, perhaps equivalent to the Arabian Alitta (Herod. i. 131) or Alilat (ibid. iii. 8); 5. ‘Aziz, a god who was perhaps common to the Phoenicians with the Syrians, since Azizus is said to have been “the Syrian Mars;” and 6. Pa’am {...}, a god otherwise unknown. (See the Corpus Inscr. Semit. i. 122, 129, 132, 133, 144, 161, 197, 333, 404, &c.)]
11102 (return)
[ Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. pp. 96, 110, &c.; Corpus Ins. Semit. Fasc. ii. pp. 154, 155.]
11103 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 99 and Tab. xl. A.]
11104 (return)
[ Steph. Byz. ad voc. {’Amathous}.]
11105 (return)
[ Lucian, De Dea Syra, § 7.]
11106 (return)
[ Plut. De Is. et Osir. § 15, 16; Steph. Byz. l.s.c.; Gesen. Mon. Phoen. pp. 96, 110.]
11107 (return)
[ Gesen. Mon. Phoen. Tab. xxi.]
11108 (return)
[ Ibid. pp. 168, 174, 175, 177.]
11109 (return)
[ Ibid. Tab. xxi.]
11110 (return)
[ Ibid. pp. 197, 202, 205.]
11111 (return)
[ Ibid. Tab. xxi. and Tab. xxiii.]
11112 (return)
[ Lucian, De Dea Syria, § 54.]
11113 (return)
[ Clermont-Ganneau, in the Journal Asiatique, Série vii. vol. xi. 232, 444.]
11114 (return)
[ Lucian, § 42.]
11115 (return)
[ Ibid. Compare the 450 prophets of Baal at Samaria (1 Kings xviii. 19).]
11116 (return)
[ Lucian, l.s.c.]
11117 (return)
[ Ibid. Lucian’s direct testimony is conined to Hierapolis, but his whole account seems to imply the closest possible connection between the Syrian and Phoenician religious usages.]
11118 (return)
[ Lucian, § 49.]
11119 (return)
[ Lucian, § 50: {’Aeidousi enthea kai ira asmata}.]
11120 (return)
[ Gesenius, Scripturæ Linguæque Phoeniciæ Monumenta, Tab. 6, 9, 10, &c.; Corp. Ins. Semit. Tab. ix. 52; xxii. 116, 117; xxiii. 115 A, &c.]
11121 (return)
[ Gesen. Tab. 15, 16, 17, 21, &c.; Corp. Ins. Semit. Tab. xliii. 187, 240; liv. 352, 365, 367, 369, &c.]
11122 (return)
[Revue Archéologique, 2me Série, xxxvii. 323.]
11123 (return)
[ Jarchi on Jerem. vii. 31.]
11124 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xx. 14.]
11125 (return)
[ 2 Kings iii. 27; xvi. 3; xxi. 6; Micah vi. 7.]
11126 (return)
[ Plutarch, De Superstitione, § 13.]
11127 (return)
[ Döllinger, Judenthum und Heidenthum, i. 427, E. T.]
11128 (return)
[Judenthum und Heidenthum, book vi. § 4 (i. 428, 429 of N. Darnell’s translation).]
11129 (return)
[ Herod. i. 199; Strab. xvi. 1058; Baruch vi. 43.]
11130 (return)
[De Dea Syra, § 6.]
11131 (return)
[Judenthum und Heidenthum, l.s.c. p. 429; Engl. Trans.]
11132 (return)
[ Euseb. Vit. Constantin. Magni, iii. 55, § 3.]
11133 (return)
[ See 1 Kings xiv. 24; xv. 12; xxii. 46; 2 Kings xxiii. 7.]
11134 (return)
[ Lucian, De Dea Syra, § 50-52; Corp. Ins. Semit. vol. i. Fasc. 1, p. 92; Liv. xxix. 10, 14; xxxvi. 36; Juv. vi. 512; Ov. Fast. iv. 237; Mart. Ep. iii. 31; xi. 74; Plin. H. N. v. 32; xi. 49; xxxv. 13; Propert. ii. 18, l. 15; Herodian, § 11.]
11135 (return)
[ Lucian, § 51.]
11136 (return)
[ Ibid. § 50.]
11137 (return)
[ Döllinger, Judenthum und Heidenthum (i. 431; Engl. Tr.). Compare Senec. De Vita Beata, § 27; Lact. § 121.]
11138 (return)
[ Liban. Opera, xi. 456, 555; cxi. 333.]
11139 (return)
[ Compare Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 210, 232, 233, 236; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 66, 67, &c. In the anthropoeid sarcophagi, a hole is generally bored from the cavity of the ear right through the entire thickness of the stone, in order, apparently, that the corpse might hear the prayers addressed to it (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 139).]
11140 (return)
[ One of Esmunazar’s curses on those who should disturb his remains is a prayer that they may not be “held in honour among the Manes” (Corps. Ins. Semit. vol. i. Fasc. 1, p. 9). A funereal inscription translated by Gesenius (Mon. Phoen. p. 147) ends with the words, “After rain the sun shines forth.”]
11141 (return)
[ Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 139.]
11142 (return)
[ Job iii. 11-19.]
11143 (return)
[ The compilers of the Corpus Ins. Smit. edit 256 of these, and then stop, fearing to weary the reader (i. 449).]
11144 (return)
[ Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 325.]
11145 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 146.]
11146 (return)
[ Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 306-334.]
XII—DRESS, ORNAMENTS, AND SOCIAL HABITS
XIII—PHOENICIAN WRITING, LANGUAGE, AND LITERATURE
14100 (return)
[ Hanno, Periplus, p. 6.]
14101 (return)
[ Ibid. pp. 13, 14.]
14102 (return)
[ 1 Kings ix. 26.]
14103 (return)
[ 1 Kings x. 11.]
14104 (return)
[ The case is excellently stated in Mr. Twistleton’s article on OPHIR in Dr. Smith’s Dictionry of the Bible, vol. ii.]
14105 (return)
[ As almug or algum which is “the Hebraised form of a Deccan word for sandalwood” (Stanley, Lectures, ii. 157).]
14106 (return)
[ 1 Kings ix. 28.]
14107 (return)
[Contr. Ap. i. 18.]
14108 (return)
[ Kenrick argues in favour of {Kitioi} (Phoenicia, p. 357).]
14109 (return)
[ See Encycl. Britann. ad voc. PHOENICIA, xviii. 807.]
14110 (return)
[ Menander, Fr. 2.]
14111 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14112 (return)
[ 1 Kings xvi. 31.]
14113 (return)
[ The Assyrians probably found their way into Phoenicia through the gap in the mountain line between Bargylus and Lebanon. Botrys occupied a strong position between this gap and the southern Phoenician cities, Gebal, Sidon, and Tyre.]
14114 (return)
[ Menander, l.s.c. Aüza, which at a later date became Auzen, is mentioned by Tacitus (Ann. iv. 25) and Ptolemy (Geograph. iv. 2).]
14115 (return)
[ The Greek lamda, {L}, readily passes into delta {D}. Baal-azar is found as a Phoenician name in an inscription (Corp. Ins. Semit. i. 335, no. 256).]
14116 (return)
[ See Gesen. Mon. Phoen. p. 410. Mattan, “a gift,” was the name borne by Athaliah’s high priest of Baal (2 Kings xi. 18). It is found as an element in several Phoenician names, as Mattan-elim (Corp. Ins. Semit. i. 298, no. 194); Mattan-Baal (ibid. p. 309, no. 212), &c.]
14117 (return)
[ See Justin, Hist. Phil. xviii. 5.]
14118 (return)
[ Menander, Fr. 1.]
14119 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 363-367.]
14120 (return)
[Contr. Ap. i. 18.]
14121 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, ii. 84-89.]
14122 (return)
[Histoire Ancienne, pp. 347, 348.]
14123 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, ii. 90-99.]
14124 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, ii. 102-106; Eponym Canon, pp. 108-114.]
14125 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 112, l. 45.]
14126 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 108, l. 93.]
14127 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 115, l. 14.]
14128 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 120, ll. 33-35.]
14129 (return)
[ When Assyria became mistress of the Upper Syria, the Orontes valley, and the kingdom of Israel, she could have strangled the Phoenician land commerce at a moment’s notice.]
14130 (return)
[ Is. xxiii. 2-8.]
14131 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 64.]
14132 (return)
[Eponym Canon, pp. 117-120.]
14133 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 123, ll. 1-5.]
14134 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 120, l. 28.]
14135 (return)
[ In B.C. 720. (See Eponym Canon, p. 126, ll. 33-35.)]
14136 (return)
[ Ezek. xxviii. 14.]
14137 (return)
[ Menander ap. Joseph. Ant. Jud. ix. 14, § 2; Eponym Canon, p. 131.]
14138 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 132.]
14139 (return)
[ Menander, l.s.c.]
14140 (return)
[ Joseph, Ant. Jud. l.s.c. {’Epelthe polemon ten te Surian pasan kai Phoiniken}.]
14141 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14142 (return)
[ A slab of Sennacherib’s represents the Assyrian army entering a city, probably Phoenician, at one end, while the inhabitants embark on board their ships at the other (Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, 1st series, pl. 71; Nin. and its Remains, ii. 384).]
14143 (return)
[ Menander, l.s.c.]
14144 (return)
[ Compare Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 357, and Lortet, La Syrie d’aujourd’hui, p. 128.]
14145 (return)
[ Menander, ut supra.]
14146 (return)
[ This folows from his taking refuge there when attacked by Sennacherib (Eponym Canon, p. 136).]
14147 (return)
[ Since Sennacherib calls him persistently “king of Sidon” (ibid. p. 131, l. 2; p. 135, ll. 13, 17), not king of Tyre.]
14148 (return)
[ It was the same army which lost 185,000 men by miracle in one night (2 Kings xix. 35).]
14149 (return)
[ 2 Kings xix. 23.]
14150 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 134, l. 11.]
14151 (return)
[Records of the Past, i. 35.]
14152 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 132.]
14153 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14154 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 132, l. 14; p. 136, ll. 14, 19. “Tubaal” is probably for Tob-baal, “Baal is good,” like “Tabrimon” for Tob-Rimmon, “Rimmon is good” (1 Kings xv. 18), and “Tabeal” for Tob- El, “God is good” (Is. vii. 6).]
14155 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 132, ll. 15, 16.]
14156 (return)
[ Ibid. ll. 19, 20.]
14157 (return)
[ From the fact that Abd-Milkut is king of Sidon at the accession of Esarhaddon (Records of the Past, iii. 111).]
14158 (return)
[ Abd-Melkarth is one of the commonest of Phoenician names. It occurs, either fully, or in the contracted form of Bod-Melkarth, scores of times in the inscriptions of Carthage. The meaning is “servant of Melkarth.”]
14159 (return)
[Records of the Past, iii. 112.]
14160 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, ii. 186.]
14161 (return)
[Rec. of the Past, iii. 111, 112.]
14162 (return)
[Eponym Canon pp. 139, 140.]
14163 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 140, Extract xxxviii. ll. 1-3.]
14164 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 140, Ext. xxxviii. ll. 4-9.]
14165 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 141, Ext. xl.]
14166 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 142, ll. 12, 13.]
14167 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 142, l. 14.]
14168 (return)
[ See Ancient Monarchies ii. 193.]
14169 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 195.]
14170 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 143, Extr. xli. l. 3.]
14171 (return)
[Eponym Canon, pp. 143, 144. Six names are lost between the eleventh line and the eighteenth. They may be supplied from the broken cylinder of Esarhaddon (Records of the Past, iii. 107, 108.)]
14172 (return)
[Eponym Canon, pp. 144, 145, ll. 84-98.]
14173 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 139, l. 17.]
14174 (return)
[Records of the Past, vol. i. p. 100.]
14175 (return)
[Records of the Past, i. 66; ix. 41.]
14176 (return)
[ Ibid. iii. 67, ll. 116, 117.]
14177 (return)
[ Ibid. i. 67, 68.]
14178 (return)
[ See Judg. xix. 29; Eponym Canon, p. 132, l. 9.]
14179 (return)
[Eponym Canon, pp. 149, 149.]
14180 (return)
[Eponym Canon, p. 70.]
14181 (return)
[ Herod. i. 103. B.C. 633 was, according to Herodotus, the year of the accession of Cyaxares. His attack on Nineveh seems to have followed shortly after.]
14182 (return)
[ Herod. l.s.c. and iv. 1; Ezek. xxxviii. 2-16; Strabo, xi. 8, § 4; Diod. Sic. ii. 34, § 2-5.]
14183 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, ii. 221.]
14184 (return)
[ Stanley, Lectures on the Jewish Church, ii. 432, 433.]
14185 (return)
[ Herod. i. 105; Strabo, i. 3, 16; Justin, ii. 3.]
14186 (return)
[ Herod. l.s.c.; Hippocrat. De Aëre, Aqua, et Locis, vi. § 108.]
14187 (return)
[ Herod. i. 73.]
14188 (return)
[ Strabo, xi. 767; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 8, § 4.]
14189 (return)
[ Polyb. v. 70, § 4.]
14190 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, ii. 228, note.]
14191 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, ii. 232.]
14192 (return)
[ Herod. ii. 157; and compare the author’s History of Ancient Egypt, ii. 467, note 6.]
14193 (return)
[ Ezek. xxvii. 8.]
14194 (return)
[ Ibid. verse 11.]
14195 (return)
[ Ibid. verse 9.]
14196 (return)
[ Ibid. xxviii. 2-5.]
14197 (return)
[ Ezek. xxvii. 3-6, and 25.]
14198 (return)
[ See the author’s History of Ancient Egypt, ii. 472, note 1.]
14199 (return)
[ Herod. ii. 159; 2 Kings xxiii. 29; 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-24.]
14200 (return)
[ Herod. ii. 157.]
14201 (return)
[ See Jer. xlvii. 1. Gaza, however, may not have been taken till the campaign of B.C. 608.]
14202 (return)
[ Herod. i. 105 raises the suspicion that Askelon, which was nearer Egypt than Ashdod, may have belonged to Psamatik I.]
14203 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 159.]
14204 (return)
[ 2 Kings xxiii. 19; 2 Chron. xxxiv. 6.]
14205 (return)
[History of Ancient Egypt, ii. 228.]
14206 (return)
[ Judg. iv. 15; v. 19.]
14207 (return)
[ 2 Chron. xxxv. 21.]
14208 (return)
[ See Jer. xlvi. 2.]
14209 (return)
[ Berosus, Fr. 1; 2 Kings xxiv. 7.]
14210 (return)
[ Herod. iv. 42.]
14211 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 112.]
14212 (return)
[ Berosus, l.s.c.]
14213 (return)
[ Habakkuk, i. 6-10.]
14214 (return)
[ Jer. xlvi. 3, 4.]
14215 (return)
[ Ibid. verse 5.]
14216 (return)
[ Ibid. verse 6.]
14217 (return)
[ Jer. xlvi. 10.]
14218 (return)
[ Ibid. verse 16.]
14219 (return)
[ Ibid. verse 21.]
14220 (return)
[ Stanley, Lectures on the Jewish Church, ii. 455.]
14221 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14222 (return)
[ Berosus, l.s.c. The extreme haste of the return is indicated by the fact, which is noted, that Nebuchadnezzer himself, with a few light troops, took the short cut across the desert, while his army, with its prisoners, pursued the more usual route through the valley of the Orontes, by Aleppo to Carchemish, and then along the course of the Euphrates.]
14223 (return)
[ See History of Ancient Egypt, ii. 480.]
14224 (return)
[ Habak. i. 6.]
14225 (return)
[ Menander ap. Joseph. Contr. Ap. i. 21.]
14226 (return)
[ Ezek. xxvii. 8, 9, 11.]
14227 (return)
[ So Joseph. l.s.c. Mr. Kenrick disputes the date on account of Ezek. xxvi. 2, which he thinks must refer to the final siege and capture of Jerusalem; but the reference may be to the breaking of the power of Judæa, either by Neco in B.C. 608 or by Nebuchadnezzar in B.C. 605.]
14228 (return)
[ 2 Kings xxiv. 2; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 6.]
14229 (return)
[ Ezek. xxviii. 21-23.]
14230 (return)
[ Menander, l.s.c.]
14231 (return)
[ Ezek. xxvi. 8-12.]
14232 (return)
[ Isaiah xliii. 14; Æschyl. Pers. l. 54.]
14233 (return)
[ As Kenrick (Phoenicia, p. 390).]
14234 (return)
[ See especially, ch. xxviii. 2, 12.]
14235 (return)
[ Ibid. verses 2-10, 17, 18.]
14236 (return)
[ Ezek. xxvii. 26.]
14237 (return)
[ Herod. vii. 44, 96, 100, 128.]
14238 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 161; vii. 98; Ezra iii. 7.]
14239 (return)
[ Menander, Fr. 2.]
14240 (return)
[ Herod. ii. 182.]
14241 (return)
[ Ibid. i. 201-214; Ctesias, Ex. Pers. § 6-8.]
14242 (return)
[ Herod. i. 177; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 27.]
14243 (return)
[ Herod. i. 201-214; Ctes. Ex. Pers. l.s.c.]
14244 (return)
[ Ezra i. 1-11.]
14245 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 393.]
14246 (return)
[ Herod. iii. 19, 34.]
14247 (return)
[ Ezra iii. 7.]
14248 (return)
[ Ezra iii. 7.]
14249 (return)
[ Herod. i. 153.]
14250 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 177.]
14251 (return)
[ See Berosus, ap. Joseph. Ant. Jud. x. 11, § 1.]
14252 (return)
[ Hence the sacred writers speak of the Assyrians and Babylonians as “God’s northern army,” “a people from the north country.” (Jer. i. 15; vi. 22; Ezek. xxvi. 7; Joel ii. 20, &c.)]
14253 (return)
[ See Herod. iii. 5.]
14254 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 159.]
14255 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 161.]
14256 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 182.]
14257 (return)
[ Herod. ii. 150, 154; iii. 11.]
14258 (return)
[ Ibid. iii. 19.]
14259 (return)
[ Ibid. vii. 98; viii. 67, § 2; Diod. Sic. xvi. 42, § 2; xvii. 47, § 1; Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 13, 15, &c.]
14260 (return)
[ Herod. iii. 19.]
14261 (return)
[ Ezek. xxix. 10.]
14262 (return)
[ Herod. iii. 17.]
14263 (return)
[ Herod. iii. 19.]
14264 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14265 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 394.]
14266 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvi. 41.]
14267 (return)
[ Kenrick, p. 391, note 3.]
14268 (return)
[ Herod. iii. 91.]
14269 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvi. 41, § 2.]
14270 (return)
[ Herod. v. 52.]
14271 (return)
[ See the author’s Herodotus, iv. 30, note 1.]
14272 (return)
[ Herod. vii. 28.]
14273 (return)
[ Ibid. iv. 166.]
14274 (return)
[ Herod. v. 37-104.]
14275 (return)
[ Phoenicia could furnish 300 triremes, Cyprus 150, Ionia at this time 283 (Herod. vi. 8), Æolis at least 70 (ibid.), Caria the same number (ib. vii. 93)—total, 873. Against these Darious could only have mustered 200 from Egypt (ib. vii. 89), 100 from Cilicia (ib. 91), 50 from Lycia (ib. 92), and 30 from Pamphylia (ib. 91)—total, 380.]
14276 (return)
[ Herod. i. 28, 176; Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 80.]
14277 (return)
[ Herod. iii. 14-16, 27-29, 37, &c.]
14278 (return)
[ Ibid. v. 108.]
14279 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14280 (return)
[ Ibid. v. 112.]
14281 (return)
[ See the author’s Herodotus, i. 268, 269, 3rd ed.]
14282 (return)
[ Herod. vi. 9.]
14283 (return)
[ Ibid. ch. 6.]
14284 (return)
[ Herod. ch. 8.]
14285 (return)
[ Ibid. chs. 9-13.]
14286 (return)
[ The Lesbians and most of the Samians (Herod. v. 14).]
14287 (return)
[ Ibid. ch. 15.]
14288 (return)
[ Ibid. chs. 31-33.]
14289 (return)
[ Herod. v. 41.]
14290 (return)
[ Ibid. iii. 135-138.]
14291 (return)
[ Herod. vi. 43-45.]
14292 (return)
[ See the author’s Herodotus, iii. 494, note 3.]
14293 (return)
[ The fleet which accomponied Mardonius lost nearly three hundred vessels off Mount Athos (Herod. vi. 44), and therefore can scarcely have fallen much short of 500; that of Datis and Artaphernes is reckoned at 600 by Herodotus (vi. 95), at a thousand by Cicero (Orat. in Verr. ii. 1, § 18), and Valerius Maximus (i. 1).]
14294 (return)
[ So Herodotus (vi. 95).]
14295 (return)
[ Herod. vi. 118.]
14296 (return)
[ Herod. vii. 23.]
14297 (return)
[ Ibid. vii. 34-36.]
14298 (return)
[ Ibid. viii. 117.]
14299 (return)
[ Æschyl. Pers. l. 343; Herod. vii. 89.]
14300 (return)
[ Herod. vii. 89-95; Diod. Sic. xi. 3, § 7.]
14301 (return)
[ Herod. vii. 44.]
14302 (return)
[ Ibid. vii. 100, 128.]
14303 (return)
[ Ibid. viii. 85.]
14304 (return)
[ Ibid. viii. 17.]
14305 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xi. 13, § 2: {’Aristeusai Phasi para men tois ‘El-lesin ‘Athnaious, para de, tois barbarois Sidonious}.]
14306 (return)
[ Herod. viii. 84; Æschyl. Pers. ll. 415-7.]
14307 (return)
[ Herod. viii. 86-90.]
14308 (return)
[ Ibid. ch. 90.]
14309 (return)
[ Ibid. ch. 90.]
14310 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xi. 19, § 4.]
14311 (return)
[ Herod. ix. 96.]
14312 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xi. 60, § 5, 6.]
14313 (return)
[ So Diodorus (xi. 62, § 3); but the mention of Cyprus in line 6 renders this somewhat doubtful.]
14314 (return)
[ Thucyd. i. 110.]
14315 (return)
[ See Ancient Monarchies, iii. 501.]
14316 (return)
[ See the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, i. 139-148.]
14317 (return)
[ Nos. 115, 116, 117, 119, 120.]
14318 (return)
[ Ibid. No. 118.]
14319 (return)
[Corp. Ins. Sem. i. 132, 145.]
14320 (return)
[ Dionys. Halicarn. De Orat. Antiq. “Dinarch.” § 10.]
14321 (return)
[Corp. Ins. Sem. i. 145, No. 119.]
14322 (return)
[ See the Corpus Inscriptionum Græcarum, i. 126, No. 87.]
14323 (return)
[ Nefaheritis or Nefaa-ert. (See the author’s Story of Egypt, pp. 385, 386, and compare Ancient Monarchies, iii. 481, 482.)]
14324 (return)
[ Isocrates, Paneg. and Evag.; Theopompas, Fr. 111; Diod. Sic. xiv. 98; Ctesias, Exc. Pers. Fr. 29, § 63.]
14325 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xv. 9, § 2. (See Grote’s Hist. of Greece, x. 30, note 3.)]
14326 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xv. 9, § 2.]
14327 (return)
[ Isocrates, Paneg. § 161; Evag. §§ 23, 62.]
14328 (return)
[ See Diod. Sic. xiv. 98; xv. 2; Ephorus Fr.; 134 Isocrates, Evag. §§ 75, 76.]
14329 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 405.]
14330 (return)
[ See Ancient Monarchies, iii. 504.]
14331 (return)
[Ancient Monarchies, iii. 505, 506.]
14332 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xv. 90, § 3.]
14333 (return)
[ Ibid. xv. 92, § 5.]
14334 (return)
[ Ibid. xvi. 41, § 1.]
14335 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvi. 42, § 2.]
14336 (return)
[ Ibid. xvi. 41, § 5.]
14337 (return)
[ Ibid. xvi. 32, § 2.]
14338 (return)
[ Ibid. § 5.]
14339 (return)
[ Ibid. xvi. 40, § 5, ad fin.]
14340 (return)
[ Ibid. xvi. 44, § 6, ad fin.]
14341 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvi. § 5.]
14342 (return)
[ Diodorus is our authority for all these facts (xvi. 45, § 1-6).]
14343 (return)
[ See the author’s Story of Egypt, pp. 396-401.]
14344 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvi. 42, § 6; 46, § 3.]
14345 (return)
[ Scylax, Periplus, § 104.]
14346 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14347 (return)
[ See Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 13, sub fin.; 15, sub fin.; 30, sub init.]
14348 (return)
[ See Encycl. Brit. xviii. 809.]
14349 (return)
[ Quint. Curt. iv. 4; Justin, xi. 10. Diodorus by mistake makes Strato II. king of Tyre (xvii. 47, § 1).]
14350 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 1, § 2.]
14351 (return)
[ See Grote, History of Greece, xii. 102.]
14352 (return)
[ Ibid. pp. 29-51.]
14353 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 7.]
14354 (return)
[ Four hundred were actually brought to the relief of Miletus a few weeks later (Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 18, § 5).]
14355 (return)
[ Ibid. § 4.]
14356 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 22; Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 18-20.]
14357 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 23-26; Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 20-23.]
14358 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 29, § 2; Arrian., Exp. Alex. ii. 1, § 1.]
14359 (return)
[ See the remarks of Mr. Grote (History of Greece, xii. 142, 143.)]
14360 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 29, § 4.]
14361 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 20, § 1; Diod. Sic. i. 22, § 5.]
14362 (return)
[ Arrian, ii. 8-13.]
14363 (return)
[ Arrian, ii. 13, 87; Diod. Sic. xvii. 40, § 2.]
14364 (return)
[ As Ger-astartus, king of Aradus (Arrian, l.s.c.); Enylus, king of Byblus (ibid. ii. 20, § 1); and Azemileus, king of Tyre (ibid. ii. 15, ad fin.)]
14365 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 13, ad fin.]
14366 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 15, § 6.]
14367 (return)
[ Arrian, l.s.c.]
14368 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 15, § 7; Q. Curt. iv. 2, § 3.]
14369 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 16, ad fin.; Q. Curt. iv. 2, § 5; Justin, xi. 10.]
14370 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 40, § 2.]
14371 (return)
[ See Diod. Sic. xv. 73, § 4; 77, § 4.]
14372 (return)
[ In point of fact, he only obtained, towards the fleet which he collected against Tyre, twenty-three vessels that were not either Cyprian or Phoenician (Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 20, § 2).]
14373 (return)
[ Herod. viii. 97.]
14374 (return)
[ Compare Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 15, § 7, with ii. 24, § 5.]
14375 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 41, § 3.]
14376 (return)
[ Ibid. § 4.]
14377 (return)
[ Q. Curt. iv. § 20; Diod. Sic. xvii. 41, § 1, 2.]
14378 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 40, § 5.]
14379 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 18, § 3.]
14380 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 18, § 3.]
14381 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 42, § 1; Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 18, § 5.]
14382 (return)
[ Arrian, ii. 18, sub fin.]
14383 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 19, § 1.]
14384 (return)
[ This seems to be Arrian’s meaning, when he says, {ai keraiai periklastheisaiexekhean es to pur osa es exapsin tes phlogus pareskeuasmena en} (ii. 19, § 4).]
14385 (return)
[ Grote, History of Greece, xii. 185, 186.]
14386 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 418.]
14387 (return)
[ Q. Curt. iv. 3, § 8.]
14388 (return)
[ Arrian, l.s.c.]
14389 (return)
[ Arrian, ii. 20, § 1.]
14390 (return)
[ Ibid. § 2.]
14391 (return)
[ Arrian, ii. 20; § 3; Q. Curt. iv. 3, § 11.]
14392 (return)
[ {’Epibibasas tois katastromasi ton upaspiston osoi ikanoi edokoun es to ergon} (Arrian, ii. 20, § 6).]
14393 (return)
[ The Tyrians had but eighty vessels against Alexander’s 224.]
14394 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 20, ad fin.]
14395 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 21, § 8.]
14396 (return)
[ Q. Curt. iv. 3, § 7-9.]
14397 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 42, § 6; Q. Curt. l.s.c.]
14398 (return)
[ See Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 421, 422.]
14399 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 21, § 1.]
14400 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 21, § 4-7.]
14401 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 21, § 8.]
14402 (return)
[ Some editions of Arrian gave {Pasikratous tou Thourieos}, “Pasicrates the Thurian,” but the right reading is undoubtedly {tou Kourieos}, “the Curian, or king of Curium.” (See the note of Sintenis ad loc.)]
14403 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 22, § 2.]
14404 (return)
[ Six triremes and all the quinqueremes (Arrian, ii. 22, § 3).]
14405 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 22, § 5.]
14406 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 42, § 7.]
14407 (return)
[ Ibid. xvii. 45, § 4.]
14408 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 45, § 3.]
14409 (return)
[ Ibid. xvii. 43, § 7, 8.]
14410 (return)
[ Ibid. xvii. 44, § 4.]
14411 (return)
[ Ibid. xvii. 44, § 1-3.]
14412 (return)
[ Ibid. § 4.]
14413 (return)
[ Ibid. xvii. 45, § 6.]
14414 (return)
[ Ibid. xvii. 43, § 3.]
14415 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 22, sub fin.]
14416 (return)
[ {Kateseise tou teikhous epi mega} (Ibid. ii. 23, § 1).]
14417 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 46, § 1.]
14418 (return)
[ Arrian, ii. 23, § 2.]
14419 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 23, § 5.]
14420 (return)
[ Not “the foremost,” as Diodorus says (xvii. 46, § 2).]
14421 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 23, ad fin.]
14422 (return)
[ Ibid. ii. 24, § 1.]
14423 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14424 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 24, § 4.]
14425 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 46, § 4.]
14426 (return)
[ So Arrian (l.s.c.) Diodorus reduces the number to thirteen thousand (xvii. 46, § 4).]
14427 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xvii. 46, § 5; Arrian, ii. 24, § 6.]
14428 (return)
[ See Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 428, note 3.]
14429 (return)
[ See Diod. Sic. xvii. 46, § 6. The name Abd-elonim, “servant of the gods,” is common. The Greeks and Romans generally render it by Abdalonymus.]
14430 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 6, § 3.]
14431 (return)
[ Ibid. vi. 1, § 6.]
14432 (return)
[ Arrian, Exp. Alex. vi. 22, § 4.]
14433 (return)
[ Ibid. vii. 19, § 3.]
14434 (return)
[ Ibid. § 5.]
14435 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xviii. 3, § 1.]
14436 (return)
[ Ibid. 43, § 2.]
14437 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xix. 58, § 1.]
14438 (return)
[ So Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 433. Compare Diod. Sic. xviii. 37, § 4.]
14439 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xix. 58, § 2-4.]
14440 (return)
[ Ibid. 61, § 6.]
14441 (return)
[ Plutarch, Vit. Demetr. § 32.]
14442 (return)
[ Diod. Sic. xxx. 17; Polyb. v. 40.]
14443 (return)
[ Polyb. v. 60.]
14444 (return)
[ Ibid. v. 62.]
14445 (return)
[ Polyb. xvi. 18; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xii. 3, § 3.]
14446 (return)
[ See Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 436.]
14447 (return)
[ Herod. i. 1. Egypt never sent trading ships into the Mediterranean. All her commerce with Syria, Asia Minor, and Europe was carried on either in Greek or Phoenician bottoms.]
14448 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, l.s.c.]
14449 (return)
[ As that of the Red Sea, Arabia, and the East African coast.]
14450 (return)
[ 2 Macc. iv. 18.]
14451 (return)
[ Ibid. verses 44-50.]
14452 (return)
[ Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. pls. 32-34.]
14453 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 437, 438.]
14454 (return)
[ Livy, xxvii. 30.]
14455 (return)
[ 2 Macc. iv. 49.]
14456 (return)
[ 1 Macc. iii. 34-36; 2 Macc. viii. 9; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xii. 7, § 2,]
14457 (return)
[ 2 Macc. viii. 11.]
14458 (return)
[ 1 Macc. iii. 41.]
14459 (return)
[ 2 Macc. viii. 25; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xii. 7, § 4.]
14460 (return)
[ Strab. xvii. 2, § 22.]
14461 (return)
[ Joseph. Ant. Jud. xii. 4, § 3.]
14462 (return)
[ Ibid. § 4.]
14463 (return)
[ By Theodotus in B.C. 219 (Polyb. v. 61, § 5), by Cleopatra, queen of Syria, about B.C. 85 (Joseph. Ant. Jud. xiii. 13, § 2), by Tigranes in B.C. 83 (ibid. xiii. 16, § 4), &c.]
14464 (return)
[ Justin, Hist. Philipp. xl. 1; Appian, Syriaca, § 48.]
14465 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 438.]
14466 (return)
[ Or, sometimes, under a proprætor.]
14467 (return)
[ Joseph. Ant. Jud. xiv. 10, § 2.]
14468 (return)
[ Ibid. xv. 4, § 1, ad fin.]
14469 (return)
[ Ibid. xiv. 12, §§ 4, 5.]
14470 (return)
[ Mommsen, History of Rome, iv. 113-115, Engl. Tr.; Merivale, Roman Empire, i. 36.]
14471 (return)
[ Thucyd. i. 4.]
14472 (return)
[ See the author’s Sixth Oriental Monarchy, pp. 178-180.]
14473 (return)
[ Dio Cass. Hist. Rom. xlviii. 25.]
14474 (return)
[ Ibid. § 26.]
14475 (return)
[ Joseph. Ant. Jud. xiv. 13.]
14476 (return)
[ Dio. Cass. xlviii. 39-41.]
14477 (return)
[ Ibid. liv. 7.]
14478 (return)
[ Ramsay, in Smith’s Dict. of Greek and Rom. Geography, i. 11.]
14479 (return)
[ Suidas ad voc. {Paulos Turios}.]
14480 (return)
[ Mark vii. 24-30. Compare Matt. xv. 21-28.]
14481 (return)
[ Acts xii. 20, 21.]
14482 (return)
[ Acts xi. 19.]
14483 (return)
[ Ibid. xxi. 3-7.]
14484 (return)
[ See Robertson, History of the Christian Church, i. 195, 196.]
14485 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 201.]
14486 (return)
[ Some doubts have been entertained as to whether Porphyry was really a Tyrian, but his own statement (Vit. Plotini, ii. 107), backed as it is by the testimony of Eunapius and Suidas, should be regarded as settling the question.]
14487 (return)
[ Mason, in Smith’s Dict. of Greek and Rom. Biography, iii. 502.]
14488 (return)
[ See the article on PORPHYRIUS in Smith’s Dict. of Greek and Rom. Biography, iii. 498-502.]
14489 (return)
[ Strab. xvi. 2, § 24.]
14490 (return)
[ See the lines quoted by Kenrick (Phoenicia, p. 440, note) from Cramer’s Anecdota Græca (iv. 19, § 6):—]
{Oi tes Stoas bullousin ‘Akademian, Purronas outoi, pantas o Stegeirites. ‘Alloi de touton Phoinikes te kai Suroi.}]
14491 (return)
[ Strabo, l.s.c.]
14492 (return)
[ Ibid. Strabo’s words are: {Nuni de pases kai tes alles philosophias euporian polu pleisten labein estin ek touton ton poleon.}]
14493 (return)
[ Smith’s Dict. of Greek and Rom. Biography, ii. 417.]
14494 (return)
[ Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 440.]
14495 (return)
[ Suidas, s.v. {Paulos Turios}.]
14496 (return)
[ Smith’s Dict. of Greek and Rom. Biography, ii. 1000.]
14497 (return)
[ Smith’s Gibbon, ii. 317.]
14498 (return)
[ Heineccius, Ant. Rom. Synt. Proëm, § 45.]
14499 (return)
[ Ibid.]
14500 (return)
[ See Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet. iii. 366; Mionnet, Description des Médailles, Supplement.]
14501 (return)
[ Note that the “Syro-Phoenician woman” who conversed with our Lord is spoken of as also {’Ellenis}, one whose language was Greek (Mark vii. 26).]
14502 (return)
[De situ orbis, i. 12; “Sidon adhuc opulenta.”]
14503 (return)
[ Ulpian, Digest. Leg. de Cens. tit. 15.]
14504 (return)
[Exp. totius Mundi in Hudson’s Geographi Minores, iii. 6.]
14505 (return)
[ Hieronymus, Comment. ad Ezek. xxxvi. 7.]
14506 (return)
[ Hieronymus, Comment. ad Ezek. xxvii. 2.]
14507 (return)
[ Ezek. xxvi. 14.]
14508 (return)
[ Euseb. Vita Constantin. Magni, iii. 58.]
Notes
01 Die Phönizier, und das phönizische Alterthum, by F. C. Movers, in five volumes, Berlin, 1841-1856.
02 History and Antiquities of Phoenicia, by John Kenrick, London, 1855.
03 Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, par MM. Perrot et Chipiez, Paris, 1881-7, 4 vols.
04 Will of William Camden, Clarencieux King-of-Arms, founder of the “Camden Professorship,” 1662.
11 See Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet. p. 441.
12 {’H ton ‘Aradion paralia}, xvi. 2, § 12.
13 Pomp. Mel. De Situ Orbis, i. 12.
14 The tract of white sand (Er-Ramleh) which forms the coast-line of the entire shore from Rhinocolura to Carmel is said to be gradually encroaching, fresh sand being continually brought by the south-west wind from Egypt. “It has buried Ascalon, and in the north, between Joppa and Cæsaræa, the dunes are said to be as much as three miles wide and 300 feet high” (Grove, in Smith’s Dict. of the Bible, ii. 673).
15 See Cant. ii. 1; Is. xxxiii. 9; xxxv. 2; lxv. 10.
16 Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 254.
17 The Kaneh derives its name from this circumstance, and may be called “the River of Canes.”
18 Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 28, 29.
19 Grove, l.s.c.
110 Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 260.
111 Lynch found it eighteen yards in width in April 1848 (The Jordan and the Dead Sea, p. 64). He found the Belus twice as wide and twice as deep as the Kishon.
112 A more particular description of these fountains will be given in the description of the city of Tyre, with which they were very closely connected.
113 Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 410.
114 Robinson, iii. 415.
115 Ibid. p. 414. Compare Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 524, 665.
116 Robinson, iii. 420.
117 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 353.
118 See Edrisi (traduction de Joubert), i. 355; D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii. 33; Renan, pp. 352, 353.
119 Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 247.
120 Renan, pp. 59, 60.
121 Kenrick (Phoenicia, p. 8), who quotes Burckhardt (Syria, p. 161), and Chesney (Euphrates Expedition, i. 450).
122 Renan, p. 59:—“C’est un immense tapis de fleurs.”
123 Mariti, Travels, ii. 131 (quoted by Kenrick, p. 22).
124 Strabo, xvi. 2, § 27.
125 Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 344.
126 Martineau, Eastern Life, p. 539.
127 Van de Velde, Travels, i. 317, 318. Compare Porter, Giant Cities of Bashan, p. 236.
128 Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 31.
129 Grove, in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, i. 278.
130 Walpole’s Ansayrii, iii. 156.
131 The derivation of Lebanon from “white,” is generally admitted. (see Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 369; Buxtorf, Lexicon, p. 1119; Fürst, Concordantia, p. 588.)
132 Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 395.
133 Tristram, The Land of Israel, p. 634.
134 Ibid. p. 7.
135 Porter, in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 86.
136 Ibid. Compare Nat. Hist. Review, No. v. p. 11.
137 See Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 625-629.
138 See Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 626.
139 Porter, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 86.
140 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 621.
141 Ibid. p. 600. Compare Porter, in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 87.
142 Such outlets are common in Greece, where they are called Katavothra. They probably also occur in Asia Minor.
143 Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 10; Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, i. 398.
144 Tristram, p. 600.
145 Porter, Handbook for Syria, p. 571; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 423.
146 Tristram, p. 594.
147 Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 409.
148 Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 161; Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, i. 450; Walpole’s Ansayrii, iii. 49.
149 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 116.
150 Porter, Giant Cities of Bashan, p. 289.
151 Ibid. p. 288.
152 Walpole’s Ansayrii, iii. 44.
153 Porter, Giant Cities, p. 292; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 605; Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 297.
154 Maundrell, Travels, pp. 57, 58; Porter, Giant Cities, p. 284; Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 283.
155 Porter, p. 283.
156 Porter, p. 284.
157 Robinson, Later Researches, p. 45.
158 Ibid. p. 43.
159 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 44.
160 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 20.
161 See the Transactions of the Society of Bibl. Archæology, vol. vii.; and compare Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 14; Robinson, Later Researches, pp. 617-624.
162 Walpole’s Ansayrii, iii. 6.
163 Ibid. p. 34. Compare Renan, Mission de Phénicie, who calls the pass over the spur “un véritable casse-cou sur des roches inclinées” (p. 150).
164 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 16.
165 Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 432.
21 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 32.
22 Grove, in Smith’s Dict. of the Bible, ii. 693.
23 Kenrick, l.s.c.
24 See Canon Tristram’s experiences, Land of Israel, pp. 96-115.
25 Ibid. pp. 94, 95.
26 Kenrick, p. 34.
27 Walpole’s Ansayrii, p. 76.
28 Kenrick, p. 33.
29 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 95.
210 Ibid. p. 409.
211 Ibid. p. 31.
212 Ibid. p. 34.
213 Ibid. p. 596.
214 Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 684.
215 Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, p. 683.
216 Dr. Hooker says:—“Q. pseudococcifera is perhaps the commonest plant in all Syria and Palestine, covering as a low dense bush many square miles of hilly country everywhere, but rarely or never growing on the plains. It seldom becomes a large tree, except in the valleys of the Lebanon.” Walpole found it on Bargylus (Ansayrii, iii. 137 et sqq.); Tristram on Lebanon, Land of Israel, pp. 113, 117.
217 Hooker, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 684. Compare Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 113.
218 Ibid.
219 See Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 222, 236; Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 622, 623; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 607.
220 Walpole, iii. 433; Robinson, Later Researches, p.. 614.
221 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 6.
222 Ibid. p. 111; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 166; Hooker, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 683.
223 Walpole says that Ibrahim Pasha cut down as many as 500,000 Aleppo pines in Casius (Ansayrii, iii. 281), and that it would be quite feasible to cut down 500,000 more.
224 Hooker, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 684; and compare Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 16, 88.
225 Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 383, 415.
226 Ezek. xxxi. 3.
227 Ibid. xxvii. 5. The Hebrew erez probably covered other trees besides the actual cedar, as the Aleppo pine, and perhaps the juniper. The pine would have been more suited for masts than the cedar.
228 1 Kings vi. 9, 10, 15, 18, &c.; vii. 1-7.
229 Records of the Past, i. 104. ll. 78, 79; iii. 74, ll. 88-90; p. 90, l. 9; &c. Compare Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 356, 357.
230 Joseph, Bell. Jud., v. 5, § 2.
231 Plin. H. N., xiii. 5; xvi. 40.
232 Compare the arguments of Canon Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 631, 632.
233 Walpole, Ansayrii, pp. 123, 227.
234 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 621.
235 Ibid. pp. 13, 38, &c.
236 Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 684.
237 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 82; compare Hooker, l.s.c.
238 This is Dr. Hooker’s description. Canon Tristram says of the styrax at the eastern foot of Carmel, that “of all the flowering shrubs it is the most abundant,” and that it presents to the eye “one sheet of pure white blossom, rivalling the orange in its beauty and its perfume” (Land of Israel, p. 492).
239 Ibid. p. 596.
240 Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 298.
241 Tristram, pp. 16, 28, &c.; Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 438.
242 The “terraced vineyards of Esfia” on Carmel are noted by Canon Tristram (Land of Israel, p. 492). Walpole speaks of vineyards on Bargylus (Ansaryii, iii. 165). The vine-clad slopes of the Lebanon attract notice from all Eastern travellers.
243 Quoted by Dr. Hooker, in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 684, 685.
244 Deut. xxxiii. 24.
245 Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 7, 16, 17; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 147, 177.
246 Tristram, p. 492; Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 347.
247 Hooker, in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 685.
248 Tristram, pp. 622, 633; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 446; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 607.
249 Tristram, pp. 17, 38; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 32, 294, 373.
250 Robinson, Bibl. Researches, iii. 419, 431, 438, &c.
251 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 28.
252 Hasselquist, Reise, p. 188.
253 Ansayrii, i. 66.
254 Tristram, l.s.c.
255 Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 685.
256 Reise, l.s.c.
257 Mémoires, i. 332.
258 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 493.
259 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 82.
260 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 59; Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 687; Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 493.
261 Tristram, Land of Israel, l.s.c.
262 Ibid. p. 82.
263 Ibid. p. 596. Compare Walpole’s Ansayrii, iii. 443.
264 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 102.
265 Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 61, 599.
266 Ibid. pp. 38, 626, &c. Dr. Robinson notices the cultivation of the potato high up in Lebanon; but he observed it only in two places (Later Researches, pp. 586, 596).
267 It can scarcely be doubted that Phoenicia contained anciently two other land animals of considerable importance, viz. the lion and the deer. Lions, which were common in the hills of Palestine (1 Sam. xvii. 34; 1 Kings xiii. 24; xx. 36; 2 Kings xvii. 25, 26) and frequented also the Philistine plain (Judg. xiv. 5), would certainly not have neglected the lowland of Sharon, which was in all respects suited for their habits. Deer, which still inhabit Galilee (Tristram, Land of the Israel, pp. 418, 447), are likely, before the forests of Lebanon were so greatly curtailed, to have occupied most portions of it (See Cant. ii. 9, 17; viii. 14). To these two Canon Tristram would add the crocodile (Land of Israel, p. 103), which he thinks must have been found in the Zerka for that river to have been called “the Crocodile River” by the Greeks, and which he is inclined to regard as still a denizen of the Zerka marshes. But most critics have supposed that the animal from which the Zerka got its ancient name was rather some large species of monitor.
268 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 36.
269 See his article on Lebanon in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 87.
270 Land of Israel, p. 447.
271 Houghton, in Smith’s Dict. of the Bible, ad voc. BEAR, iii. xxv.
272 Dict. of the Bible, ii. 87.
273 Land of Israel, p. 116. Compare Porter’s Giant Cities of Bashan, p. 236.
274 Cant. iv. 8; Is. xi. 6; Jer. v. 6; xiii. 23; Hos. xiii. 7; Hab. i. 8.
275 Land of Israel, l.s.c.
276 Ibid. p. 83.
277 Ibid. p. 115.
278 Walpole’s Ansayrii, iii. 23.
279 Houghton, in Smith’s Dict. of the Bible, ad voc. CONEY (iii. xliii.); Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 62, 84, 89.
280 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 106.
281 Ibid. pp. 88, 89.
282 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 83.
283 Ibid. p. 55.
284 Ibid. p. 103. Compare Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 34, 188, and Lortet, La Syrie d’aujourd’hui, pp. 58, 61.
285 Hist. Nat. ix. 36.
286 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 239. There are representations of the Buccunum in Forbes and Hanley’s British Mollusks, vol. iv. pl. cii. Nos. 1, 2, 3.
287 Kenrick, p. 239.
288 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 51.
289 Wilksinson, in Rawlinson’s Herodotus, ii. 347, note 2.
290 Canon Tristram writs: “Among the rubbish thrown out in the excavations made at Tyre were numerous fragments of glass, and whole ‘kitchen middens’ of shells, crushed and broken, the owners of which had once supplied the famous Tyrian purple dye. All these shells were of one species, the Murex brandaris” (Land of Israel, p. 51).
291 Porter, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 87.
292 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 37.
293 Tristram, p. 634.
294 Grove, in Dict. of the Bible, i. 279.
31 Histoire des Languages Sémitiques, p. 22.
32 Rhet. iii. 8.
33 Deutsch, Literary Remains, p. 160.
34 Renan, Hist. des Langues Sémitiques, pp. 5, 14.
35 Ibid. p. 16.
36 Deutsch, Literary Remains, p. 305.
37 Ibid.
38 Ancient Monarchies, i. 275; Deutsch, p. 306.
39 Herod. i. 2; vii. 89.
310 Strab. xvi. 3, § 4.
311 Hist. Philipp. xviii. 3, § 2.
312 Ancient Monarchies, i. 14.
313 Renan, Histoire des Langues Sémitiques, p. 183.
314 Deutsch, Literary Remains, pp. 162, 163.
315 Herod. vi. 47:—{’Oros mega anestrammenon en te zetesei}.
316 On this imaginary “monsters,” see Herod. vi. 44.
317 Ibid. iv. 42.
318 Herod. vii. 85.
319 Ibid. ii. 112.
320 1 Kings xi. 1.
321 Ibid. xvi. 31.
322 Ezra iii. 7.
323 Is. xxiii. 15-18.
324 Mark vii. 26-30.
325 Acts xii. 20.
326 Herod. iv. 196.
327 Herod, i. 1:—{Perseon oi Lagioi}.
328 Ibid. ii. 190.
329 Ibid. ii. 4, 99, 142.
330 Ibid. i. 1; iv. 42; vi. 47; vii. 23, 44, 96.
331 As they do of being indebted to the Babylonians and the Egyptians for astronomical and philosophic knowledge.
332 Deutsch, Literary Remains, p. 163.
333 Ibid.
334 Compare the representation of Egyptian ships in Dümichen’s Voyage d’une Reine Egyptienne (date about B.C. 1400) with the far later Phoenician triremes depicted by Sennacherib (Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, second series, pl. 71).
335 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 100, 101.
336 The Cypriot physiognomy is peculiar. (See Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, pp. 123, 129, 131, 132, 133, 141, &c.)
337 Herod. vii. 90.
338 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 68, note 3.
41 The nearest approach to such a period is the time a little preceding Nebuchadnezzar’s siege, when Sidon, Byblus, and Aradus all appear as subject to Tyre (Ezek. xxvii. 8-11).
42 1 Kings xvii. 9-24.
43 1 Macc. xv. 37.
44 Gen. x. 15.
45 Josh. xix. 29.
46 Ibid. verse 28.
47 See Hom. Il. vii. 290; xxiii. 743; Od. iv. 618; xiv. 272, 285; xvi. 117, 402, 424.
48 Hist. Philipp. xviii. 3, § 2.
49 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 460.
410 Steph, Byz. ad voc.
411 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pl. lxvii.
412 Scylax, Periplus, § 104. This work belongs to the time of Philip, Alexander’s father.
413 See Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pl. lxii.
414 The inscription on the sarcophagus of Esmunazar. (See Records of the Past, ix. 111-114, and the Corp. Inscr. Semit., i. 13-20.)
415 The name “Palæ-Tyrus” is first found in Strabo (xvi. 2, § 24).
416 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 347.
417 Plin. H. N. v. 17.
418 Renan (Mission de Phénicie, p. 552) gives the area as 576,508 square metres.
419 Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 21.
420 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 560.
421 So Bertou (Topographie de Tyr, p. 14), and Kenrick (Phoenicia, p. 352).
422 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 560.
423 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 351.
424 See the fragments of Dius and Menander, preserved by Josephus (Contr. Ap. i. § 17, 18), and compare Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 24. It is quite uncertain what Phoenician deity is represented by “Agenor.”
425 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 559.
426 Ibid.
427 Ibid.
428 Strab. xvi. 2, § 23.
429 Menand, ap. Joseph. l.s.c.
430 Strab. l.s.c.
431 Eight thousand are said to have been killed in the siege, and 30,000 sold when the place was taken. (Arrian, Exp. Alex. l.s.c.) A certain number were spared.
432 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 552.
433 Plin. H. N. v. 17.
434 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 348.
435 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 22.
436 See Capt. Allen’s Dead Sea, ii. 179.
437 See Capt. Allen’s Dead Sea, ii. 179.
438 Strabo, xvi. 2, § 13.
439 Allen, Dead Sea, l.s.c.
440 Ibid. p. 180.
441 See the woodcut, and compare Renan, Mission de Phénicie, planches, pl. ii.; and Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, iii. 25.
442 Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 180.
443 Ibid.
444 Strab. xvi. 2, § 13.
445 Strab. xvi. 2, § 13. See also Lucret. De Rer. Nat. vi. 890.
446 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 42.
447 Strab. xvi. 2, § 12.
448 Fr. ii. 7. Philo, however, makes “Brathu” a mountain.
449 See Records of the Past, iii. 19, 20.
450 Mission de Phénicie, pp. 58-61.
451 Strab. l.s.c.
452 Ibid.
453 Gen. x. 18.
454 Eponym Canon, p. 123, 1. 2.
455 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 115. And compare the map.
456 Carnus is identified by M. Renan with the modern Carnoun, on the coast, three miles north of Tortosa (Mission, p. 97).
457 Eponym Canon, p. 114, l. 104.
458 Josh. xiii. 5; 1 Kings v. 18.
459 Arr. Exp. Alex. ii. 15.
460 Strab. xvi. 2, § 18.
461 Fragm. ii. 8, § 17.
462 Corp. Inscr. Sem., i. 3 (pl 1); Philo-Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 25.
463 Strab. l.s.c.
464 Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 164.
465 Ibid.
466 Strab. xvi. 2, § 15.
467 See G. Smith’s Eponym Canon, pp. 123, 132, 148.
468 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 9.
469 Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 162.
470 Scylax, Peripl., § 104; Diod. Sic. xvi. 41; Pomp. Mel. i. 12.
471 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 633; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, iii. 56.
472 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 57, 59.
473 Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 152.
474 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 295.
475 Lucian, De Dea Syra, § 9.
476 Philo. Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 25.
477 Stephen of Byzantium calls it {polin thoinikes ek mikrae megalen}. Strabo says that it was rebuilt by the Romans (xvi. 2, § 19).
478 Phocas, Descr. Urbium, § 5.
479 Cellarius, Geograph. ii. 378.
480 Gen. x. 17.
481 Eponym Canon, pp. 120, l. 25; 123, l. 2.
482 Josh. xix. 29.
483 Eponym Canon, p. 132, l. 10.
484 Eponym Canon, p. 132, l. 10; 148, l. 103.
485 Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 20, 21.
486 This seems to be the true meaning of Strab. xvi. 2, § 25; sub init.
487 Josh. vii. 23.
488 Ibid. xvii. 11.
489 1 Kings iv. 11.
490 Ancient Monarchies, ii. 132.
491 Steph. Byz. ad voc. DORA.
492 Hieronym. Epit. Paulæ (Opp. i. 223).
493 Josh. xix. 47.
494 1 Macc. x. 76.
495 Jonah i. 3.
496 2 Chron. ii. 16.
497 Ezra iii. 7.
498 See Capt. Allen’s Dead Sea, ii. 188.
499 Eustah. ad Dionys. Perieg. l. 915.
4100 Compare the Heb. “Ramah” and “Ramoth” from {...}, “to be high.”
4101 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 3.
4102 Gesenius, Monumenta Scripture Linguæque, Phoeniciæ, p. 271.
4103 Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 189.
4104 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 23.
4105 Perrot and Chipiez, iii. 23-25.
4106 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, iii. 25, 26.
4107 The Phoenicians held Dor and Joppa during the greater part of their existence as a nation, but the tract between them, and that between Dor and Carmel—the plain of Sharon—shows no trace of their occupation.
51 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 71.
52 Gen. x. 4. Compare Joseph. Ant. Jud. i. 6.
53 Kenrick, p. 72.
54 The two plains are sometimes regarded as one, which is called that of Mesaoria; but they are really distinct, being separated by high ground in Long. 33º nearly.
55 Ælian, Hist. Ann. v. 56.
56 Strab. xiv. 6, § 5.
57 Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. v. 8.
58 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, Introduction, p. 7.
59 The copper of Cyprus became known as {khalkos Kuprios} or {Æs Cyprium}, then as cyprium or cyprum, finally as “copper,” “kupfer,” “cuivre,” &c.
510 Ezek. xxvii. 6.
511 Compare Ammianus—“Tanta tamque multiplici fertilitate abundat rerum omnium Cyprus, ut, nullius externi indigens adminiculi, indigenis viribus a fundamento ipso carinæ ad supremos ipsos carbasos ædificet onerariam navem, omnibusque armamentis instructam mari committat” (xiv. 8, § 14).
512 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 49.
513 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 75.
514 Di Cesnola, pp. 65-117.
515 Ibid. pp. 68, 83.
516 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 215.
517 Ibid.
518 {Polis Kuprou arkhaiotate}.
519 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 294.
520 Ibid. pp. 254-281.
521 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 294.
522 Ibid. p. 378.
523 Strabo, xiv. 6, § 3; Steph. Byz. ad voc. CURIUM.
524 Herod. v. 113.
525 Apollodor. Biblioth. iii. 14, § 13.
526 Virg. Æn. i. 415-417; Tacit. Ann. iii. 62; Hist. ii. 2; Strab. xiv. 6, § 3.
527 Ps. lxxvi. 2.
528 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 201.
529 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 198, and Map.
530 Eponym Canon, p. 139, l. 23.
531 Ibid. p. 144, l. 22.
532 On the copper-mines of Tamasus, see Strab. xiv. 6, § 5; and Steph. Byz. ad voc.
533 Eponym Canon, ll.s.c.
534 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 228.
535 Plut. Vit. Solon. § 26.
536 Diod. Sic. xiv. 98, § 2.
537 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 231.
538 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 74.
539 Gen. x. 4.
540 Gesenius, Mon. Script. Linquæque Phoeniciæ, p. 278.
541 Strab. xiv. 5, § 3.
542 Ibid. xiv. 3, § 9. Mt. Solyma, now Takhtalu, is the most striking mountain of these parts. Its bald summit rises to the height of 4,800 feet above the Mediterranean (Beaufort, Karamania, p. 57).
543 Strab. xiv. 3, § 8, sub fin.
544 Beaufort, Karamania, p. 31.
545 Herod. iii. 90; vii. 77; Strab. xiii. 4, § 15; Steph. Byz. ad. voc.
546 Beaufort, Karamania, p. 56.
547 Strab. xiv. 3, § 9.
548 Beaufort, pp. 59, 60.
549 Ibid. p. 70.
550 As Corinna and Basilides (see Athen. Deipnos, iv. 174).
551 Ap. Phot. Bibliothec. p. 454.
552 Ap. Athen. Deipn. viii. 361.
553 Dict. Cret. i. 18; iv. 4.
554 Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 80, 81.
555 Aristid. Orat. § 43.
556 Acts xxvii. 12.
557 Steph. Byz. ad voc.
558 Herod. iv. 151.
559 Heb. {...}, Copt. labo, &c.
560 Steph. Byz. ad voc. {KUTHERA}; Festus, ad voc. MELOS.
561 Kenrick, p. 96.
562 Steph. Byz. ad voc. {MEMBLIAROS}.
563 Heraclid. Pont. ap. Steph. Byz. ad voc.
564 Herod. iv. 147.
565 Thucyd. i. 8.
566 Herod. iii. 57; Pausan. x. 11.
567 Tournefort, Voyages, i. 136.
568 Plin, H. N. iv. 12. Compare Steph. Byz. ad voc. {KUTHERA}.
569 Theophrast. Hist. Plant. iv. 2; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 15.
570 Strab. x. 5, § 16.
571 Ibid. § 19, ad fin.
572 Herod. ii. 44.
573 Ibid. vi. 47.
574 Hesych. ad voc. {KABEIROI}; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {IMBROS}; Strab. vii. Fr. 51.
575 Strab. xiv. 5, § 28; Plin. H. N. vii. 56.
576 Strab. x. 1, § 8.
577 Herod. v. 57; Strab. ix. 2, § 3; Pausan. ix. 25, § 6, &c.
578 Steph. Byz. ad voc. {PRONEKTOS}; Scymn. Ch. l. 660.
579 Apollon. Rhod. ii. l. 178; Euseb. Præp. Ev. p. 115; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. l.s.c.; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {SESAMOS}.
580 So Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 91, 92.
581 Utica was said to have been founded 287 years before Carthage (Aristot. De Ausc. Mir. § 146). Carthage was probably founded about B.C. 850.
582 Thucyd. vi. 2.
583 Strab. xvii. 3, § 13.
584 See the chart opposite, and the description in the Géographie Universelle, xi. 271, 272.
585 Ibid. p. 270.
586 Plin. H. N. v. 4, § 23; Géographie Universelle, xi. 157.
587 Géograph. Univ. xi. 275.
588 Ibid. p. 274.
589 Géograph. Univ. xi. 413, 414.
590 Ibid. pp. 410, 411.
591 See Davis’s Carthage, pp. 128-130; and compare the woodcut in the Géograph. Univ. xi. 259.
592 Beulé, Fouilles à Carthage, quoted in the Géograph. Univ. xi. 258.
593 “Adrymes” is the Greek name (Strab. xvii. 3, § 16), Adrumetum or Hadrumetum, the Roman one (Sall. Bell. Jugurth. § 19; Liv. xxx. 29; Plin. H. N. v. 4, § 25).
594 Géograph. Univ. xi. 227, 228.
595 Ibid. p. 227, note.
596 Géographie Universelle, xi. 224.
597 Géograph. Univ. xi. 84.
598 Strabo, xvii. 3, § 18.
599 See Della Cella, Narrative, p. 37, E. T.; Beechey, Narrative, p. 51.
5100 Herod. iv. 198. Compare Ovid. Pont. ii. 7, 25.
5101 See the chart in the Géographie Universelle, xi. 223.
5102 Strab. xvii. 3, § 12.
5103 See Daux, Recherches sur les Emporia Phéniciens, pp. 256-258; and compare Pl. viii.
5104 At Utica, Carthage, and elsewhere.
5105 Daux, Recherches, pp. 169-171; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, iii. 400-402.
5106 Thucyd. vi. 2.
5107 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 336.
5108 Diod. Sic. xiv. 68.
5109 Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, pp. 297, 298, and Tab. 39, xii. A, B.
5110 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 330.
5111 Polyb. i. 55.
5112 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 331. Compare the accompanying woodcut.
5113 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 334; Woodcuts, No. 242 and 243.
5114 Marsala, whose wine is so well known, occupies a site on the coast at a short distance.
5115 Géographie Universelle, i. 552.
5116 Géographie Universelle, i. p. 551.
5117 See Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, pp. 288-290, and Tab. 38, ix. Mahanath corresponds to the Greek {skenai} and the Roman castra. Compare the Israelite “Mahanaim.”
5118 Serra di Falco, Antichità di Sicilia, v. 60, 67.
5119 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 187-189.
5120 Ibid. p. 426.
5121 Géographie Universelle, i. 571.
5122 Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, p. 298.
5123 Diod. Sic. v. 12.
5124 See the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, vol. i. No. 132.
5125 Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. Tab. 40, xiv.
5126 For an account of these buildings, called by the natives “Giganteja,” see Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 297, 298.
5127 Ibid.
5128 Ibid. p. 299.
5129 “Malte, l’île de miel” (Géogr. Univ. i. 576).]
5130 {Kunidia, a kalousi Melitaia} (Strab. vi. 2, § 11, sub fin.).
5131 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iv. 2.
5132 Diod. Sic. xiv. 63, § 4; 77, § 6; xxi. 16, &c.
5133 Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c. Compare the Géographie Universelle, i. 599, 600.
5134 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 233; La Marmora, Voyage en Sardaigne, ii. 171-341.
5135 Strabo calls the town Sulchi ({Soulkhoi}, v. 2, § 7).
5136 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 231, 232, 253, &c.
5137 None of the classical geographers mentions the place excepting Ptolemy, who calls it “Tarrus” (Geograph. iii. 3).
5138 See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 231-236, and 418-421.
5139 Herod. i. 166.
5140 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 116; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 46, 186.
5141 Géographie Universelle, i. 800.
5142 Strab. iii. 5, § 1.
5143 Kenrick, p. 118; Géogr. Univ. i. 795.
5144 “Un admirable port natured divisé par des ilôts et des péninsules en cales et en bassins secondairs; tous les avantages se trouvent réunis dans ce bras de mer” (Géographie Universelle, i. 808).
5145 Ibid. p. 801.
5146 Ibid. p. 799.
5147 {Phoinikike to skhemati} (Strab. iii. 4, § 2).
5148 {Phoinikon ktisma} (ib. iii. 4, § 3).
5149 Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. pp. 308-310; Tab. 40, xvi.
5150 Strab. iii. 4, § 2.
5151 Ibid.
5152 Ibid. iii. 4, § 6.
5153 Three hundred, according to some writers (Ibid. xvii. 3, § 3).
5154 Plin. H. N. xix. 4.
5155 Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. pp. 309, 310.
5156 Géograph. Univ. xi. 710-713.
5157 Strab. ii. 3, § 4; Hanno, Peripl. § 6; Scylax, Peripl. § 112.
5158 See Géograph. Univer. xi. 714.
5159 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 337.
5160 Ibid. p. 339.
5161 Ibid. p. 341.
5162 See Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 118; Dyer, in Smith’s Dict. of Greek and Roman Geography, ii. 1106.
5163 Scymn. Ch. ll. 100-106; Strabo, iii. 2, § 11; Mela, De Situ Orbis, ii. 6; Plin. H. N. iv. 21; Fest. Avien. Descriptio Orbis, l. 610; Pausan. vi. 19.
5164 Stesichorus, Fragmenta (ed. Bergk), p. 636; Strab. l.s.c.
5165 Scymn. Ch. l.s.c.
5166 See Herod. i. 163.
5167 1 Kings x. 22.
5168 Strab. iii. 2, § 8; Géograph. Univ. i. 741-745.
5169 Strab. iii. 2, § 11.
5170 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 119.
5171 Strab. iii. 2, § 7.
5172 Aristoph. Ran. l. 476; Jul. Pollux, vi. 63.
5173 Vell. Paterc. i. 2.
5174 Géograph. Univ. i. 756-758.
5175 Ibid. p. 758.
5176 Strab. iii. 5, § 5; Diod. Sic. v. 20; Scymn. Ch. 160; Mela, iii. 6, § 1; Plin. H. N. v. 19; &c.
5177 Gesen. Mon. Phoen. pp. 304, 370.
5178 Strabo, iii. 5, § 3.
5179 See the Géographie Universelle, i. 759.
5180 The name is to be connected with the words Baal, Belus, Baalath, &c. There was a river “Belus,” in Phoenicia Proper.
5181 Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, pp. 311, 312.
5182 Ibid. p. 311.
5183 I.e. towards the north-east, in the Propontis and the Euxine.
61 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, iii. 101.
62 See Renan, Mission de Phoenicie, p. 92, and Planches, pl. 12.
63 Ibid.
64 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 62-68.
65 Ibid. Planches, pl. 10.
66 1 Kings v. 17, 18.
67 Our Work in Palestine, p. 115. Warren, Recovery of Jerusalem, i. 121.
68 See the Corpus. Inscr. Semit. Pars I. Planches, pl. 29, No. 136.
69 As at Sidon in the pier wall, and at Aradus in the remains of the great wall of the town.
610 M. Renan has found reason to question the truth of this view. Bevelling, he thinks, may have begun with the Phoenicians; but it became a general feature of Palestinian and Syrian architecture, being employed in Syria as late as the middle ages. The enclosure of the mosque at Hebron and the great wall of Baalbek are bevelled, but are scarcely Phoenician.
611 See Renan, Mission de Phénicie, Planches, pl. vi.
612 Compare the enclosure of the Haram at Jerusalem, the mosque at Hebron, and the temples at Baalbek (Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 105, No. 42; iv. 274, No. 139, and p. 186, No. 116).
613 See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 108, 299, &c.
614 Renan, Mission, p. 822.
615 See Renan, Mission, pp. 62-68; and compare Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 242, 243.
616 See Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 64.
617 See Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 63, 64.
618 Ibid. p. 65.
619 See the volume of Plates published with the Mission, pl. ix. fig 1.
620 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 110; pl. xxxv. fig. 20; xxxvi. fig. 7; xxxvii. figs. 10, 11; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. pp. 124, 428, 533, &c.
621 Renan, Mission, Planches, pl. ix. fig. 3.
622 See Perrot et Chipie, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 253, No. 193; p. 310, No. 233.
623 See the author’s History of Ancient Egypt, i. 237.
624 Mission de Phénicie, pp. 64, 65.
625 See Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, pp. 210-212.
626 The temple of Solomon was mainly of wood; that of Golgi (Athiénau) was, it is thought, of crude brick (Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 139).
627 See the plan in Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 267, No. 200. Explorations are now in progress, which, it is hoped, may reveal more completely the plan of the building.
628 As being the most important temple in the island.
629 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 211.
630 Ibid. p. 210.
631 Ibid.
632 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 269.
633 In M. Gerhard’s plan two circular ponds or reservoirs are marked, of which General Di Cesnola found no trace.
634 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 211.
635 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 322.
636 As Di Cesnola, and Ceccaldi.
637 Ceccaldi, as quoted by Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 275.
638 Ceccaldi, Monuments Antiques de Cypre, pp. 47, 48.
639 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 139.
640 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 149; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 274; Ceccaldi, l.s.c.
641 Di Cesnola, p. 139.
642 Ibid. p. 140.
643 Ibid. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c.
644 The only original account of this crypt is that of General Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 303-305.
645 Mephitic vapours prevented the workmen from continuing their excavations.
646 The length of this room was twenty feet, the breadth nineteen feet, and the height fourteen feet (Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 304).
647 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 285.
648 See the woodcut representing a portion of the old wall of Aradus, which is taken from M. Renan’s Mission, Planches, pl. 2.
649 In some of the ruder walls, as in those of Banias and Eryx, even this precaution is not observed. See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 328, 334.
650 Diod. Sic. xxxii. 14.
651 Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 21, § 3.
652 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 331, 332, 339.
653 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. pp. 333, 334.
654 See his Recherches sur l’origine et l’emplacement des Emporia Phéniciens, pl. 8.
655 Compare Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pls. 7, 16, 18, &c.; and Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 224.
656 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 256, 260; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 219-221.
657 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 255.
658 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 255, 256.
659 See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 260; and compare Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 219, No. 155.
660 Di Cesnola, p. 259.
661 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 224.
662 See Ross, Reisen nach Cypern, pp. 187-189; and Archäologische Zeitung for 1851, pl. xxviii. figs. 3 and 4.
663 They are not shown in Ross’s representation, but appear in Di Cesnola’s.
664 See Sir C. Newton’s Halicarnassus, pls. xviii. xix.
665 1 Macc. xiii. 27-29.
666 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 80.
667 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 81.
668 Ibid. pp. 82, 85.
669 See Robinson, Researches in Palestine, iii. 385.
670 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 599.
671 Perrot and Chipiez remark that “the general aspect of the edifice recalls that of the great tombs at Amrith;” and conclude that, “if the tomb does not actually belong to the time of Solomon’s contemporary and ally, at any rate it is anterior to the Greco-Roman period” (Hist. de l’Art, iii. 167).
672 See the section of the building in Renan’s Mission, Planches, pl. xlviii.
673 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 71.
674 Ibid. Planches, pl. 13.
675 Ibid. p. 72.
676 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 153.
677 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 71-73.
678 “Ce que ce tombeau offre de tout à fait particulier c’est que l’entrée du caveau, ou, pour mieux dire, l’escalier qui y conduit, est couvert, dans sa partie antérieure, par un énorme bloc régulièrement taillé en dos d’âne et supporté par une assise de grosses pierres” (Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 154).
679 Mark xvi. 3, 4.
680 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 334.
681 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 126, No. 68.
682 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 211, 301.
683 See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 129-134.
684 Mission de Phénicie, p. 822.
685 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 822.
686 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 829.
71 See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 404, and compare pp. 428 and 437.
72 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 129-157, &c.
73 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 510.
74 Ibid. p. 513: “Les figures semblent avoir été taillées non dans des blocs prismatiques, mais dans de la pierre débitée en carrière, sous forme de dalles épaisses.”
75 Di Cesnola, p. 150.
76 Ibid. pp. 149, 150.
77 Di Cesnola, p. 157.
78 So both Di Cesnola (l.s.c) and Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 565.
79 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. Nos. 349, 385, 405, &c.; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 133, 149, 157.
710 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 519, No. 353.
711 Ibid. Nos. 323, 342, 368. Occasionally an arm is placed across the breast without anything being clasped (Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 131, 240).
712 Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 299, 322, 373.
713 Ibid. Nos. 291, 321, 379, 380.
714 Ibid. Nos. 381, 382.
715 Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 306, 345, 349, &c.
716 See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 141, 230, 243, &c.
717 Compare Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 530, No. 358; p. 533, No. 359; and Di Cesnola, pp. 131, 154, &c.
718 Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 145; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 527, 545.
719 Di Cesnola, pp. 149, 151, 161, &c.
720 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 201, No. 142; p. 451, No. 323; p. 598, No. 409. The best dove is that in the hand of a priest represented by Di Cesnola (Cyprus, p. 132).
721 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 114.
722 Ibid. p. 331; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 203, and Pl. ii. opp. p. 582.
723 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 136; Ceccaldi, Rev. Arch. vol. xxiv. pl. 21.
724 Di Cesnola, p. 137.
725 Ibid. p. 133.
726 Ibid. pp. 110-114.
727 See the Story of Assyria, p. 403; and compare Ancient Monarchies, i. 395, 493.
728 See Story of Assyria, l.s.c.; and for the classical practice, which was identical, compare Lipsius, Antiq. Lect. iii.
729 So it is in a garden that Asshurbani-pal and his queen regale themselves (Ancient Monarchies, i. 493). Compare Esther i. 7.
730 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 620.
731 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 259-267.
732 Di Cesnola is in favour of Melkarth (p. 264); MM. Perrot and Chipiez of Bes (Hist. de l’Art, iii. 610). Individually, I incline to Esmun.
733 See Di Cesnola, Pl. vi.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 450, 555, 557; Nos. 321, 379, 380, 381, and 382.
734 Herod. iii. 37.
735 Perrot et Chipiez see in it the travels of the deceased in another world (Hist. de l’Art, iii. 612); but they admit that at first sight one would be tempted to regard it as the representation of an historical event, as the setting forth of a prince for war, or his triumphant return.
736 A similar crest was used by the Persians (Ancient Monarchies, iii. 180, 234), and the Lycians (Fellows’s Lycia, pl. xxi. oop. p. 173).
737 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 609-611.
738 See the Journal le Bachir for June 8, 1887, published at Beyrout.
739 1 Kings vii. 14; 2 Chron. ii. 14.
740 1 Kings vii. 21.
741 “In the porch” (1 Kings vii. 21); “before the house,” “before the temple” (2 Chron. iii. 15, 17).
742 1 Kings vii. 15, 16.
743 Jer. lii. 21.
744 1 Kings vii. 17, 20.
745 Ibid. verse 20; 2 Chron. iv. 13; Jer. lii. 23.
746 1 Kings vii. 22.
747 See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, vol. iv. Pls. vi. and vii. opp. pp. 318 and 320.
748 1 Kings vii. 23.
749 Ibid. vv. 23-25.
750 See the representation in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 327, No. 172.
751 Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 328.
752 1 Kings vii. 27-39.
753 Ibid. verse 38.
754 Ibid. verse 29.
755 See the woodcut in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 331, No. 173; and compare 1 Kings vii. 31.
756 1 Kings vii. 36.
757 1 Kings vii. 33.
758 Ibid. v. 40. Compare 2 Chron. iv. 16.
759 See Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, Pls. xxi. and xxx.
760 A single statue in bronze, of full size, or larger than life, is said to have been exhumed in Cyprus in 1836 (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 514); but it has not reached our day.
761 See the works of La Marmora (Voyage en Sardaigne), Cara (Relazione sugli idoli sardo-fenici), and Perrot et Chipiez (Hist. de l’Art, iv. 65-89).
762 Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 65, 66.
763 Ibid. pp. 67, 69, 88.
764 Ibid. pp. 67, 70, 89.
765 Ibid. 52, 74, 75, 87, &c.
766 See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, Pl. iv. opp. p. 84.
767 Ibid. opp. p. 345.
768 Ibid. p. 337.
769 Monumenti di cere antica, Pl. x. fig. 1.
770 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 77.
771 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, Pl. xi. opp. p. 114.
772 In the museum of the Varvakeion. (See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 782-785.)
773 Ibid. p. 783, No. 550.
774 Compare the author’s History of Ancient Egypt, i. 362.
775 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 779, No. 548.
776 See Ancient Monarchies, i. 392.
777 See Clermont-Ganneau, Imagerie Phénicienne, p. xiii.
778 See Clermont-Ganneau, Ima. Phénicienne, Pls. ii. iv. and vi. Compare Longpérier, Musée Napoléon III., Pl. x.; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 329; Pl. xix. opp. p. 276; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 777, 789; Nos. 547 and 552.
779 Clermont-Ganneau, Pl. i. at end of volume; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 759, No. 543.
780 L’Imagerie Phénicienne, p. 8.
781 Helbig, Bullettino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica, 1876, p. 127.
782 L’Imagerie Phénicienne, p. 8.
783 L’Imagerie Phénicienne, pp. xi, xiii, and 18-39.
784 Ibid. p. 151.
785 L’Imagerie Phénicienne, pp. 150-156. It is fatal to M. Clermont-Ganneau’s idea—1. That the hunter in the outer scene has no dog; 2. That the dress of the charioteer is wholly unlike that of the fugitive attacked by the dog; and 3. That M. Clermont-Ganneau’s explanation accounts in no way for the medallion’s central and main figure.
786 “Les formes et les mouvements des chevaux sont indiqués avec beaucoup du sûreté et de justesse” (ibid. p. 6).
787 So Mr. C. W. King in his appendix to Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, p. 387. He supports his view by Herod. vii. 69.
788 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 632.
789 Compare the cylinder of Darius Hystaspis (Ancient Monarchies, iii. 227) and another engraved on the same page.
790 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 635, note.
791 Proceedings of the Society of Bibl. Archæology for 1883—4, p. 16.
792 See M. A. Di Cesnola’s Salaminia, Pls. xii. and xiii.
793 See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 639, No. 431.
794 These fluttering ends of ribbon are very common in the Persian representations. See Ancient Monarchies, iii. 351.
795 Ancient Monarchies, iii. pp. 203, 204, 208.
796 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 630.
797 Ibid. pp. 635-639. Green serpentine is the most usual material (C. W. King, in Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, p. 387).
798 King, in Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, p. 388.
799 Pl. xxxvi. a.
7100 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 277.
7101 See De Vogüé’s Mélanges d’Archéologie Orientale, pl. v.
7102 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 631.
7103 See Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, pl. xxvi. (top line).
7104 See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 645.
7105 Ibid. p. 646.
7106 De Vogüé, Mélanges, p. 111.
7107 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 651.
7108 Ibid. p. 652.
7109 See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xxxvi. fig. 8.
7110 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 646.
7111 Herod. vii. 61.
7112 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xxxv. fig. a.
7113 Herod. v. 113.
7114 That of Canon Spano. (See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655, note 1.)
7115 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 656, 657, Nos. 466, 467, 468.
7116 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. p. 655.
7117 Ibid. p. 656, Nos. 464, 465.
7118 See the author’s History of Ancient Egypt, ii. 47, 54, 70.
7119 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 657, 658, Nos. 471-476.
7120 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655:—“La couleur parait y avoir été employée d’une manière discrète; elle servait à faire ressortir certains détails.”
7121 Ross, Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln, iv. 100.
7122 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 666:—“On obtenait ainsi un ensemble qui, malgré la rapidité du travail, ne manquait pas de gaieté, d’harmonie et d’agrément.”
7123 See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 65, 71, 91, 181, &c.; and Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 686, 691, 699, &c.
7124 Cyprus, pl. xxix. (p. 333).
7125 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 704.
81 Ezek. xxvii. 18.
82 Ibid. xxvii. 21.
83 See Herod. ii. 182, and compare the note of Sir G. Wilkinson on that passage in Rawlinson’s Herodotus, ii. 272.
84 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 246.
85 Ibid.
86 Hom. Il. vi. 289; Od. xv. 417; Æsch. Suppl. ll. 279-284; Lucan, Phars. x. 142, &c.
87 Ex. xxvi. 36, xxviii. 39.
88 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 877.
89 Smyth, Mediterranean Sea, pp. 205-207.
810 Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 51.
811 Lortet, La Syrie d’aujourd’hui, p. 103.
812 See Phil. Transactions, xv. 1,280.
813 Wilksinson, in Rawlinson’s Herodotus, ii. 347.
814 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 258.
815 See Jul. Pollux, Onomasticon, i. 4, § 45.
816 This is the case with almost all the refuse shells found in the “kitchen middens” (as they have been called) on the Syrian coast. See Lortet, La Syrie d’aujourd’hui, p. 103).
817 See Réaumur, quoted by Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 256.
818 Plin. H. N. ix. 38.
819 See Grimaud de Caux’s paper in the Revue de Zoologie for 1856, p. 34; and compare Lortet, La Syrie d’aujourd’hui, p. 102.
820 Ibid.
821 Lortet, La Syrie d’aujourd’hui, p. 127.
822 Plin. H. N. xxxii. 22.
823 Ibid. ix. 37-39.
824 For the tints producible, see a paper by M. Lacaze-Duthiers, in the Annales des Sciences Naturelles for 1859, Zoologie, 4me. série, xii. 1-84.
825 Plin. H. N. ix. 41.
826 Ibid. ix. 39:—“Cornelius Nepos, qui divi Augusti principatu obiit. Me, inquit, juvene violacea purpura vigebat, cujus libra denariis centum venibat.”
827 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 242. Compare Pliny, H. N. ix. 38:—“Laus summa in colore sanguinis concreti.”
828 Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 65.
829 Wilkinson, in Rawlinson’s Herodotus, ii. 82. Similar representations occur in tombs near the Pyramids.
830 Wilksinson, Manners and Customs, iii. 88.
831 Herod. ii. 86-88.
832 Plin. H. N. v 19; xxxvi. 26, &c.
833 Lortet, La Syrie d’aujourd’hui, p. 113.
834 Ibid. p. 127.
835 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 735, note 2.
836 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 26.
837 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 739.
838 See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 734-744.
839 Perrot et Chipiez, Histore de l’Art, iii. pl. viii. No. 2 (opp. p. 740).
840 Ibid. pl. vii. No. 1 (opp. p. 734).
841 Herod. ii. 44.
842 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 745, and pl. x.
843 Ibid.
844 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 746, No. 534.
845 Ibid. pp. 739, 740.
846 See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 740, 741.
847 The British Museum has a mould which was found at Camirus, intended to give shape to glass earrings. It is of a hard greenish stone, apparently a sort of breccia.
848 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 745.
849 Strabo, iii. 5, § 11.
850 Scylax, Periplus, § 112.
851 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 669. (Compare Renan Mission de Phénicie, pl. xxi.)
852 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 670. The vase is figured on p. 670, No. 478.
853 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 68. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 671, No. 479.
854 Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c.
855 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, appendix, p. 408.
856 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 685, No. 485.
857 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 102. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 675, No. 483.
858 So Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 332, and Mr. Murray, of the British Museum, ibid., appendix, pp. 401, 402.
859 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 693-695.
860 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 394, 402, and pl. xlii. fig. 4.
861 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 698.
862 Ibid. p. 676, No. 484; p. 691, No. 496; and p. 697, No. 505.
863 Ibid. p. 730.
864 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 282, and pl. xxx.
865 Ibid.
866 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 866-868. Compare Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. x.
867 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 335, 336, and pls. iv. and xxx.; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 831, 862, 863, &c.
868 Di Cesnola, l.s.c.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 864.
869 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xx.
870 Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 15, 66-68, 70; Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 203.
871 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 870, 871.
872 Ibid. p. 867, No. 633.
873 Ibid. iv. 94.
874 Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 94, No. 91.
875 Ibid. p. 67, No. 53.
876 Ibid. iii. 862, No. 629.
877 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. p. 863.
878 De Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 336.
879 See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 133, Nos. 80, 81.
880 Di Cesnola, p. 335.
881 See Ezek. xxvii. 12; Strab. iii. 2, § 8.
882 Plutarch, Vit. Alex. Magni, § 32.
883 Ceccaldi, Monumens Antiques de Cyprus, p. 138; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 282; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 874.
884 Plutarch, Vit. Demetrii, § 21.
885 Hom. Il. xi. 19-28.
886 2 Chron. ii. 14. Iron, in the shape of nails and rings, has been found in several graves in Phoenicia Proper, where the coffin seems to have been of wood (Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 866).
887 Strab. iii. 5, § 11.
888 Ezek. xxvii. 12.
889 See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iv. 80.
890 Ibid. iii. 815, No. 568.
891 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 427, and pl. lx. fig. 1; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 177, No. 123.
91 Plin. H. N. vii. 56.
92 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 517, No. 352.
93 Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, ii. 383.
94 Compare the practice of the Egyptians (Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pl. cxxxi.)
95 See Mionnet, Déscript. de Médailles, vol. vii. pl. lxi. fig. 1; Gesenius, Ling. Scripturæque Phoen. Monumenta, pl. 36, fig. G; Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, ii. 378.
96 Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, first series, pl. 71; Nineveh and its Remains, l.s.c.
97 So Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 34.
98 See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xlv.
99 Herod. iii. 136.
910 In later times there must have been more sails than one, since Xenophon describes a Phoenician merchant ship as sailing by means of a quantity of rigging, which implies several sails (Xen. OEconom. § 8).
911 Scylax. Periplus, § 112.
912 Thucyd. i. 13.
913 Herod. l.s.c.
914 See Herod. vii. 89-94.
915 Ibid. vii. 44.
916 Ibid. vii. 100.
917 Xen. OEconom. § 8, pp. 11-16 (Ed. Schneider).
918 Herodotus (iii. 37) says they were at the prow of the ship; but Suidas (ad voc.) and Hesychius (ad voc.) place them at the stern. Perhaps there was no fixed rule.
919 The {pataikoi} of the Greeks probably representes the Hebrew {...}, which is from {...}, “insculpere,” and is applied in Scripture to “carved work” of any kind. (See 1 Kings vi. 29; Ps. lxxiv. 6; &c.) Some, however, derive the word from the Egyptian name Phthah, or Ptah. (See Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 235.)
920 Manilius, i. 304-308.
921 Strab. Geograph. xv.
922 Tarshish (Tartessus) was on the Atlantic coast, outside the Straits.
923 Ezek. xxvii.
924 Signified by one of its chief cities, Haran (now Harran).
925 Signified by “the house of Togarmarh” (verse 14).
926 Ionia, Cyprus, and Hellas are the Greek correspondents of Javan, Chittim, and Elishah, Chittim representing Citium, the capital of Cyprus.
927 Spain is intended by “Tarshish” (verse 12) == Tartessus, which was a name given by the Phoenicians to the tract upon the lower Bætis (Guadalquivir).
928 See the Speaker’s Commentary, ad loc.
929 Strab. xv. 3, § 22.
930 Minnith appears as an Ammonite city in the history of Jephthah (Judg. xi. 33).
931 Herod. ii. 37, 182; iii. 47.
932 See Rawlinson’s Herodotus, ii. 157; History of Ancient Egypt, i. 509; Rosellini, Mon. Civili, pls. 107-109.
933 See Herod. iii. 107; History of Ancient Egypt, ii. 222-224.
934 That these were Arabian products appears from Herod. iii. 111, 112. They may be included in the “chief of all spices,” which Tyre obtained from the merchants of Sheba and Raamah (Ezek. xxvii. 22).
935 Arabia has no ebony trees, and can never have produced elephants.
936 See Ezek. xxvii. 23, 24. Canneh and Chilmad were probably Babylonian towns.
937 Upper Mesopotamia is indicated by one of its chief cities, Haran (Ezek. xxvii. 23).
938 Ezek. xxvii. 6. Many objects in ivory have been found in Cyprus.
939 Ibid. verse 7. The Murex brandaris is still abundant on the coast of Attica, and off the island of Salamis (Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 881).
940 Strab. iii. 2, § 8-12; Diod. Sic. v. 36; Plin. H. N. iii. 3.
941 See Gen. xxxvii. 28.
942 Isaiah xxi. 13.
943 Ibid. lx. 6.
944 Ibid. verses 6, 7.
945 Heeren, Asiatic Nations, ii. 93, 100, 101.
946 1 Kings v. 11; 2 Chr. ii. 10.
947 Ezek. xxvii. 17.
948 Ezra iii. 7.
949 Acts xii. 20.
950 2 Chron. l.s.c.; Ezra l.s.c.; Ezek. xxvii. 6, 17.
951 Ezek. l.s.c.
952 Gen. xxxvii. 28.
953 Strab. xvi. 2, § 41.
954 Ezek. xxvii. 18.
955 Strab. xv. 3, § 22.
956 So Heeren (As. Nat. ii. 118). But there is a Helbon a little to the north of Damascus, which is more probably intended.
957 Ibid.
958 See Amos, iii. 12, where some translate “the children of Israel that dwell in Samaria in the corner of a bed, and upon a damask couch.”
959 Ezek. xxvii. 16.
960 The Hebrew terms for Syria {...} and Edom {...} are constantly confounded by the copyists, and we must generally look to the context to determine which is the true reading.
961 Herod. i. 1.
962 Ibid. ii. 112.
963 Ch. xxvii. 7.
964 Egyptian pottery, scarabs, seals, figures of gods, and amulets, are common on most Phoenician sites. The Sidonian sarcophagi, including that of Esmunazar, are of an Egyptian stone.
965 Herod. iii. 5, 6.
966 Ibid. iii. 107; Strab. xvi. 4, § 19; Diod. Sic. ii. 49.
967 Theophrast. Hist. Plant. ix. 4.
968 Wilkinson, in the author’s Herodotus, iii. 497, note 6; Heeren, As. Nat. ii. 95.
969 Is. lx. 7; Her. xlix. 29.
970 Ezek. xxvii. 21.
971 Ezek. xxvii. 20.
972 Ex. xxvi. 7; xxxvi. 14.
973 Ezek. xxvii. 15, 19-22.
974 See Heeren, Asiatic Nations, ii. 96.
975 Ibid. pp. 99, 100.
976 Gerrha, Sanaa, and Mariaba were flourishing towns in Strabo’s time, and probably during several centuries earlier.
977 Ezek. xxvii. 23, 24.
978 Herod. i. 1.
979 See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pls. xxxi.-xxxiii.; A. Di Cesnola, Salaminia, ch. xii.; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 636-639.
980 Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, 2nd series, pls. 57-67; Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 183-187.
981 Ezek. xxvii. 23.
982 So Heeren translates (As. Nat. ii. 123).
983 Ezek. xxvii. 14.
984 Strab. xi. 14, § 9:—{’Estin ippobotos sphodra e khora}.
985 Ibid.
986 1 Kings i. 33; Esth. viii. 10, 14.
987 Ezek. xxvii. 13.
988 Xen. Anab. iv. 1, § 6.
989 Hom. Od. xv. 415-484; Herod. i. 1.
990 Joel iii. 6.
991 Ezek. xxvii. 13.
992 Herod. v. 5.
993 Herod. ii. 32.
994 Ibid. iv. 183.
995 Ibid.
996 Ibid. iv. 181-184. Compare Heeren, African Nations, ii. pp. 202-235.
997 No doubt some of these may have been imparted by the Cyprians themselves, and others introduced by the Egyptians when they held Cyprus; but they are too numerous to be accounted for sufficiently unless by a continuous Phoenician importation.
998 Especially Etruria, which was advanced in civilisation and the arts, while Rome was barely emerging from barbarism.
999 2 Chron. ii. 14.
9100 Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, ii. 204, 514; Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel, passim.
9101 Schliemann, Mycenæ, Pls. 357-519.
9102 Ezek. xxvii. 12; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 16; &c.
9103 Strabo, iii. 5, § 11.
9104 Ibid. In Roman times the pigs of tin were brought to the Isle of Wight by the natives, thence transported across the Channel, and conveyed through Gaul to the mouth of the Rhône (Diod. Sic. v. 22).
9105 Heeren, Asiatic Nations, ii. 80.
9106 Hom. Od. xv. 460. Some doubt, however, if amber is here intended.
9107 Scylax, Periplus, § 112.
9108 Herod. iv. 196.
9109 These forests (spoken of by Diodorus, v. 19) have now to a great extent been cleared away, though some patches still remain, especially in the more western islands of the group. The most remarkable of the trees is the Pinus canariensis.
9110 Pliny, H. N. vi. 32, sub fin.
9111 Pliny, l.s.c. The breed is now extinct.
9112 The savagery of the ancient inhabitants of the mainland is strongly marked in the narrative of Hanno (Periplus, passim).
9113 As Heeren (As. Nat. ii. 71, 75, 239).
9114 Ezek. xxvii. 15, 20, 23.
9115 See 1 Kings x. 22; 2 Chr. ix. 21.
9116 1 Kings ix. 26, 27.
9117 Ibid. x. 11; 2 Chr. ix. 10.
9118 Gen. x. 29. Compare Twistleton, in Dr. Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol. ii. ad voc. OPHIR.
9119 Ps. lxxii. 15; Ezek. xxvii. 22; Strab. xvi. 4, § 18; Diod. Sic. ii. 50.
9120 Ezel. l.s.c.; Strab. xvi. 4, § 20.
9121 There are no sufficient data for determining what tree is intended by the almug or algum tree. The theory which identifies it with the “sandal-wood” of India has respectable authority in its favour, but cannot rise beyond the rank of a conjecture.
9122 If Scylax of Cadyanda could sail, in the reign of Darius Hystaspis, from the mouth of the Indus to the Gulf of Suez (Herod. iv. 44), there could have been no great difficulty in the Phoenicians accomplishing the same voyage in the opposite direction some centuries earlier.
101 Diod. Sic. v. 35, § 2.
102 Brugsch, History of Egypt, i. 65; Birch, Ancient Egypt, p. 65.
103 Deut. viii. 7-9.
104 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 2:—“In Cypro proma æris inventio.” The story went, that Cinryas, the Paphian king, who gave Agamemnon his breastplate of steel, gold, and tin (Hom. Il. xii. 25), invented the manufacture of copper, and also invented the tongs, the hammer, the lever, and the anvil (Plin. H. N. vii. 56, § 195).
105 Strab. xiv. 6, § 5; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {Tamasos}.
106 See the Dictionary of Gk. and Rom. Geography, i. 729.
107 Ross, Inselnreise, iv. 157, 161.
108 Plin. H. N. l.s.c.
109 Herod. vi. 47.
1010 Plin. H. N. vi. 56; Strab. xiv. 5, § 28.
1011 See the description of Thasos in the Géographie Universelle, i. 142.
1012 Herod. vii. 112; Aristot. De Ausc. Mir. § 42; Thuc. iv. 105; Diod. Sic. xvi. 8; App. Bell. Civ. iv. 105; Justin, viii. 3; Plin. H. N. vii. 56, &c.
1013 Col. Leake speaks of one silver mine as still being worked (Northern Greece, iii. 161).
1014 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iv. 99.
1015 Ibid. p. 100, note.
1016 Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4, § 21.
1017 Ibid. xxxiii. 4, § 23.
1018 Diod. Sic. v. 35, § 1.
1019 Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 6, § 31.
1020 Ibid. § 96.
1021 Strab. iii. 2, § 8; Diod. Sic. v. 36, § 2.
1022 Ap. Strab. iii. 2, § 9. Compare Diod. Sic. v. 38, § 4.
1023 Strab. l.s.c.
1024 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 16, § 156.
1025 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 16, § 158 and § 165.
1026 Polyb. xxxiv. 5, § 11; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 16, § 158.
1027 Plin. xxxiv. 18, § 173.
1028 Ibid. § 159.
1029 Ibid. xxxiv. 17, § 164.
1030 Quicksilver is still among the products of the Spanish mines, where its presence is noted by Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 6, § 99).
1031 Diod. Sic. v. 36, § 2.
1032 Ibid. {Kai plagias kai skolias diaduseis poikilos metallourgountes}.
1033 Pliny says “flint,” but this can scarcely have been the material. (See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4, § 71.)
1034 Ibid. § 70.
1035 Ibid. § 73.
1036 Diod. Sic. v. 37, § 3.
1037 Diod. Sic. v. 37, § 3. Compare Strab. iii. 2, § 9.
1038 Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4, § 69.
1039 Ibid.
1040 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 263.
1041 Diod. Soc. v. 38, § 1.
1042 Kenrick thinks that the Carthaginians “introduced the practice of working the mines by slave labour” (Phoenicia, l.s.c.); but to me the probability appears to be the other way.
1043 See Wilkinson, in the author’s Herodotus, ii. 504.
1044 Herod. iii. 96.
0111 Renan, Histoire des Langues Sémitiques, p. 5.
0112 Ithobal, father of Jezebel, was High Priest of Ashtoreth (Menand. Ephes. Fr. 1). Amastarte, the mother of Esmunazar II. (Records of the Past, ix. 113) was priestess of the same deity.
0113 As figures of Melkarth, or Esmun, or dedications to Baal, as lord of the particular city issuing it.
0114 Herod. iii. 37.
0115 For the fragments of the work which remain, see the Fragmenta Historicum Græcorum of C. Müller, iii. 561-571. Its value has been much disputed, but seems to the present writer only slight.
0116 Compare Max Müller, Science of Religion, p. 177 et seqq.
0117 Gen. xiv. 18-22.
0118 Philo Bybl. Fr. 1, § 5.
0119 Records of the Past, iv. 109, 113.
1110 Gen. vi. 5.
1111 Ps. cxxxix. 2.
1112 Max Müller, Chips from a German Workshop, i. 28.
1113 Philo Bybl. Fr. 1, § 5. Compare the Corpus Ins. Semit. vol. i. p. 29.
1114 See Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pl. xxxii.; Gesenius, Linguæ Scripturæque Phoeniciæ Monumenta, Tab. xxi.
1115 2 Kings xxiii. 5. Compare verse 11.
1116 Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, p. 96.
1117 Ibid. pp. 276-278.
1118 See Döllinger’s Judenthum und Heidenthum, i. 425; E. T.
1119 Döllinger, Judenthum und Heidenthum, i. 425, E. T. Compare Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. Tab. xxiii.
1120 Herod. ii. 44; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 77.
1121 Judg. ii. 11; iii. 7; x. 6, &c.
1122 2 Kings i. 2.
1123 Strab. iii. 5, § 5.
1124 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iv. 113.
1125 2 Kings iii. 2.
1126 See the representation in Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 73.
1127 Döllinger, Judenthum und Heidenthum, i. 427.
1128 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 77.
1129 Gen. xiv. 5.
1130 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 419, 450, 555, &c.
1131 Ibid. p. 554.
1132 Curtius, in the Archäologische Zeitung for 1869, p. 63.
1133 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 303.
1134 Menand. Ephes. Fr. 1.
1135 See Philo Bybl. Fe. ii. 8, § 14; {’Ilon ton kai Kronon}. Damascius ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 1050.
1136 Philo. Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 17.
1137 Diod. Sic. xx. 14.
1138 Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 25.
1139 Ibid. Fr. iv.
1140 Ibid. Fr. ii. 8, § 14-19.
1141 Karth or Kartha, is probably the root of Carthage, Carthagena, Carteia, &c., as Kiriath is of Kiriathaim, Kiriath-arba, Kiriath-arim, &c.
1142 Melicertes is the son of Demaroüs and the grandson of Uranus; Baal-samin is a god who stands alone, “without father, without mother, without descent.”
1143 See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 567, 577, 578; Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. Tab. xxxvii. I.
1144 Herod. ii. 44.
1145 Ibid.
1146 Strab. iii. 5, § 4-6.
1147 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 575.
1148 Ibid. p. 574.
1149 Strab. iii. 5, § 5.
1150 Sil. Ital. iii. 18-20.
1151 Ibid. iii. 21-27.
1152 1 Sam. v. 2-5; 1 Mac. x. 18.
1153 Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 14.
1154 Ibid. § 20.
1155 Layard, Ninev. and Bab. p. 343; Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 323.
1156 See 2 Sam. viii. 3, and 1 Kings xv. 18, where the names Hadad-ezer and Ben-hadad suggest at any rate the worship of Hadad.
1157 Macrob. Saturnalia, i. 23.
1158 So Macrobius, l.s.c. Compare the representations of the Egyptian Sun-God, Aten, in the sculpures of Amenhotep IV. (See the Story of Egypt, in G. Putnam’s Series, p. 225.)
1159 [ The h in “Hadad” is he ({...}), but in chad it is heth ({...}). The derivation also leaves the reduplication of the
1160 Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 24, § 1.
1161 Zech. xii. 11.
1162 1 Kings i. 18; 2 Kings v. 18.
1163 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 311.
1164 Ezek. viii. 14.
1165 The Adonis myth is most completely set forth by the Pseudo-Lucian, De Dea Syra, § 6-8.
1166 Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 11.
1167 Ibid.
1168 “King of Righteousness” and “Lord of Righteousness” are the interpretations usually given; but “Zedek is my King” and “Zedek is my Lord” would be at least equally admissible.
1169 Berytus was under the protection of the Cabeiri generally (Philo Bybl. ii. 8, § 25) and of Esmun in particular. Kenrick says that he had a temple there (Phoenicia, p. 327).
1170 Cyprian inscriptions contain the names of Bar-Esmun, Abd-Esmun, and Esmun-nathan; Sidonian ones those of two Esmun-azars. Esmun’s temple at Carthage was celebrated (Strab. xvii. 14; Appian, viii. 130). His worship in Sardinia is shown by votive offerings (Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 308).
1171 Ap. Phot. Bibliothec. Cod. ccxlii. p. 1074.
1172 Pausan. viii. 23.
1173 The name Astresmunim, “herb of Esmun,” given by Dioscorides (iv. 71) to the solanum, which was regarded as having medicinal qualities, is the nearest approach to a proof that the Phoenicians themselves connected Esmun with the healing art.
1174 Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 11.
1175 Herod. ii. 51; Kenrick, Egypt, Appendix, pp. 264-287.
1176 Philo Bybl. l.s.c.
1177 Herod. iii. 37; Suidas ad voc. {pataikos}; Hesych. ad voc. {Kabeiroi}.
1178 Strab. x. 3, § 7.
1179 Gen. ix. 22; x. 6. Compare the author’s Herodotus, iv. 239-241.
1180 Herod. iii. 37.
1181 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 65, 78, &c.
1182 Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. Tab. xxxix.
1183 Berger, La Phénicie, p. 24; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 70.
1184 Pausan. ix. 12; Nonnus, Dionysiac. v. 70; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {’Ogkaiai}; Hesych. ad voc. {’Ogka}; Scholiast. ad Pind. Ol. ii. &c.
1185 As Stephen and Hesychius.
1186 Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. § 24.
1187 The “Oncæan” gate at Thebes is said to have taken its name from her.
1188 Gesen. Mon. Phoen. p. 113.
1189 Ibid. pp. 168-177.
1190 Prosper, Op. iii. 38; Augustine, De Civ. Dei, ii. 3.
1191 Gesen. Mon. Ph. Tab. ix.
1192 Ibid. p. 168.
1193 Apul. Metamorph. xi. 257.
1194 Gesen. Mon. Ph. Tab. xvi.
1195 Ibid. pp. 115-118.
1196 See the author’s History of Ancient Egypt, i. 400.
1197 See the Fragments of Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 19.
1198 Ibid. § 25.
1199 See Sir H. Rawlinson’s Essay on the Religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians, in the author’s Herodotus, i. 658.
0121 See also Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 233; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 405, 447, 515, &c.
0122 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 428, 527, 531, 533, 534, &c.
0123 Ibid. pp. 527, 545; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 145.
0124 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 538.
0125 Ibid. pp. 539, 547; Di Cesnola, pp. 143, 145, 149, 151, &c.
0126 Di Cesnola, pp. 141, 145, 149, 151, 153, 240, 344.
0127 Ibid. pp. 141, 143, 149; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 511, 513, 531, &c.
0128 Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 519, 523, &c.
0129 Ibid. pp. 531, 533; Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 131, &c.
1210 Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 527, 533, 539; Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 145, 154.
1211 Di Cesnola, p. 306.
1212 Ibid. Pls. xlvi. and xlvii.; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 205, 643, 837.
1213 Di Cesnola, p. 132.
1214 Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 64, 450, 555, 557; Di Cesnola, Pls vi. and xv.; also p. 275.
1215 Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. 431.
1216 Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 202, 451, 554.
1217 Ibid. pp. 473, 549; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 230.
1218 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 549.
1219 Ibid. pp. 189, 549, 565.
1220 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, 141, 190, 230.
1221 Ibid. pp. 141, 191.
1222 Ibid. p. 141.
1223 Is. iii. 18-23.
1224 Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 257, 450, 542, 563, 824.
1225 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xxiii.; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iii. 819, A.
1226 Di Cesnola, pl. xxii.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 819, B.
1227 Di Cesnola, p. 315.
1228 See plate x. in Perrot et Chipiez, iii. opp. p. 824.
1229 Ibid. pp. 826, 827.
1230 Compare Di Cesnola, pl. xxv.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 826.
1231 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 826.
1232 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 311.
1233 Ibid. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, p. 832.
1234 These bracelets are in Paris, in the collection of M. de Clercq (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 832).
1235 Ibid.
1236 This bracelet is in silver, but the head of the lion has been gilded. It is now in the British Museum.
1237 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 836; No. 604.
1238 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 311, 312.
1239 Ibid. p. 312. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, p. 835.
1240 Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c. (No. 603.)
1241 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818: “Il y a dans les formes de ces boucles d’orielles une étonnante variété.”
1242 See his Cyprus, pl. xxv., and compare Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 819, fig. D.
1243 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 821; No. 577.
1244 Ibid. Nos. 578, 579.
1245 Di Cesnola, pl. xxvi.
1246 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 823.
1247 See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 822; No. 582.
1248 Ibid. pp. 821, 822. Compare Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 297, and pl. xxvii.
1249 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 823.
1250 Di Cesnola, p. 310; Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818; No. 574.
1251 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818; No. 575.
1252 Di Cesnola, pl. xxviii.
1253 Ibid. pl. xxi.
1254 Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 830, 831.
1255 Perrot et Chipiez, p. 831; No. 595.
1256 Di Csnola, p. 316.
1257 Ibid. pl. xxi (opp. p. 312).
1258 Ibid. pl. xxx.
1259 Ibid. pl. ix.
1260 Compare Di Cesnola, p. 149.
1261 Ibid. pl. x.
1262 Ibid. p. 77; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 783.
1263 Di Cesnola, p. 149.
1264 Ibid. pl. xiv.
1265 Ibid. pl. x.
1266 See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 769, 771, 789.
1267 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 798.
1268 C. W. King, in Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, pp. 363, 364.
1269 Mr. King says of it: “No piece of antique worked agate hitherto known equals in magnitude and curiosity the ornament discovered among the bronze and iron articles of the treasure. It is a sphere about six inches in diameter, black irregularly veined with white, having the exterior vertically scored with incised lines, imitating, as it were, the gadroons of a melon” (ibid. p. 363).
1270 Renan, Mission de Phénicie, Pls. xii. xiii.; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pls. iv. and xxx.; and pp. 335, 336.
1271 Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 846-853.
1272 1 Kings xxii. 39.
0131 This follows from the fact that the Greeks, who tell us that they got their letters from the Phoenicians, gave them names only slightly modified from the Hebrew.
0132 See Dr. Ginsburg’s Moabite Stone, published in 1870.
0133 See Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund for October 1881, pp. 285-287.
0134 Corp. Ins. Semit. i. 224-226.
0135 Herod. v. 58; Diod. Sic. v. 24; Plin. H. N. v. 12; vii. 56; Tacit. Ann. xi. 14; Euseb. Chron. Can. i. 13; &c.
0136 Capt. Conder, in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, Jan. 1889, p. 17.
0137 Encycl. Britann. i. 600 and 606.
0138 Conder, in Quarterly Statement, &c. l.s.c.
0139 See Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. Tab. 19 and 20.
1310 See the Corpus Ins. Semit. i. 3, 30, 73, &c.; Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. Tab. 29-33.
1311 See on this entire subject Gesenius, Scripturæ Linguæque Phoeniciæ Monumenta, pp. 437-445; Movers, article on Phoenizien in the Cyclopädie of Ersch and Gruber; Renan, Histoire des Langues Sémitiques, pp. 189-192.
1312 Renan, Histoire, &c., p. 186.
1313 Philo Byblius, Fr. i.
1314 Philo Byblius, Fr. ii. § 5-8.
1315 Ibid. Fr. v.
1316 The Voyage of Hanno translated, and accompanied with the Greek Text, by Thomas Falconer, M.A., London, 1797.
1317 Quoted by Falconer in his second “Dissertation,” p. 67.
1318 See the Histoire des Langues Sémitiques (p. 186):—“Les monuments épigraphiques viennent heureusement combler en partie cette lacune.”
1319 See the Corpus Inscr. Semit. i. 13.
1320 Corpus Inscr. Semit. i. 20.
1321 Story of Phoenicia, p. 269.
1322 On the age of Jehavmelek, see M. Renan’s remarks in the Corpus Inscriptionum Semit. i. 8.
1323 Ibid. p. 3.
1324 I have followed the translation of M. Renan (Corp. Ins. Semit. i. 8).
1325 See the Corpus Inscr. Semit. i. 226-236.
1326 See the Corp. Inscr. Sem. i. 30-32.
1327 Gesenius, Script. Linguæque Phoen. Monumenta, p. 177.
1328 Ibid. p. 96.
1329 See the Corpus Inscr. Semit. i. 36-39.
1330 Ibid. pp. 110-112.
1331 Ibid. p. 69.
1332 Ibid. p. 76.
1333 See the Corpus Inscr. Semit. pp. 67, 68.
1334 Gesenius, Scripturæ Linguæque Phoen. Mon. p. 144.
1335 Ibid. p. 147.
1336 Ibid. p. 187.
1337 See the fragments of Dius and Menander, who followed the Tyrian historians (Joseph. Contr. Ap. i. 18).
1338 Ap. Strab. xvii. 2, § 22.
1339 Ibid.
1340 See Sallust, Bell. Jugurth. § 17; Cic. De Orat. i. 58; Amm. Marc. xxii. 15; Solin. Polyhist. § 34.
1341 Columella, xii. 4.
1342 Ibid. i. 1, § 6.
1343 Plin. H. N. xviii. 3.
1344 As Antipater and Apollonius, Stoic philosophers of Tyre (Strab. l.s.c.), Boëthus and Diodotus, Peripatetics, of Sidon (ibid.), Philo of Byblus, Hermippus of Berytus, and others.
0141 Gen. x. 15-18.
0142 “Canaanite” is used in a much wider sence, including all the Syrian nations between the coast line and the desert.
0143 Mark vii. 26.
0144 Ezra iii. 7.
0145 1 Kings v. 18 (marginal rendering).
0146 Ezek. xxvii. 11.
0147 Gen. x. 17, 18.
0148 Judg. i. 31.
0149 Brugsch, Hist. of Egypt, i. 222, et seq.
1410 See Records of the Past, ii. 110, 111.
1411 Josh. xi. 8; xix. 28.
1412 Judg. xviii. 7, 8.
1413 Ibid. i. 31.
1414 Ramantha (Laodicea) in later times claimed the rank of “Metropolis,” which implied a supremacy over other cities; but the real chief power of the north was Aradus.
1415 Hom. Il. xxiii. 743.
1416 Ibid. 743-748.
1417 Hom. Od. iv. 613-619.
1418 Ibid. xv. 460 (Worsley’s translation).
1419 Hom. Il. vi. 290-295 (Sotheby’s translation).
1420 Scylax, Periplus, § 104.
1421 Cl. Julius, quoted by Stephen of Byzantium, ad voc. {DOROS}.
1422 Justin, Hist. Philipp. xviii. 3.
1423 Strab. xvi. ii. § 13.
1424 Appian, De Rebus Punicus, § 1, &c.
1425 Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. p. 267.
1426 The Sidonian vessel which carries off Eumæus quits the Sicilian haven after sunset, and continues its voyage night and day without stopping—{’Exemar men onos pleomen nuktas te kai e mar} (Hom. Od. xv. 471-476).
1427 Strabo, xvi. 2, § 24.
1428 Ibid.
1429 Manilius, i. 304-309.
1430 Herod. i. 1.
1431 See Hom. Odyss. xv. 455.
1432 Herod. l.s.c.
1433 Hom. Odyss. xv. 403-484.
1434 Strabo, xvi. 2, § 14.
1435 We find hereditary monarchy among the Hittites (Records of the Past, iv. 28), at Tyre (Menand. ap. Joseph. Contr. Ap. i. 18), in Moab (Records, xi. 167), in Judah and Israel, in Syria (2 Kings, xiii. 24), in Ammon (2 Sam. x. 1), &c.
1436 1 Sam. viii. 20.
1437 When kings are priests, it is noted as exceptional. (See Menand. l.s.c.; Inscription of Tabnit, line 1.)
1438 Judg. x. 12.
1439 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 343.
1440 Josh. xix. 29.
1441 Records of the Past, ii. 111.
1442 Justin, Hist. Phil. xviii. 3.
1443 Claudian, Bell. Gild. l. 120.
1444 Solinus, Polyhist. § 29; Plin. H. N. v. 76.
1445 Herod. i. 1 ({nautiliai makrai}).
1446 Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient, p. 321.
1447 See the fragments of Philo Byblius, passim.
1448 Euseb. Præp. Ev. x. 9, § 12.
1449 Tatian, Adv. Græc. § 58.
1450 Cinyras and Belus are both connected with Cyprus as kings. The Assyrians found kings there in all the cities (G. Smith, Eponym Canon. p. 139). So the Persians (Herod. v. 104-110).
1451 Dius, Fr. 2; Menand. Fr. 1.
1452 Justin (xviii. 3) is scarcely an exception.
1453 See the fragments of Dius and Menander above cited.
1454 1 Chr. xiv. 1.
1455 2 Sam. vii. 2.
1456 1 Chr. xxii. 4.
1457 1 Kings v. 1.
1458 Joseph, Ant. Jud. viii. 2, § 6; 1 Kings, l.s.c.
1459 Ibid. viii. 2, § 8.
1460 See Joseph. Ant. Jud. viii. 2, § 7, and compare the letters with their Hebrew counterparts in 1 Kings v. 3-6 and 7-9.
1461 1 Kings v. 10-12.
1462 Ezek. xxvii. 17; Acts xii. 20.
1463 Menander, Fr. 1.
1464 1 Kings v. 15, 18; 2 Chr. ii. 18.
1465 1 Kings v. 17, 18.
1466 Ibid. vi. 18, 29.
1467 Ibid. verses 23-28.
1468 Ibid. verse 35.
1469 2 Chron. iii. 14.
1470 Ibid. ii. 14.
1471 1 Kings vii. 13.
1472 1 Kings vii. 14; 2 Chron. ii. 14.
1473 1 Kings vii. 46.
1474 Menander, Fr. 1; Dius, Fr. 2; Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. v. 5; Sil. Ital. Bell. Pun. iii. 14, 22, 30.
1475 1 Kings vii. 15-22.
1476 Ibid. verses 27-37.
1477 Ibid. vi. 38.
1478 Ibid. vii. 1. Compare ix. 10.
1479 Stanley, Lectures on the Jewish Church, ii. 165-167.
1480 See the Fragment of Menander above quoted, where Hiram is said to have been fifty-three years old at his decease, and to have reigned thirty-four years.
1481 Strabo, xvi. 2, § 23.
1482 Menander, l.s.c.
1483 So M. Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 369.
1484 Herod. ii. 44.
1485 Arrian, Exped. Alex. ii. 16, 24.
1486 So M. Renan, after careful examination (Mission, l.s.c.). The earlier opinion placed the smaller island, with its Temple of Baal, towards the north (Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 347).
1487 Menander, l.s.c.
1488 Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 23, sub fin.
1489 Josh. xix. 27.
1490 See Robinson, Later Researches, pp. 87, 88.
1491 1 Kings ix. 10-13.
1492 Justin, Dial. c. Tryph. § 34.
1493 Menand. ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 386.
1494 1 Kings xi. 1.
1495 Ibid. ix. 27.
1496 See 1 Kings x. 22. The distinctness of this navy from the one which brought gold from Ophir has been maintained by Dean Stanley (Lectures on the Jewish Church, ii. 156) and the Rev. J. Hammond (Pulpit Commentary, Comment on 1 Kings, p. 213), as well as by the present writer (Speaker’s Commentary, ii. pp. 545, 546).
1497 Mela. iii. 1; Plin. H. N. iv. 22, § 115; Catull. xx. 30, &c.
1498 See Plin. H. N. iii. 3; xxxiii. 6; Polyb. x. 10; Strab. iii. 2, § 3 and 10.
1499 Herod. iv. 191; Plin. H. N. viii. 11.