Augustus’s Account of His Reign (From the Inscription in the Temple of Rome and Augustus at Angora)
1. When I was nineteen I collected an army on my own account and at my own expense, by the help of which I restored the republic to liberty, which had been enslaved by the tyranny of a faction; for which services the Senate, in complimentary decrees, added my name to the roll of their House in the consulship of Gaius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius [B.C. 43], giving me at the same time consular precedence in voting; and gave me imperium. It ordered me as proprætor “to see along with the consuls that the republic suffered no damage.” Moreover, in the same year, both consuls having fallen, the people elected me consul and a triumvir for revising the constitution.
2. Those who killed my father I drove into exile, after a legal trial, in punishment of their crime, and afterwards when these same men rose in arms against the republic I conquered them twice in a pitched battle.
3. I had to undertake wars by land and sea, civil and foreign, all over the world, and when victorious I spared surviving citizens. Those foreign nations, who could safely be pardoned, I preferred to preserve rather than exterminate. About 500,000 Roman citizens took the military oath to me. Of these I settled out in colonies or sent back to their own towns, after their terms of service were over, considerably more than 300,000; and to them all I assigned lands purchased by myself or money in lieu of lands. I captured 600 ships, not counting those below the rating of triremes.
4. I twice celebrated an ovation, three times curule triumphs, and was twenty-one times greeted as imperator. Though the Senate afterwards voted me several triumphs I declined them. I frequently also deposited laurels in the Capitol after performing the vows which I had taken in each war. For successful operations performed by myself or by my legates under my auspices by land and sea, the Senate fifty-three times decreed a supplication to the immortal gods. The number of days during which, in accordance with a decree of the Senate, supplication was offered amounted to 890. In my triumphs there were led before my chariot nine kings or sons of kings. I had been consul thirteen times at the writing of this, and am in the course of the thirty-seventh year of my tribunician power [A.D. 13-14].
5. The Dictatorship offered me in my presence and absence by the Senate and people in the consulship of Marcus Marcellus and Lucius Arruntius [B.C. 22] I declined to accept. I did not refuse at a time of very great scarcity of corn the commissionership of corn supply, which I administered in such a way that within a few days I freed the whole people from fear and danger. The consulship—either yearly or for life—then offered to me I declined to accept.
6. In the consulship of M. Vinicius and Q. Lucretius [B.C. 19], of P. and Cn. Lentulus [B.C. 18], and of Paullus Fabius Maximus and Q. Tubero [B.C. 11], when the Senate and people of Rome unanimously agreed that I should be elected overseer of the laws and morals, with unlimited powers and without a colleague, I refused every office offered me which was contrary to the customs of our ancestors. But what the Senate at that time wished me to manage, I carried out in virtue of my tribunician power, and in this office I five times received at my own request a colleague from the Senate.
7. I was one of the triumvirate for the re-establishment of the constitution for ten consecutive years. I have been princeps senatus up to the day on which I write this for forty years. I am Pontifex Maximus, Augur, one of the fifteen commissioners for religion, one of the seven for sacred feasts, an Arval brother, a sodalis Titius, a fetial.
8. In my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] I increased the number of the patricians by order of people and Senate. I three times made up the roll of the Senate, and in my sixth consulship [B.C. 28] I took a census of the people with M. Agrippa as my colleague. I performed the lustrum after an interval of forty-one years; in which the number of Roman citizens entered on the census roll was 4,063,000. A second time with consular imperium I took the census by myself in the consulship of Gaius Censorinus and Gaius Asinius [B.C. 8], in which the number of Roman citizens entered on the roll was 4,223,000. I took a third census with consular imperium, my son Tiberius Cæsar acting as my colleague, in the consulship of Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius [A.D. 14], in which the number of Roman citizens entered on the census roll was 4,937,000. By new laws passed I recalled numerous customs of our ancestors that were falling into desuetude in our time, and myself set precedents in many particulars for the imitation of posterity.
9. The Senate decreed that vows should be offered for my health by consuls and priests every fifth year. In fulfilment of these vows the four chief colleges of priests or the consuls often gave games in my lifetime. Also individually and by townships the people at large always offered sacrifices at all the temples for my health.
10. By a decree of the Senate my name was included in the ritual of the Salii; and it was ordained by a law that my person should be sacred and that I should have the tribunician power for the term of my natural life. I refused to become Pontifex Maximus in succession to my colleague during his life, though the people offered me that sacred office formerly held by my father. Some years later I accepted that sacred office on the death of the man who had availed himself of the civil disturbance to secure it; such a multitude flocking to my election from all parts of Italy as is never recorded to have come to Rome before, in the consulship of P. Sulpicius and C. Valgius [6 March, B.C. 12].
11. The Senate consecrated an altar to Fortuna Redux, near the temple of Honour and Virtue, by the Porta Capena, for my return, on which it ordered the Vestal Virgins to offer a yearly sacrifice on the day on which in the consulship of Q. Lucretius and M. Vinicius [B.C. 19] I returned to the city from Syria, and gave that day the name Augustalia from my cognomen [15 Dec.].
12. By a decree of the Senate at the same time part of the prætors and tribunes of the plebs, along with the consul Q. Lucretius and leading nobles, were despatched into Campania to meet me—an honour that up to this time has been decreed to no one else. When I returned to Rome from Spain and Gaul after successful operations in those provinces, in the consulship of Tiberius Nero and Publius Quintilius [B.C. 13], the Senate voted that an altar to Pax Augusta should be consecrated for my return on the Campus Martius, upon which it ordered the magistrates and priests and Vestal Virgins to offer an annual sacrifice [30 Jan.].
13. Whereas the Ianus Quirinus, which our ancestors ordered to be closed when peace throughout the whole dominions of the Roman people by land and sea had been obtained by victories, is recorded to have been only twice shut before my birth since the foundation of the city, the Senate three times voted its closure during my principate.
14. My sons Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, whom fortune snatched from me in their early manhood, in compliment to me, the Senate and Roman people designated consuls in their fifteenth year with a proviso that they should enter on that office after an interval of five years. From the day of their assuming the toga virilis the Senate decreed that they should take part in public business. Moreover, the Roman equites in a body gave each of them the title of Princeps Iuventutis, and presented them with silver shields and spears.
15. To the Roman plebs I paid 300 sesterces per head in virtue of my father’s will; and in my own name I gave 400 apiece in my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] from the sale of spoils of war; and a second time in my tenth consulship [B.C. 24] out of my own private property I paid a bounty of 400 sesterces per man, and in my eleventh consulship [B.C. 23] I measured out twelve distributions of corn, having purchased the grain from my own resources. In the twelfth year of my tribunician power [B.C. 11], I for the third time gave a bounty of 400 sesterces a head. These largesses of mine affected never less than 50,200 persons. In the eighteenth year of my tribunician power and my twelfth consulship [B.C. 5] I gave 320,000 of the urban plebs sixty denarii a head. In the colonies of my soldiers, in my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] I gave from the sale of spoils of war 1,000 sesterces a head; and among such settlers the number who received that triumphal largess amounted to about 120,000 men. In my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2] I gave 60 denarii apiece to the plebeians then in receipt of public corn; they amounted to somewhat more than 200,000 persons.
16. The money for the lands, which in my fourth consulship [B.C. 30], and afterwards in the consulship of M. Crassus and Cn. Lentulus the augur [B.C. 14], I assigned to the soldiers, I paid to the municipal towns. The amount was about 600,000,000 sesterces, which I paid for lands in Italy, and about 260,000,000 which I disbursed for lands in the provinces.
I was the first and only one within the memory of my own generation to do this of all who settled colonies in Italy and the provinces. And afterwards in the consulship of Tib. Nero and Cn. Piso [B.C. 7], and again in the consulship of C. Antistius and D. Lælius [B.C. 6], and of C. Calvisius and L. Pasienus [B.C. 4], and of L. Lentulus and M. Messalla [B.C. 3], and of L. Caninius and Q. Fabricius [B.C. 2], to the soldiers, whom after their terms of service I sent back to their own towns, I paid good service allowances in ready money; on which I expended 400,000,000 sesterces as an act of grace.
17. I four times subsidised the ærarium from my own money, the sums which I thus paid over to the commissioners of the treasury amounting to 150,000,000 sesterces. And in the consulship of M. Lepidus and L. Arruntius [A.D. 6], to the military treasury, which was established on my initiative for the payment of their good service allowance, to the soldiers who had served twenty years or more, I contributed from my own patrimony 170,000,000 sesterces.322
18. From and after the year of the consulship of Gnæus and Publius Lentulus [B.C. 18], whenever the payment of the revenues were in arrear, I paid into the treasury from my own patrimony the taxes, whether due in corn or money, sometimes of 100,000 persons, sometimes of more.
19. I built the curia and Chalcidicum adjoining it, and the temples of Apollo on the Palatine with its colonnades, the temple of the divine Iulius, the Lupercal, the colonnade at the Flaminian circus, which I allowed to be called Octavia, from the name of the builder of the earlier one on the same site, the state box at the Circus Maximus, the temples of Jupiter Feretrius and of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol, the temple of Quirinus, the temples of Minerva and of Juno the Queen, and of Jupiter Liberalis on the Aventine, the temple of the Lares at the head of the via Sacra, the temple of the divine Penates in the Velia, the temple of Youth, the temple of the Mater Magna on the Palatine.
20. The Capitolium and the Pompeian theatre—both very costly works—I restored without any inscription of my own name. Water-conduits in many places that were decaying from age I repaired; and I doubled the aqueduct called the Aqua Marcia, by turning a new spring into its channel.
The Forum Iulium and the basilica, which was between the temple of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun and far advanced by my father, I completed; and when the same basilica was destroyed by fire, I began its reconstruction on an extended plan, to be inscribed with the names of my sons, and in case I do not live to complete it I have ordered it to be completed by my heirs.
In my sixth consulship [B.C. 28], I repaired eighty-two temples of the gods in the city in accordance with a decree of the Senate, none being omitted which at that time stood in need of repair. In my seventh consulship [B.C. 27] I constructed the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian.
21. On ground belonging to myself I built a temple to Mars Ultor and the Forum Augustum, with money arising from sale of war spoils. I built a theatre adjoining the temple of Apollo, on ground for the most part purchased from private owners, to be under the name of my son-in-law Marcus Marcellus. Offerings from money raised by sale of war-spoil I consecrated in the temple of Apollo, and in the temple of Vesta, and in the temple of Mars Ultor, which cost me about 100,000,000 sesterces. Thirty-five thousand pounds of gold,323 crown money contributed by the municipia and colonies of Italy for my triumphs, I refunded in my fifth consulship [B.C. 29], and subsequently, as often as I was greeted Imperator, I refused to receive crown money, though the municipia and colonies had decreed it with as much warmth as before.
22. I three times gave a show of gladiators in my own name, and five times in the name of my sons and grandsons; in which shows about 10,000 men contended. I twice gave the people a show of athletes collected from all parts of the world in my own name, and a third time in the name of my grandson. I gave games in my own name four times, as representing other magistrates twenty-three times. In behalf of the quindecimviri, and as master of the college, with M. Agrippa as colleague, I gave the Secular games in the consulship of C. Furnius and C. Silanus [B.C. 17]. In my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2], I gave for the first time the games of Mars which, since that time, the consuls have given in successive years. I gave the people wild-beast hunts, of African animals, in my own name and that of my sons and grandsons, in the circus and forum, and the amphitheatres twenty-six times, in which about 3,500 animals were killed.
23. I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle on the other side of the Tiber, in the spot where now is the grove of the Cæsars, the ground having been hollowed out to a length of 1,800 feet, and a breadth of 1,200 feet, in which thirty beaked ships, triremes or biremes, and a still larger number of smaller vessels contended. In these fleets, besides the rowers, there fought about three thousand men.
24. In the temples of all the states of the province of Asia, I replaced the ornaments after my victory, which he with whom I had fought had taken into his private possession from the spoliation of the temples. There were about eighty silver statues of me, some on foot, some equestrian, some in chariots, in various parts of the city. These I removed, and from the money thus obtained I placed golden offerings in the temple of Apollo in my own name and in that of those who had honoured me by the statues.
25. I cleared the sea of pirates. In that war I captured about 30,000 slaves, who had run away from their masters, and had borne arms against the republic, and handed them back to their owners to be punished. The whole of Italy took the oath to me spontaneously, and demanded that I should be the leader in the war in which I won the victory off Actium. The provinces of the Gauls, the Spains, Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, took the same oath. Among those who fought under my standards were more than seven hundred Senators, eighty-three of whom had been, or have since been, consuls up to the time of my writing this, 170 members of the sacred colleges.
26. I extended the frontiers of all the provinces of the Roman people, which were bordered by tribes that had not submitted to our Empire. The provinces of the Gauls, and Spains and Germany, bounded by the Ocean from Gades to the mouth of the river Elbe, I reduced to a peaceful state. The Alps, from the district near the Adriatic to the Tuscan sea, I forced to remain peaceful without waging unprovoked war with any tribe. My fleet sailed through the Ocean from the mouth of the Rhine towards the rising sun, up to the territories of the Cimbri, to which point no Roman had penetrated, up to that time, either by land or sea. The Cimbri, and Charydes, and Semnones and other peoples of the Germans, belonging to the same tract of country, sent ambassadors to ask for the friendship of myself and the Roman people. By my command and under my auspices, two armies were marched into Æthiopia and Arabia, called Felix, nearly simultaneously, and large hostile forces of both these nations were cut to pieces in battle, and a large number of towns were captured. Æthiopia was penetrated as far as the town Nabata, next to Meroe. Into Arabia the army advanced into the territories of the Sabæi as far as the town Mariba.
27. I added Egypt to the Empire of the Roman people. When I might have made the Greater Armenia a province after the assassination of its king Artaxes, I preferred, on the precedent of our ancestors, to hand over that kingdom to Tigranes, son of King Artavasdes, grandson of King Tigranes, by the hands of Tiberius Nero, who was then my stepson. The same nation being afterwards in a state of revolt and rebellion, I handed over to the government of King Ariobarzanes, son of Artabazus, king of the Medes, after it had been reduced by my son Gaius; and after his death to his son Artavasdes, upon whose assassination I sent Tigranes, a member of the royal family of the Armenians, into that kingdom. I recovered all the provinces on the other side of the Adriatic towards the East and Cyrenæ, which were by this time for the most part held by various kings, and before them Sicily and Sardinia which had been overrun by an army of slaves.
28. I settled colonies of soldiers in Africa, Sicily, Macedonia, both the Spains, Achaia, Asia, Syria, Gallia Narbonensis, Pisidia. Italy has twenty-eight colonies established under my auspices, which have in my lifetime become very densely inhabited and places of great resort.
29. A large number of military standards, which had been lost under other commanders, I recovered, after defeating the enemy, from Spain and Gaul and the Dalmatians. I compelled the Parthians to restore the spoils and standards of three Roman armies, and to seek as suppliants the friendship of the Roman people. These standards I laid up in the inner shrine belonging to the temple of Mars Ultor.
30. The tribes of the Pannonii, which before I was princeps an army of the Roman people never reached, having been subdued by Tiberius Nero, who was then my stepson and legate [B.C. 11], I added to the Empire of the Roman people, and I extended the frontier of Illyricum to the bank of the river Danube. And when an army of the Daci crossed to the south of that river it was conquered and put to flight under my auspices; and subsequently my army, being led across the Danube, forced the tribes of the Daci to submit to the orders of the Roman people.
31. To me there were often sent embassies of kings from India, who had never before been seen in the camp of any Roman general. By embassadors the Bastarnæ and the Scythians and the kings of the Sarmatians, who live on both sides of the river Don, and the king of the Albani and of the Hiberi and of the Medes, sought our friendship.
32. Kings of the Parthians—Tiridates, and afterwards Phrates, son of King Phrates—fled to me for refuge; of the Medes Artavasdes; of the Adiabeni Artaxares; of the Britons Dumnobellaunus and Tim...;324 of the Marcomanni and Suebi....324 Phrates, king of the Parthians, son of Orodes, sent all his sons and grandsons to me in Italy, not because he had been overcome in war, but seeking our friendship by means of his own sons as pledges. And a very large number of other nations experienced the good faith of the Roman people while I was princeps, with whom before that time there had been no diplomatic or friendly intercourse.
33. The nations of the Parthians and the chief men of the Medes by means of embassies sought and accepted from me kings of those peoples—the Parthians Vonones, son of King Phrates, grandson of King Orodes; the Medes Ariobarzanes, son of King Artavasdes, grandson of King Ariobarzanes.
34. In my sixth and seventh consulships [B.C. 28, 27], when I had extinguished the flames of civil war, having by universal consent become possessed of the sole direction of affairs, I transferred the republic from my power to the will of the Senate and people of Rome. For which good service on my part I was by decree of the Senate called by the name of Augustus, and the door-posts of my house were covered with laurels in the name of the state, and a civic crown was fixed up over my door, and a golden shield was placed in the Curia Iulia, which it was declared by its inscription the Senate and people of Rome gave me in recognition of valour, clemency, justice, piety. After that time I took precedence of all in rank, but of power I had nothing more than those who were my colleagues in the several magistracies.
35. While I was administering my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2], the Senate and equestrian order and the Roman people with one consent greeted me as Father of my Country, and decreed that it should be inscribed in the vestibule of my house, and in the Senate house, and in the Forum Augustum, and under the chariot which was there placed in my honour in accordance with a senatorial decree.
When I wrote this I was in my seventy-sixth year [A.D. 13-14].
Footnotes
1 Ad capita bubula. Lanciani (Remains of Ancient Rome, p. 139) says that this was the name of a lane at the eastern corner of the Palatine. Others have thought it to be the name of the house, as the ad malum Punicum in which Domitian was born (Suet., Dom. 1). So later we hear of a house at Rome quæ est ad Palmam (Codex Theod., p. 3). The house may have had its name from a frieze with ox-heads on it, like the tomb of Metella, which came to be called Capo-di-bove. It seems less easy to account for a lane being so called. See also p. 205.
2 C. I. L., vol. i. p. 279.
3 Cicero, ad Q. Fr. 1, 1, 21; 1, 2, 7. Velleius Pat., 2, 59; Sueton., Aug. 3.
4 The plebeian Atii Balbi do not seem to have been important. M. Atius Balbus was prætor in B.C. 62 (with Cæsar), governor of Sardinia B.C. 61-60, and in B.C. 59 was one of the XX viri under the Julian land law (Cic., ad Att. ii. 4).
5 These and other stories will be found in Sueton., Aug. 94, and Dio, 45, 2. Vergil makes skilful use of them in Æn., vi. 797, sqq.
6 Antony, when he wished to depreciate Augustus, asserted that his great-grandfather had a rope-walk at Thurii; and some such connection of his ancestors with that place may account for the cognomen, which would naturally be dropped afterwards (Suet., Aug. 7).
7 The marriage could not have taken place earlier than the middle of B.C. 57, for when Atia’s first husband died Philippus was in Syria. He was succeeded by Gabinius in B.C. 57, and reached Italy in time to stand for the consulship, the elections that year being at the ordinary time, i.e., July (Cic., ad Att. 4, 2).
8 L. Marcius Philippus was the son of the famous orator, and was a warm supporter of Cicero. With his colleague as consul-designate he proposed the prosecution of Clodius (Cic., ad Q. Fr. ii. 1). When the civil war was beginning he was allowed by Cæsar to remain neutral (Cic., ad Att. ix. 15; x. 4). But Cicero found him tiresome company, for he was garrulous and prosy (ad Att. xii. 9, 16, 18); and in the troublous times following the assassination of Cæsar he set little store by his opinion (ad Att. xvi. 14; ad Brut. i. 17).
9 The law of B.C. 52 allowed Cæsar to be “elected in his absence” (absentis rationem haberi), but said nothing of his being in possession of a province. By long prescription the Senate had the right of deciding when a provincial governor should be “succeeded.” But then Cæsar’s term of provincial government had been fixed by a lex, which was superior to a Senatus-consultum; and he might also argue that if it was unconstitutional for a man to be elected consul while holding a province, the Senate had violated the constitution in allowing Pompey to be consul in B.C. 52.
10 The Senate did not insist on the professio, from which Cæsar had been exempted by name in Pompey’s law. But its contention was that it still retained the right of naming the date at which a man was to leave his province, and of deciding in regard to an election whether a man was a legal candidate, which might depend on other things besides the making or not making a professio.
11 The difficulty was that both consuls were absent. There was no one therefore capable of holding a consular election. But as the other curule magistrates still existed, “the auspicia had not returned to the Fathers,” who could not therefore name an interrex. The Prætor Lepidus—though willing—could not “create” a maius imperium. The only way out of it was to name a Dictator (com. hab. causa); but one of the consuls, according to tradition, could alone do that. Eventually Lepidus, by a special vote of the people was authorised to name Cæsar as Dictator—which had precedents in the cases of Fabius Maximus and Sulla—and Cæsar, as Dictator, held the consular elections. Cæs., b. c. ii, 21; Dio, 41, 36.
12 Nicolas (ch. 4) says that he took the toga virilis about fourteen (περὶ ἔτη μάλιστα γεγονὼς τεσσαρακαίδεκα). But Suetonius (Aug. 8) says that he spoke the laudatio of his grandmother in his twelfth year, and “four years afterwards” took the toga virilis.
13 Octavius was sui iuris, his father being dead; his adoption therefore required the formal passing of a lex curiata. Now the opposition, supported by Antony, against this formality being carried out was one of the grounds of Octavian’s quarrel with him in B.C. 44-3, and the completion of it was one of the first things secured by Octavian on his entrance into Rome in August, B.C. 43 [Appian, b. c. iii. 94; Dio, 45, 5]. This seems conclusive against the theory that Iulius adopted him in his lifetime. Moreover all authorities speak of the adoption as made by Will. Livy, Ep. 116, testamento in nomen adoptatus est; Velleius, ii. 59, testamentum apertum est, quo C. Octavium nepotem sororis suæ Iuliæ adoptabat. See also Appian, b. c. iii. 11; Dio, 45, 3; Plutarch, Brut. 22. It is true that Nicolas—speaking of the triumph of B.C. 46—(§ 8) says υἱὸν ἤδη πεποιημἐνος. But if he means anything more than “regarding him as a son,” he twice afterwards contradicts himself: See § 17 ἀπήγγελλον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ὡς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ὡς υἱὸς εἴη Καίσαρι ἐγγεγραμμένος. Cf. § 13.
14 Cicero, ad Att. xii. 48, 49; Nicholas, § 14; Valer. Max., 1, 15, 2. For the subsequent fate of the man see Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 6, 7, 8; App., b. c. iii. 2-3.
15 The patrician gentes were dying out, and it was thought good to replenish their numbers, thus gradually forming a class of nobles distinct from these ennobled by office. In making the Octavii patricians, the initiative was taken by the Senate; in later times, however, the power of creating patricii was conferred on the imperator. Iulius seems also to have done it on his own authority. (Dio, 43, 47; Suet., Aug. 2.)
16 He took with him Apollodorus of Pergamus, a well-known author of a system of rhetoric (Suet., Aug. 89; Strabo, 13, 4, 3; Quinct., 3, 1, 17). Other teachers of his, whether at Apollonia or elsewhere, are Areius of Alexandria, Alexander of Pergamus, Athenodorus of Tarsus (Suet. l. c.; Dio, 51, 4; Plutarch, Ant. 11; Nicol. Dam., § 17; Zonaras, 10, 38).
17 Suet., Aug. 65; Vell. Paterc., 2, 59, 64; App., b. c. 5, 66; Dio, 48, 33. The other instance of a friend who fell into disfavour and ruin quoted by Suetonius is Cornelius Gallus. But he does not seem to have been at Apollonia. He was nearly three years older than Augustus, and in B.C. 44-3 was perhaps with Pollio in Bætica. See Cic., ad Fam. x. 32.
18 Nicolas, § 16; App., b. c. iii. 9-10.
19 Dolabella consul for the last half of B.C. 44 with Antony; Pansa and Hirtius, B.C. 43; Plancus and Dec. Brutus B.C. 42. Probably M. Brutus and C. Cassius (or certainly the former) B.C. 41 [Plut., Cæs. 62; Cic., ad Fam. xii. 2]. For B.C. 43 prætors and other magistrates were named, but for the next years only consuls and tribunes.
20 Dio, 43, 47, καὶ ἔς γε τὰ ἔθνη ἀκληρωτὶ ἐξεπέμφθησαν.
21 M. Brutus, C. Cassius, Dec. Brutus, L. Cimber, C. Trebonius.
22 Cic., ad Att. xiv. 9; Cæs., b. c. ii. 22; Plut., Ant. xi.
23 Dio, 46, 60.
24 Cæsar had auxiliaries in Spain from Aquitania B.C. 49; Cæs., b. c. i. 39.
25 Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 5, 8, 9.
26 Livy, Ep. 62. Appian says that Metellus did not fight, but was received as a friend, wintered at Salonæ, and then went home and claimed a triumph (Illyr. xi.).
27 Eutrop., v. 4.
28 Id. vi. 4; Oros., v. 23.
29 Cæs., b. c. iii. 5, 9.
30 Livy, Ep. 110; App., b. c. ii. 47.
31 Id., b. c. ii. 59.
32 Cæs., b. Alex. 42-3.
33 Id., 34-6.
34 Cic., ad Fam. v. 10 (a), 10, 11.
35 App., Illyr. 13.
36 App., b. c. iv. 75; Dio, 47, 21. Vatinius was ill, and his late reverses had lost him the confidence of his men, who insisted on being transferred to Brutus.
37 Dio, 43, 42; Horace, Odes, iii. 1, 13.
38 Cæs., b. Alex. 48-64; Hisp. 7, 12.
39 App., b. c. ii. 107.
40 Wrongly called Aulus Albinus by Appian, b. c. ii. 48; see Klein, die Verwaltungsbeamten der Provinzen, p. 83.
41 Cic., ad Fam. xiii. 30, 36, 50, 78, 79; Cæs., b. Afr. 2, 26, 34.
42 Cic., ad Fam. vi. 16, 17.
43 Dio, 48, 17, 19; Livy, Ep. 123; Appian, b. c. iv. 84. A certain M. Casinius was nominated to Sicily for B.C. 43, but did not go there, perhaps owing to the order of the Senate (meant to support Dec. Brutus) made on the 20th of December, B.C. 44, that all governors should retain their provinces till farther orders (Cic., ad Fam. xii. 22, 25).
44 App., b. c. ii. 48.
45 Cic., ad Att. xv. 7; xvi. 3.
46 App., b. c. iv. 2; Dio, 46, 55.
47 Sueton., Aug. 47. This probably means after his accession to sole power. According to Nicolas, § 11-12, he visited Africa with Cæsar in B.C. 45. See p. 13. There is no record, however, of his ever having been to Sardinia.
48 App., b. c. v. 67. The hold of Sext. Pompeius on Sardinia was recognised in the “treaty” of Misenum made in B.C. 39 (Dio, 48, 36; App., b. c. v. 72).
49 See Note 2, p. 24.
50 Cicero, 3 Phil. § 26; ad Fam. xii. 22, 23, 30.
51 Appian, b. c. iii. 85, 91.
52 Appian, b. c. iv. 36, 53-56; v. 26; Dio, 48, 21-23. It seems impossible to reconcile Appian and Dio. The course of events here indicated agrees chiefly with Dio, whose account appears on the whole the more reasonable.
53 Cæs., b. c. iii., 102.
54 Id., b. Alex. 42.
55 Drawn up by the commissioners after the fall of Corinth, B.C. 146.
56 Cicero, ad Att. xi. 15; Cæsar, b. c. ii. 56, 106; Dio, 42, 14.
57 Servius had fought against Cæsar at Pharsalia, though his son was with Cæsar. After the battle he retired to Samos and refused to continue the war. See Cicero, ad Fam. iv. 3, 4, 11, 12; vi. 6; xiii. 17, 19, 23, 25, 28.
58 App., b. c. v. 72.
59 Cicero, ad Fam. vi. 12; App., b. c. iii. 2.
60 See Cicero, 13 Phil. 23 (Antony’s letter).
61 P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther. See his letter to Cicero, ad Fam. xii. 14, 15.
62 Cæs., b. Alex. 66: rebus omnibus provinciæ et finitimarum civitatum constitutis is all that we are told.
63 Dio, 47, 26. Appian gives two accounts of Bassus. In the first he represents him as the real commander of the legions, while Sext. Iulius was the nominal chief. He, however, gives an alternative account more in accordance with that of Dio. See App., b. c. iii. 77; iv. 58, sq.
64 Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 9.
65 Id., ad Fam. xii. 11 (Cassius to Cicero); xii. 12.
66 Cicero, ad Att. vi. 5; Valer. Max., vi. 1, 15.
67 Cyrene with four other cities—Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe, Berenice—formed a Pentapolis. (Livy, Epit. 70.)
68 App., b. c. I. iii. sq.; Sall., hist. fr. ii. 39.
69 Vell. Pat., ii. 34; Dio, 36, 2; Iust. 39, 5; Livy, Epit. 100. The laws of Crete were left in force (Cic., Mur. § 74; pro Flacc. § 30).
70 App., b. c. iii. 12, 16, 36; iv. 57; Dio, 47, 21.
71 Cicero, 2 Phil. § 97.
72 The possibility of these legions crossing to Italy had caused no little anxiety at Rome; Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 16.
73 Cicero, ad Att. xv. 21.
74 Suetonius (Iul. 83) says, “three-fourths”; so also does Nicolas Dam. 17 (τρία μέρη τῶν χρημάτων). But Livy (Ep. 116) says “one-half” (ex semisse). It is possible Livy may refer to the amount left when the legacy of 300 sesterces to each citizen was deducted. Nicolas seems to think, however, that this legacy was charged on the remaining fourth. Octavian certainly undertook to pay it, but then Pinarius and Pedius handed over their shares to him.
75 Appian (b. c. ii. 147) says that the body itself was not seen during Antony’s laudatio, but that a wax figure was displayed which by some mechanical contrivance was made to revolve and show all the wounds.
76 Nicolas (§ 17) would seem to send them straight to Antium. But from Cicero’s letters it is clear that Brutus at any rate went first to Lanuvium, ad Att. xiv. 10, 21; xv. 9. They seem to have gone to Antium towards the end of May or beginning of June.
77 Suet., Aug. 25.
78 The last being the adjectival form of his original name, in accordance with the usual custom in cases of adoption.
79 Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 5, 10, 11, 12.
80 Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 20, 21. Dio (45, 6) says that the introducing tribune was Tib. Canutius. But it seems probable that this refers to a second speech.
81 Cic., ad Att. xv. 2. There is a singularly manly and frank letter from Matius to Cicero (ad Fam. xi. 28), defending his attachment to Cæsar and his services to Octavian.
82 Appian, b. c. 3, 20, τῶν προσόδων ἐξ οὗ παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐς αὐτὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ ταμιείου συμφερομένων. The sole management of the Treasury had been committed to Cæsar in B.C. 45 (Dio, 43, 44, τἁ δημόσια χρήματα μόνον διοικεῖν). He had taken it out of the hands of the quæstors and appointed two præfecti to manage it: but it does not seem that they had anything to do with the money in the temple of Ops, as to which there was some doubt as to its being “public money” in the ordinary sense.
83 Cicero, 1 Phil. § 17; 2 Phil. § 93.
84 Cicero, in 2 Phil. § 93, seems to assume that Antony had taken the money all at once. But from Cicero’s own letters it would seem that the process of despoiling the temple of Ops was a gradual one, and that the use made of the money by Antony was more or less a matter of conjecture. On the 27th of April he writes: “You mention plundering going on at the temple of Ops. I, too, was a witness to that at the time” (ad Att. xiv. 14). On the 7th of May he says that Dolabella had a great share of it (ad Att. xiv. 18). In November he says that his nephew Quintus knew all about it, and meant to reveal it to the public (ad Att. xvi. 14). Appian (b. c. iii. 20) makes Antony say to Octavian: “The money transferred to my house was not so large a sum as you conjecture, nor is any part of it in my custody now. The men in power—except Dolabella and my brothers—divided up the whole of it as the property of a tyrant.”
85 Cic., ad Att. xvi. 8.
86 Dio, 45, 6; this seems a different case from that mentioned by App., b. c. iii. 47, and referred to by Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 15, as happening later in this same year.
87 See ante p. 14: Dio, 45, 2; Sueton., Aug. 2, 10; Tac., Ann. xi. 25.
88 Dio, 45, 4; Cicero, ad Att. xv. 3.
89 Cicero, 2 Phil. § 100; ad Att. xiv. 20, 21.
90 Id., ad Att. xiv. 3 (9th April); xv. 4 (24th May); 2 Phil. § 108; Appian, b. c. iii. 5. The Senate had been induced to vote him a bodyguard. See the letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony in Cicero, ad Fam. xi. 2.
91 Dio, 45, 10; Cic., ad Att. xvi. 1. The negotiation after all fell through on the question of Sextus’s recovering the actual house and property of his father, much of which was in Antony’s hands (Cic., ad Att. xvi. 4; Dio, 45, 9). He refused to accept a mere money compensation. Eventually, when the Senate had broken with Antony, it made terms with Sextus, appointing him commander of the naval forces of the Republic. Consequently he was proscribed by the Triumvirs. App., b. c. iii. 4.
92 Cic., ad Att. xv. 10, 11.
93 Cicero (2 Phil. § 109) declares that Antony’s bodyguard was stationed round the Senate—some of them being foreign mercenaries—and that his opponents therefore did not venture to enter the house.
94 Appian, b. c. iii. 29-30. But Appian in regard to the order of events here is very confused and often wrong.
95 Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 4, 5.
96 Id., 1 Phil. § 14; ad Att. xvi. 7; ad Fam. xii. 2.
97 Nicolas (§ 30), Appian (b. c. iii. 39), Plutarch (Ant. 16), acquit Augustus. The two writers who adopt Cicero’s view of the truth of the accusation are Seneca (de Clement. 1, 9, 1) and Suetonius (Aug. 10). See Cicero, ad Fam. xii. 23.
98 ad Att. xv. 12.
99 See ante, p. 3.
100 He had the title Imperator inherited from Cæsar (Dio, 43, 44); but this was a mere honorary title, and could not be held to give imperium. He was careful to use it however, as in the inscription recording the formation of the triumvirate.... EMILIVS M. ANTONIVS. IMP. CÆSAR. III VIR R.P.C. A.D. IV KAL. DEC. AD. PRID. KAL. IAN. SEXT....
101 Monum. Ancyr. I, annos undeviginti natus exercitum privato consilio et privata impensa comparavi: per quem rem publicam dominatione factionis oppressam in libertatem vindicavi. Compare Cæsar, b. civ. 1, 22, ut se et Populum Romanum factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret.
102 Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 8 and 9.
103 Id., ad Fam. xii. 23.
104 App., b. c. iii. 43-45; Cic., 3 Phil. § 10; Dio, 45, 13.
105 Cic., ad Att. xvi. 10, 13 a, 13 b, 14.
106 Id., 3 Phil. § 19.
107 pestifera, 13 Phil. § 19.
108 Cicero, 3 Phil. §§ 19-27; 5 Phil. § 23; 13 Phil. § 19; App., b. c. iii. 45.
109 Cic., ad Att. xvi. 11.
110 Id. xvi. 14.
111 Id. xvi. 15. It seems from Appian (b. c. iii. 31) that Octavian was not a candidate, but he was generally supposed to wish it, and that therefore many were going to vote for him. He ostensibly supported another candidate—Flaminius. Antony stopped the election on the ground that there was no need to fill up a vacancy so late in the year. This settled the question. But it is doubtful whether this does not refer to an earlier occasion.
112 Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 15, 3.
113 Id., ad Fam. xi. 6; 3 Phil. §§ 37-39.
114 The passages are Cicero, 5 Phil. §§ 45-47; 11 Phil. § 20; 13 Phil. § 39; Monum. Ancyr. § 3; Livy, Ep. 118; C. I. L. x. 8375; Suet., Aug. 10, 26. Dio (40, 29) says that he was in the Senate ἐν τοῖς τεταμιευκόσι—inter quæstorios. This may be a misunderstanding of Cicero’s proposal that for purposes of election he was to count as having been quæstor. The rank of proprætor was necessary for his command in the army, not for his entrance into the Senate.
115 Pollio in Bætica, Lepidus in Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, and Plancus in Northern Gaul.
116 Laudandum, ornandum, tollendum (Cic., ad Fam. xi. 20, 21). This epigram seems to have been inspired by the exultant hopes roused by the news of the battle of Forum Gallorum.
117 Monum. Ancyr. § 1, respublica ne quid detrimenti caperet me pro prætore cum consulibus providere iussit. This was a general order, neither Antony nor any particular hostis being named.
118 Octavian first assumed the fasces (symbol of imperium) on the 7th of January (C. I. L. x. 8375.)
119 Cicero, 8 Phil. §§ 25-28.
120 The letter is preserved in the 13th Philippic, with Cicero’s bitter comments. It dwells on the favours and honours voted to the chief assassins, as well as the abolition of many of Cæsar’s acta. Antony also asserts that Lepidus and Plancus are on his side and warns Octavian that Cicero is playing him false.
121 The country is very flat, but was intersected by drains and watercourses, making military evolutions difficult, if not impossible, in the rainy season. (App., b. c. 3, 65.)
122 Such as the cavalry engagement between Pontius Aquila and Tib. Munatius Plancus at Pollentia (Dio, 46, 38). Octavian also suffered some loss by the desertion of some Gallic cavalry (ib. 37).
123 Cic., ad Brutum, ii. 2.
124 In enrolling legions Bassus was probably justified by the SCtum ultimum, which included the prætors. He was known to be a supporter of Antony, and might be thought capable of occupying Rome in his interest. We shall see afterwards that he joined him in Cisalpine Gaul. Some rumour of his being likely to act in this way had been rife before January 1st, when he was only prætor-designate. (See Cic., ad Att. xvi. 1; ad Brut. i. 3.)
125 Cicero says of Octavian that he secundum proelium fecit because he castra multarum legionum paucis cohortibus tutatus est (14 Phil. § 28). The attack on the camp is not mentioned elsewhere (ib. § 37). For his being greeted as Imperator see C. I. L. ix. 8375.
126 Cic., ad Brut. 1, 3, 5.
127 Suet., Aug. 11; Cic., ad Brut. i. 6.
128 Cic., ad Fam. xi. 21.
129 Dio, 46, 41; Livy, Ep. 118.
130 Cic., ad Brut. i. 15.
131 Id., ad Fam. xi. 20, 21, see ante p. 52.
132 Id., ad Brut. i. 4; App., b. c. iii. 82; Dio, 46, 42; Plut., Cic. 46. There was evidently some rumour of Cicero intending to be consul, though he speaks with rather affected indignation of Octavian wishing to be elected also (ad Brut. i. 10).
133 Cic., ad Brut. 1, 3.
134 Id. § 4.
135 Cic., ad Fam. xi. 10.
136 He was perhaps deceived by the report that Octavian’s legions had taken an oath not to fight against any that had served under Iulius Cæsar. This applied to some men at present with Antony. But Dio implies that the oath was at the secret instigation of Octavian himself (Dio, 46, 42).
137 Cic., ad Fam. xi. 13.
138 Id. xi. 19.
139 Id. xi. 20.
140 Id. xi. 14.
141 Cic., ad Fam. x. 23.
142 Id. x. 24.
143 Id. xi. 12 and 14.
144 Cic., ad Fam. x. 16.
145 Id. x. 35; xii. 35.
146 Id. xi. 26, cp. xi. 13.
147 Id., ad. Brut. i. 10.
148 A similar technical difficulty had occurred in B.C. 49 (both consuls being absent, and unwilling, of course, to name a dictator), and had been got over by the nomination of a dictator by the prætor under a special law. See p. 8; Cic., ad Fam. x. 26; ad M. Brut. i. 5.
149 Plancus (Cic., ad Fam. x. 29) expresses surprise that Cæsar wished to give up the glory of defeating Antony for the sake of “a two months’ consulship.” But this only shows that Plancus did not understand Octavian’s object or policy.
150 Suet., Aug. 26; Dio, 46, 43; Plut., Pomp. 58. Appian (b. c. 3, 82), without alluding to this scene, regards the application itself as the result of a secret intrigue with Cicero, and Cicero’s exclamation, if made, may have been intended as encouraging and not sarcastic.
151 The number given by Appian (b. c. iii. 88). Octavian had five legions when he went to Gaul: two raised in Campania of veterans, one of tirones, the Martia and Quarta (App., b. c. iii. 47). The other three must have been made up from the armies of Pansa and Hirtius. None of the veteran legions in these two armies would consent to follow Decimus Brutus (Cic., ad Fam. xi. 19).
152 Cic., ad Brut. 1, 18.
153 Ib. and App., b. c. iii. 90.
154 The panic had been increased by some damage done by his soldier on the march to properties of known anti-Cæsareans.
155 Confiscation of property and the forbidding of “fire and water” followed as a matter of course. One of the assassins—P. Servilius Casca—was tribune, and as such could not legally be condemned, but he vacated his tribuneship by flying from Rome and was condemned with the rest.
156 The Senate had nothing to do with this quæstio, which was established by a lex, but its attitude to Octavian amounted to a condonation if not an active approval.
157 According to Appian (b. c. iii. 97), Pollio for some time declined to join Antony and Lepidus. He seems to have done so when their outlawry was removed.
158 Decimus Brutus first tried to reach Ravenna, hoping to sail to Macedonia and join M. Brutus. Headed back by Cæsar’s advance, he recrossed the Alps (being gradually deserted by his men) and trusted himself to a Gaul, who had received favours from him of old. But his host communicated with Antony, and by his orders put him to death. There were other versions of his death. Perhaps neither Antony nor Cæsar cared to ask questions so long as he was dead. (App., b. c. iii. 97-98; Dio, 46, 53; Velleius Pat., ii. 64; Livy, Ep. 120.)
159 Plancus did not accompany Antony into Italy; he stayed in Gaul, busying himself with the foundation of Lugdunum, and apparently suppressing some movements in the Eastern Alps, for at the end of the year coming home to enter on his consulship, he celebrated a triumph ex Rhætis [Inscrip. Neap., 4089; Fast. Capitol. 29 Dec. A. V. 711.] Pollio, who had presently to assent to the proscription of his father-in-law, L. Quintius, was left in charge of Transpadane Gaul, to arrange for lands for the veterans. It was in this business that he came across Vergil and his farm.
160 Daughter of Fulvia by her first husband, P. Clodius.
161 Plut., Ant. 19; App., b. c. iv. 6; Dio, 46, 44.
162 The usual interval (tres nundinæ) for promulgatio was dispensed with.
163 Appian, b. c. iv. 5; Livy, Ep. 120. Of the 69 names given by Appian, he records the escape of 31. This tallies roughly with the discrepancy between his and Livy’s reckoning.
164 Appian, b. c. iv. 36.
165 Suet., Aug. 27.
166 Dio, 47, 14.
167 Id. 47, 16-17.
168 App., b. c. 4, 34.
169 Lassam crudelitatem, Sen. de Clem. 1, 9, 2. The other opinions referred to are Velleius, ii. 66; App., b. c. iv. 42, 45; Plut., Ant. 21; Dio, 47, 7; Sueton., Aug. 27. For Toranius, see Nic. Dam. 2.
170 Sueton., Aug. 61; Dio, 47, 17; [Tacit.] de orat. 29.
171 Cicero, 13 Phil. §§ 8-12, 50; Velleius, ii. 73. The decree was passed on the 20th of March, B.C. 43.
172 Dio, 48, 17 sq.; Livy, Ep. 123.
173 App., b. c. iv. 85; Dio, 47, 36; Livy, Ep. 123.
174 Dio, 51, 2; Suet., Aug. 13.
175 At any rate the head never reached Rome, but was lost at sea. App., b. c. iv. 135; Dio, 47, 49; Plut., Ant., 22; Brut. 53; Sueton., Aug. 13.
176 Ulpian (dig. 48, 24) quotes this lost autobiography; see Mon. Ancyr. § 3.
177 The first meeting of Antony and Cleopatra, when the queen was rowed up the Cydnus in her barge, dressed as Venus with attendant cupids, seems to have been in the autumn of B.C. 42 (Plut., Anton. 25-6.). He had seen her once before in B.C. 56 when he accompanied Gabinius to restore her father. But she must have been a mere child then.
178 These legions had behaved badly at Placentia, demanding a sum of money from the inhabitants. Calenus and Ventidius may have justified their action on this score (Dio, 48, 10).
179 From caliga, “a soldier’s boot.”
180 Dio, 48, 12.
181 Appian, b. c. 4, 30; Dio, 48, 31. Livy, however (Ep. 121), says M. Lepido fuso, as though he had resisted and had been beaten.
182 Livy, Ep. 126; Velleius, ii. 74; App., b. c. v. 48-49; Dio, 48, 14; Seneca, de Clem. 1, 11, 1. The uncertainty of historical testimony is illustrated by the fact that both Dio and Appian name C. Canutius (Tr. Pl. B.C. 44) among the victims at Perusia, while Velleius (ii. 64) says that he was the first to suffer under the proscription in B.C. 43.
183 C. I. L., i. 697.
184 This was to safeguard Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. There is some doubt, however, as to his having been an assassin. Cocceius denied it (App., b. c. v. 62). Suetonius (Nero 3) does the same. But Cicero (2 Phil. §§ 27, 30) says that he was; and Appian himself does the same (b. c. v. 59). Dio thrice speaks of him as a σφαγεύς (48, 7, 29, 54). At any rate he was condemned by the lex Pedia, as though he had been an assassin. He may have been one of those who joined the assassins on the Capitol after the murder.
185 Appian, b. c. v. 65. It has been doubted whether this or the meeting of B.C. 37 was the one to which Horace accompanied his patron Mæcenas. In favour of this one is the mention of Cocceius Nerva by Horace (Sat. 1 v. 28, 50), against it is the way in which he is mentioned with Mæcenas as aversos soliti componere amicos, as if he had been so engaged before. But though in the second meeting he is not mentioned by Appian, he may have been there. Something has been made of the mention of the croaking frogs (l. 14), as this meeting could hardly have been earlier than July, when the Italian frogs are said to be silent. For the Ovations see C. I. L., i. p. 461.
186 This was one of the chief grievances. Hor., Ep. ix. 9, minatus urbi vincla, que detraxerat servis amicus perfidis.
187 Hor., Od. ii. 1, 15-16; Dio, 48, 41; C. I. L., i. p. 461. Pollio after this withdrew from active political life and devoted himself to literature. He seems to have taken no part in the subsequent quarrels between Antony and Augustus.
188 Dio, 48, 19, 48; Hor., Epod. 9, 17.
189 The first period ended on the last day of B.C. 38; but neither Antony nor Cæsar had laid down their imperium of office. They now assumed that it went on from the first day of B.C. 37, the want of legal sanction during the intervening months being ignored. There is no certain trace of this second triumvirate having been confirmed by a lex; yet one would think that they would have taken care to have that formality observed. See p. 143.
190 Cicero, ad Fam. xi. 9; Cicero himself calls him levissimus, ad Brut. 1, 15, § 9.
191 In B.C. 52 Cicero had wished to give his daughter Tullia in marriage to Tiberius Claudius Nero (Cic., Att. 6, 6.).
192 He was quæstor in B.C. 48, and therefore was not born later than B.C. 78. Livia was born B.C. 58.
193 Even Suetonius, not much inclined to speak good of Augustus, admits that he dilexit et probavit unice ac perseveranter.
194 Suetonius (c. 22) says that he had two ovations—after Philippi and after the bellum Siculum. But if an ovation was decreed after Philippi, it was not celebrated till B.C. 40, upon the reconciliation with Antony. The second was this. Another had been voted in B.C. 43 after Mutina, but not celebrated (C. I. L. i. p. 461). See also p. 100.
195 Appian (b. c. v. 132) says that they elected him perpetual tribune (αὐτὸν... εἕλοντο δήμαρχον ἐς ἀεί). Dio (49, 15) only says that they gave him the personal sacredness of the tribunes and the right of sitting on their bench. Orosius (6, 18, 34) says that the Senate voted ut in perpetuum tribuniciæ potestatis esset. We shall have to discuss this later on, but it must be said at once that Augustus was never tribune, and that it seems doubtful whether the tribunicia potestas was given in its full sense at this time.
196 Dio, 49, 14; Strabo, x. 4, 9.
197 Dio, 49, 34.
198 App., b. c. v. 132; Suet., Aug. 32.
199 Or, as they were also called Vetus, and Nova Africa. The former was the old province formed of the territory of Carthage, the latter the new province formed after the battle of Thapsus (B.C. 46) of which the first governor was the historian Sallust. See pp. 23-4.
200 Appian, Illyr. 17; Dio, 49, 34, 38.
201 Appian, Illyr. 18-21; Dio, 49, 37. The Iapydes (a wild tribe) had first been attacked in B.C. 129 by C. Sempronius and subdued after some disasters. (Livy, Ep. 59.)
202 Pliny, N. H. 36 § 121.
203 The Porticus Octaviæ, of which an arch remains, was a rectangular cloister enclosing the temples of Jupiter Stator and Iuno Regina.
204 Dio, 49, 15; Sueton., Aug. 72.
205 Horace, Epod. ix. ii.; cp. Ov., Met. 15, 826.
206 An anecdote has been preserved illustrating the policy of “sitting on the hedge,” which must have prevailed among many while the contest between the two leaders was still undecided. After Actium, when Cæsar landed (the time and place are charmingly vague), a man offered a cornix which had been taught to say, “Ave, Cæsar, imperator et victor.” He bought the bird at a large price, whereat the man’s partner, being jealous, urged that he should be forced to bring another bird, which when brought repeated as it had been taught, “Ave, Antoni, imperator et victor.”
207 Dio, 50, 5; but Suetonius, Aug. 17, says that he was declared a hostis.
208 Dio, 50, 5. Thus Horace, on hearing the rumours of Antony’s defeat, exclaims (somewhat prematurely), Epod. ix. 27:
“Terra marique victus hostis punico,
lugubre mutavit sagum.”
209 Bocchus of Mauretania, Tarchondemus of Cilicia Aspera, Archilaus of Cappadocia, Amyntas of Lycaonia and Galatia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Malchus of Arabia, Herod of Judæa, Sadalas of Thrace, Polemon of Pontus. (Plut., Ant. 61.)
210 Dio, 50, 14-23.
211 Dio, 50-31, says, ὑετός τε ἐν τούτῳ λαβρὸς καὶ ζάλη πολλή. But Plutarch, Ant. 65, says that after four days of stormy weather on the day of battle νηνεμίας καὶ γαλὴνης γενομένης συνῄεσαν.
212 Suet., Aug. 17.
213 The earlier writers, Horace (Od. i. 37, 27) and Velleius (2, 87), seem to have no doubt about the snake story. Livy (as we have him) says nothing either way except that she died by suicide (Ep. 133). It is the later writers who express the doubt, Suet., Aug. 17; Plut., Ant. 86; Dio, 51, 14.
214 This word—one of the financial terms borrowed from Sicily (lit. “a basket”)—was perhaps not commonly used in the restricted sense in the time of Augustus, though the thing existed. Into the emperor’s fisc went the revenues of the imperial provinces; but the balance in the case of most was not large. Cicero indeed (pro lege Manil, § 14) says that none of the provinces except Asia did much more than pay its expenses. This was probably an exaggeration, but not a very great one.
215 This, it should be remembered, was exclusive of the legions regularly raised for certain provinces and stationed in them.
216 Mon. Ancyr. 3, 16.
217 Traces of the work of Augustus in provincial towns may still be seen, as at Nismes and other towns in South-eastern France.
218 Horace, Odes iii. 3.
219 In the Mon. Ancyr. 20, he says that he repaired 82 temples in B.C. 28, and the Flaminian road with all but two of its bridges in B.C. 27.
220 The foundations of the triple arch at Rome were discovered in 1888 between the temple of Cæsar and that of the Castores. For the inscription see C. I. L. vii. 872. SENATUS. POPULUSQUE. ROMANUS. IMP. CÆSARI. DIVI. IULI. F. COS. QUINCT. COS. DESIG. SEXT. IMP. SEPT. REPUBLICA. CONSERVATA. The date here indicated is B.C. 29. See Lanciani, Ruins of Ancient Rome, p. 270. Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. i. p. 284. There does not appear to be any record of the arch at Brundisium.
221 Vergil, Georg. iv. 560, Cæsar dum magnus ad altum fulminat Euphratem bello. Horace, Od. 1, 12, 53:
Ille seu Parthos Latio imminentes
Egerit iusto domitos triumpho,
Sive subjectos Orientis oræ Seras et Indos.
Similar exaggerations will be found scattered throughout the poems of Propertius (ii. 7, 3; iii. 1, 13; iii. 23, 5; iv. 3, 4; iv. 4, 48; iv. 11, 3). Still more exaggerated language was used afterwards on the restoration of the standards (B.C. 20).
222 A good deal of confusion in our authorities has arisen by a failure to distinguish between a censoria potestas granted like the tribunicia by special vote and the censoria potestas inherent in the consulship, from which it had been devolved in B.C. 444. In the Monumentum, ch. 8, Augustus himself says nothing about the censoria potestas, but in the Venusian fasti (C. I. L. ix. 422) we find imp. Cæsar vi. M. Agrippa II. Cos. idem censoria potestate lustrum fecerunt. Suetonius (c. 27) knew that he was not Censor, but supposed him to have acted under a decree granting him morum legumque regimen perpetuum, an office, however, which Augustus expressly says that he declined (Mon., ch. 6). Dio (52, 42) describes him as τιμητεύσας σὺν τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ, a direct confusion between the censorial power possessed by a Consul and that bestowed independently. He, however, apparently did receive censoria potestas (never the censorship) in B.C. 19 for five years.
223 Rex sacrorum, the greater flamens, the Salii had still to be patricians. An interrex also must be a patrician, but that office was now practically at an end. The last case of an interrex was in B.C. 52.
224 A jest that was reproduced in London when country peers came up to vote against the Home Rule Bill and were said by gossips to be obliged to ask their way to the House of Lords. A popular ballad also was sung about the streets—
“Cæsar leads the Gauls in triumph and guides them to the Senate house;
Gauls have doffed their native brogues and donned the Senate’s laticlave!”
Sueton., Cæs. 72, 80. See also Cicero, 9 Phil. § 12; 13 Phil. § 27; ad Fam. vi. 18; Bell. Afr. 28; Dio, 42, 51; 43, 27. Compare the career of P. Ventidius Bassus, brought a prisoner from Asculum to adorn the triumph of Pompey after the Social war, then a mule contractor to Cæsar, and afterwards going through all the offices to the consulship in B.C. 43.
225 On the analogy of slaves enfranchised by will. Suet., Aug. 35; Plutarch, Ant. 15.
226 Cicero calls such a man a voluntarius Senator, 13 Phil. § 28.
227 Dio, 48, 34.
228 Suet., Aug. 35; Dio, 52, 42. In the Monumentum (c. 25) he reckons the number of Senators who had served under him as “more than 700.” To them must be added those who had not taken active service and those who were with Antony.
229 Dio, 52, 42. The regulation had always existed because every Senator was bound to attend if called upon, and therefore must be within reach, unless he was one of those qui reipublicæ causa abessent. (Livy, 43, 11.) Thus Cicero, defending the Senators who crossed over to join Pompey in Epirus, says to Atticus (viii. 15) that there was hardly one who had not a legal right to cross, either as having imperium, or being legatus to an imperator. The usual means of evading this was to obtain a libera legatio for a fixed time. Occasionally a man got himself named an ordinary legatus to a provincial governor, but was allowed to go elsewhere with some colourable commission. But this was an abuse. See Cicero, ad Fam. xii. 21; ad Q. Frat. ii. 9; ad Att. xv. 11. Sicily and Gallia Narbonensis were excepted as being practically Italy, or, as Cicero says, “suburban provinces.”
230 Sueton., Aug. 36; Dio, 3, 19; Tacitus, Ann. 5, 4.
231 ὅρον τὴν ἕκτην ὑπάτειαν αὑτοῦ προσθείς. Dio, 53, 2. See Tacitus, Ann. iii. 28.
232 The doubt was an old one. Appian in one place affirms and in another denies that there was a lex for the second period of the triumvirs (Illyr. 28; b. c. v. 95). No other authority mentions one, and it certainly was not passed in the early months of B.C. 37, that is, till after the triumvirs had already continued their office without legal confirmation for some time. Willems (le Sénat, ii. 761) holds that there was a plebiscitum; Mommsen that there was not.
233 Mon. Ancyr. ch. 34.
234 In B.C. 28 he took care to transfer the consular fasces to his colleague Agrippa in alternative months, and when with soldiers to give the watchword jointly with him. (Dio, 53, 1.)
235 I do not myself see any good reason to doubt that Dio has given at any rate the substance of these documents. It is not perhaps natural to us to suppose two men like Mæcenas and Agrippa solemnly reading speeches to the Emperor; but it was no unusual thing at Rome. Augustus himself is said to have done it, even to his wife, Livia, and frequently with others (Sueton., Aug. 84). Tacitus says it was the fashion of the time (Ann. 4, 37), as it seems to have been still earlier, for Cicero complains that his nephew, Quintus, had written an elaborate diatribe against him which he meant to deliver to Iulius Cæsar in Alexandria. (Ad Att. xi. 10.) For similar documents see Dio, 52, 1-40; 53, 3; 55, 15-21.
236 Dio, 52, 15.
237 The Imperial provinces were: Hispania Tarraconensis, and Lusitania, the Galliæ (beyond the Alps), including the districts afterwards called Germania, superior and inferior, Cœle-Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Ægypt.
The Senatorial were: Sicilia, Hispania Bætica, Sardinia, Africa, Numidia, Dalmatia, Greece and Epirus, Macedonia, Asia, Crete and Cyrene, Bithynia and Pontus.
Cisalpine Gaul ceased to be a province, and was included in Italy.
Subsequent changes were:
B.C. 24. Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis were transferred to the Senate.
B.C. 21. Dalmatia was transferred to the Emperor.
B.C. 6. Sardinia was transferred to the Emperor for nine years.
The provinces added during the lifetime of Augustus: Galatia, Lycaonia, Mœsia, and the minor Alpine provinces were imperial.
All provinces added afterwards were imperial.
238 Ovid (F. 1, 587-616) says the Ides of January; the Calendarium Prænestinum gives the 16th. Possibly the one is the date of the SCtum, the other of the plebiscitum.
239 Augustus himself uses it in the Monumentum (chs. 30, 32), “me principe,” “ante me principem.” Horace (Od. 1, 21, 13; 2, 30; Ep. 2, 1, 256), Propertius (v. 6, 46), both employ it when speaking of Augustus. It occurs in inscriptions referring to Tiberius, and is the common term used by Tacitus. If, therefore, it was not formally bestowed (as seems probable), it soon grew into use as a title in ordinary language. Nor was it altogether a new idea; Cicero had used it as a possible title of honour, with which Pompey or Cæsar, had they been moderate, might have been content. (Cic., ad Fam. vi. 6). Again, though it is not a mere extension of princeps senatus, yet it is clearly connected with it. As the Senatus is the first ordo in the state, the princeps senatus is also princeps civitatis. The two titles were soon confounded. Thus Pliny (N.H. xxxvi. § 116) speaks of M. Æmilius Scaurus as totius princeps civitatis, when he means that he had been several times entered by the Censors on the roll as princeps senatus. But a new connotation became attached to the word from the political powers of the princeps.
240 Horace, Epode, vii. 7; Odes, i. 21, 15; iii. 5, 2; Propert., iii. 23, 5.
241 Vergil, Georg. iii. 25; Horace, Odes iii. 4, 33.
242 Strabo, ii. 5, 8; iv. 6, 4.
243 Strabo, l. c. In the Monument. (ch. 32) Augustus records the visit of two British princes, Dumnobellaunus and another, of whose name only the letters Tinn remain (perhaps “Tincommius,” a king of what is now Sussex).
244 The triumph of M. Crassus is dated by the Tab. Triumph. C. I. L. 1, 416; but the defeat of the “Dacian Cotiso” is classed with the Cantabrian war by Horace (Od. 3, 8, 18-24), and Livy, Ep. 135, mentions a second war of M. Crassus “against the Thracians,” as contemporary with the Spanish war.
245 The Salassi, who had for the last 100 years given much trouble, had twice in recent years been in arms: in B.C. 35 they defeated C. Antistius Vetus, and, in B.C. 34, had, with great difficulty, been partly subdued by Valerius Messalla. Their command of the principal Alpine pass made it important that they should be kept in check.
246 Hor., Od. 2, 6, 2, Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra.
247 Odes iii. 8, 21, servit Hispanæ vetus hostis oræ Cantaber sera domitus catena; iii. 14, 3, Cæsar Hispana repetit Penates Victor ab ora.
248 Perhaps that of which remains exist at Aosta, and cannot now be dated. That at Turbia was built B.C. 6 (Pliny, N. H. 3 § 136). That at Susa in B.C. 8 [C. I. L. v. 7,231]. Horace may refer to it among the Nova Augusti tropæa (Od. 2, 9, 19).
249 Horace, Odes i. 29, 1; ii. 12, 24; iii. 24, 1; i. 35, 32-40.
250 Propert., 3, 1, 11.
251 Middleton (Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. ii. pp. 126-128) seems to have given good reasons against its connection with the Thermæ of Agrippa. Lanciani (Ruins and Excavations, pp. 476-488) asserts that the structure as it now stands is of the age of Hadrian (about A.D. 129), and doubts Agrippa’s original building being of the same shape. Even the portico with its inscription—M. Agrippa l. f. cos. tert. fecit—he thinks was taken to pieces and put up again by Hadrian. The history of the building, however, cannot be regarded as thoroughly ascertained. Agrippa’s third consulship was in B.C. 27, whereas Dio places the completion of the Pantheon under B.C. 25 (53, 27). It may well have been that the external building was finished and dedicated in B.C. 27, and that the inside occupied two more years.
252 A. Licinius Muræna was called A. Terentius Varro Muræna from being adopted by Terentius Varro. See Dio, 54, 3; Suet., Aug. 19; Hor., Odes 2, 10; Velleius Paterc. 2, 91. Of Fannius Cæpio nothing practically is known, he was prosecuted by Tiberius for maiestas and condemned.
253 In the cenotaphia Pisana Gaius is described after his death as “iam designatum iustissimum ac simillimum parentis sui virtutibus principem.” But this is probably not an official title.
254 There seems little doubt that the character of Agrippa Postumus gave some ground for this measure; but Augustus seems to have regretted and at times to have contemplated recalling him. His murder immediately after the death of Augustus is called by Tacitus “the first crime of the new reign.” Whether Tiberius or Livia was responsible for it cannot be discussed here.
255 So Dio (55, 5) says. Suetonius (Tib. 16) says five years. There may have been a renewal after five years.
256 Monum. Ancyr. 27; C.I.L. vi. 701.
257 This is what Augustus means by saying “that he extended the frontiers of all the provinces bordering on tribes that had not submitted” (Mon. Anc. 26).
258 The exact position of Nabata is uncertain. It is described in the Mon. Ancyr. 26 as “close to Meroe.” Augustus takes the responsibility of both these campaigns as being meo iussu et auspicio.
259 As, for instance, Agrippa. Hor., Ep. 1, 12, 1. The seven colonies mentioned are Syracuse, Tauromenium, Catana, Thermæ, Tyndaris, Lilybæum, Panormus.
260 Dio, 54, 8; Horace, Od. 3, 5; this ode was written several years before the restoration of the standards, but the fact of the milites Crassi having settled in Parthia was naturally known.
261 Verg., Æn. vii. 604-606.
262 Horace, Ep. i. 18, 56; Odes iv. 15, 6.
263 Propert., 3, 10, 13; 4; 4, 16; 4, 5, 48; 4, 12, 3; 5, 6, 79.
264 Ovid, F. v. 567-594. According to Mommsen there were two temples of Mars Ultor, one on the Capitol (Dio, 54, 8), the other in the Forum Augustum, vowed at Philippi, but not dedicated till B.C. 2. The signa seem to have been deposited first in the former and then transferred to the latter. Ovid evidently speaks of them as in the temple in the Forum Augustum.
265 Such as the Brenni and Genauni of Hor., Od. iv. 14, 10; cp. iv. 4, 18.
266 Mon. Ancyr., 13; Horace, Epist. 2, 1, 255; Odes, 4, 15, 9; Dio, 54, 25. For the inscription, see Clinton, Fast. Hell., B.C. 14. The tenth tribunician year is from June 27th, B.C. 14, to 26th June, B.C. 13. The ara pacis was founded in this year (4th July), dedicated 30th January, B.C. 9.
267 But he does not seem to have had any fighting this year, and in fact the Senate voted to close the Ianus Quirinus, though that was prevented by an inroad of the Daci into Pannonia, with which Tiberius was sent to deal. Dio, 54, 36.
268 Especially in camps, in which there seem to have been a regular service of tabellarii castrenses. (Wilmann’s Exempla 1357.)
269 The armed provinces were those on the frontier. Towards the end of the life of Augustus, the preponderance of the military force on the Rhine and Danube is the noteworthy fact. The Gauls and “Germany” had eight legions, Spain three, Africa two, Egypt two, Syria four, Pannonia two, Mœsia two, Dalmatia two. But those on the Rhine were more concentrated. (Tac., Ann. 4, 5.)
270 C.I.L. x. 8375; Mon. Ancyr. 11.
271 Suet., Aug. 98: “As he chanced to be cruising in his yacht round the bay of Puteoli, the passengers and crew of an Alexandrine ship, which had just come to land, came with white robes, with garlands on their heads and burning censers in their hands, loudly blessing and praising him, and saying that they owed it to him that they were alive, that they sailed the sea, that they were enjoying their liberty and property.”
272 Horace, Odes iv. 5.
273 See, among others, Ep. ii. 1-16; Odes 3, 5, 2; 4, 5, 32.
274 Suet., Aug. 52; Dio, 51, 20.
275 The Latin inscriptions bearing on this point have been collected in a convenient form by Mr. Rushforth, Latin Historical Inscriptions, pp. 51-61. Other places in Italy thus shewn to have adopted the cult in some form or other during the lifetime of Augustus are Asisium, Beneventum, Fanum Fortunæ, Pisa, Tibur, Verona, possibly Ancona, and Forum Clodii, and some unnamed place in Latium.
276 Plut., Flamin. 16; Cicero, ad Q. Fr. 1, 1, 9; ad Att. 5, 21; Tac., Ann. 4, 56. Polyb. 31, 15.
277 Appian, b. c. 5, 132, “and the cities began placing his image side by side with those of their gods.”
278 Information as to these is mostly to be found in Greek inscriptions, C.I.G. 3,524, 3,604, 3,831, 4,039. See also Dio, 51, 10; Strabo, 27, 1, 9; Joseph., Antiq. 15, 10, 3; Livy, Ep. 137; Pausan., iii. 25.
279 Quintilian, vi. 377.
280 For this and his statue in the temple of Quirinus, with legend of Deo invicto, the vote of the Senate giving him a temple, flamen, and other divine honours, see Dio, 43, 45; 44, 6; Cicero, 2 Phil. § 110; ad Att. 13, 44; Sueton., Cæs. 76. It was worse than the case of Augustus, more insincere and less spontaneous. The Senate was filled with the protégés of Iulius at the time.
281 Macrob., Sat. 2, 4, 18; Plut., Cic. 49; Suet., Aug. 28.
282 See Horace, Odes iii. 4, 22: vester, Camenæ, vester in arduos | tollor Sabinos, seu mihi frigidum | Præneste seu Tibur supinum | seu liquidæ pacuere Baiæ.
283 Apragopolis. In Suetonius (c. 97) it is doubtful whether he means Capreæ or some other island. Perhaps it is Nesis, where M. Brutus had a villa which might have come into his hands as confiscated property (Cic., ad Att. xvi. 1-4.)
284 An echo of his master’s feelings on this point is as usual found in Horace, Od. ii. 15.
285 Another tragedy “Achilles” is mentioned by Suidas.
286 Hor., Od. 3, 136. Suetonius (Aug. 85) mentions others, “An answer to Brutus about Cato,” evidently a youthful essay; “Exhortations to Philosophy,” no doubt youthful too; an hexameter poem called Sicilia. When he tried to read them in later life to a family audience they bored him so much that he handed the rolls over to Tiberius to finish. Lastly, a short volume of Epigrams which he used to compose in the bath.
287 Hor., Epist. 2, 1.
288 In B.C. 46, 42, 25, and 23. From that time, however, though generally delicate he seems not to have had any serious attack.
289 The lex Iulia et Titia, enabling the provincial governor to assign guardians to such persons as were legally bound to have them, was passed between the 1st of May and 1st of October, B.C. 31, the period during which M. Titius was consul.
290 Authorities will be found in Mommsen, res gestæ, p. 96.
291 Mon. Ancyr., 25.
292 C. I. L. xi. 365; Mon. Ancyr. 20. “In my seventh consulship I remade the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian.”
293 See Suet., Aug. 46. The regions are described by Pliny alone, N.H. iii. 46-128.
294 The inscription on the road to Salonæ in Dalmatia is dated A.D. 19, but it must have been begun much earlier. For the other roads see Willmanns 832, 829, 830, 832; Clinton’s Fasti, anno B.C. 14; Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. part i. p. 109 sq. C. I. L. iii. 6,974.
295 Digest, 47, 11, 6. The penalties varied from a fine to exclusion from the corn trade, relegatio, and condemnation to public works.
296 Cicero, pro Sest. § 103; ad Att. vi. 6; Livy, vi. 12; Appian, b. c. ii. 120; Dionys. H. xii. 24.
297 Quoted by Sueton., Aug. 42.
298 Dio, 53, 20, 33; Horace, Odes 1, 2.
299 The Sacred Colleges (1) were exempt from military service, imposts and public services of all kinds; (2) had a charge on the ager publicus for sacrifices, feasts, &c.; (3) in most cases had estates besides; (4) received special grants from time to time for repairs of buildings.
300 Mon. Ancy., 10; Livy, Ep. 117; Vell., ii. 63; App., b. c. v. 131; Dio, 44, 53. All these authorities speak of the irregularity of the election of Lepidus.
301 Ephemeris Epigraphica, viii. 2; Lindsay’s Latin Inscriptions, p. 102.
302 Carmen Sæcul. 13.
303 Horace, Odes iv. 5, 21; iv. 15, 9-12.
304 We frequently hear in earlier times of the scandal caused by certain people abandoning the heavy and not very comfortable toga for lighter dress, Greek or Gallic. Those who care to trace the history of such a matter will find references to it in Cicero, pro Rab. Post. § 27; 2 Phil. § 76; Livy, 29, 19; Tac., Ann. ii. 59; Hor., Ep. 1, 7, 65. And if it is desired to see how futile such orders are against a prevailing fashion, the continued disuse of it may be traced in Juvenal 1, 119; 3, 172; Mart. 1, 49, 31; 12, 18, 17; Suet., Aug. 40; and as late as Hadrian we find that the order needed renewal, Spart. Had. 22. George III. insisting that Bishops should wear wigs is a case in point.
305 Cicero (in Pis. § 67) speaks with scorn of the vulgar rich man who had five, or sometimes more, guests on each couch.
306 Though in making regulations on these subjects Augustus acted on his censorial powers, when it came to enacting laws he would propose them to the tribes in virtue of his tribunician powers.
307 De adulteriis coercendis; de pudicitia; de maritandis ordinibus.
308 Dio, 56, 2-10; Suet., Aug. 34.
309 Martial, Epigr., xi. 20.
310 Pliny, N. H. 7 § 149; Dio, 54, 9.
311 In A.D. 11 the people of Narbonne founded an altar to him in gratitude for some reform in their constitution which he had either granted or initiated. (Wilmanns, 194.)
312 Asia and Sicily originally did not pay a stipendium, but tithes on produce. This system was abolished by Iulius Cæsar.
313 Suet., August. 76.
314 Suet., Tib. 11.
315 Dio, 56, 29. But there does not appear to have been one that year. There was a partial eclipse of the moon on the 4th of April and a total eclipse on the 27th of September.
316 The Mausoleum was a huge mound of earth covered with shrubs, upon a substructure or dome cased with white marble and surrounded by walks and plantations, and surmounted by a bronze statue of Augustus. On the still-existing foundation there is now what is called the Teatro Correa. Besides this the spot on which his body was burnt was also enclosed and planted. Strab., iv. 53. Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. ii. p. 288.
317 It ought, however, to be said to his credit that he forbade the exhibition of gladiators sine missione, i.e., without the right of being allowed to depart safe from the arena when defeated if the people so willed it.
318 See note on p. 147.
319 Horace, Od. iii. 8.
320 Seneca, Epp. 114; Digest. 24, 1, 64.
321 2, 17, 13; 3, 1, 13; 3, 23, 5; 4, 3; 4, 4, 48; 4, 11, 3; 5, 6, 79-84.
322 For purposes of comparison of these sums with our money, 1,000 sesterces may be taken as equivalent to about £8 10s., and a denarius as about 10d.
323 A pound of gold worth about £45.
324 These names and some other words are obliterated in the inscription, both Latin and Greek.