Part II Documents
[No. 1.] — General Greene’s Orders — Camp on Long Island — [Colonel Little’s Order Book]
General Orders229
Head Quarters, April 30, 1776.
(Parole, Sawbridge.) (Countersign, Oliver.)
... Genl Greene’s Brigade is to encamp tomorrow at 10 a.m. on the ground marked out on Long Island....
Gen. Greene’s Orders
[New York] April 30, 1776.
The Qr. Mrs. of the 9th, 11th, 12th regts. are to apply to the Q. M. Genl. for tents & camp utensils this evening to be in readiness to encamp agreeably to general orders to morrow morning—at 4 o’clock this p.m. Col. Varnum & Col. Hitchcock & Col. Little are desired to attend at the General’s quarters to go over to Long Island & view the encampment marked out. A sergt. & 20 men are to parade at White Hall to morrow at 7 o’clock, to be under the direction of Engineer Smith.
[Long Island] May 4th, 1776.
Captain Spurs is to draw out a party of carpenters to make Bell tents, they are to apply to Col. Miflin for tools, boards & nails to make them of. 300 men for fatigue to morrow. The Quarter Master is to make an estimate of the necessary quantity of boards to floor the tents & apply to the Quarter Master general for them. The Cols. or commanding officers of each regiment is to give an order for the boards, certifying the quantity wanted. A return is to be made of the state of the cartridges now in possession of the troops & the number wanted to make up each man’s twenty rounds.
Regimental Orders
[Col. Little’s.]
Officers for fatigue to-morrow, Cap. Gerrish, Lt. Kent, & Lt. Atkinson.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
May 5th, 1776.
A fatigue party of 200 men to morrow morning properly officered. No non-commissioned Officer or Soldier is to pass the ferries to New York without permission from some of ye Field Officers. Any of the troops attempting to pass over without permission will be confined & tried for disobedience of orders. Any of the fatigue parties that leave their work without liberty, shall do constant fatigue duty for a whole week. As the security of New York greatly dependeth on this pass, when these works are constructing the General hopes the troops will carefully forward the same as fast as possible.
The inhabitants having entered a complaint that their meadow ground was injured by the troops going upon it to gather greens, they are for the future strictly prohibited going on the ground of any inhabitants, unless in the proper passes to & from the encampments & the forts, without orders from some commissioned officer. The General desires the troops not to sully their reputation by any undue liberty in speech or conduct but behave themselves towards the inhabitants with that decency & respect that becomes the character of troops fighting for the preservation of the rights & liberties of America.
The General would have the troops consider that we came here to protect the inhabitants & their property from the ravages of the enemy, but if instead of support & protection, they meet with nothing but insult & outrage, we shall be considered as banditti & treated as oppressors & enemies.
General Orders
Head Quarters May 7, 1776.
(Parole, Devonshire.) (Countersign, Cavendish.)
Every regiment encamped in the lines & every regt. in the brigade on Long Island, exclusive of their quarter & rear guards, are to mount a picket every evening at retreat beating at sun set, consisting of one Capt. 2 Subs, 1 drum & 1 fife & 50 rank & file—they are to lay upon their arms, & be ready to turn out at a moments notice.
One Col. one Lt. Col. & one major are to mount every evening at sunset as Field Officers of the picket.
Immediately upon any alarm or order from the Brig. Genl. of the day, the pickets are to form in the front of their respective encampments, & there wait the orders of the Field Officer commanding the pickets, who is instantly to obey the orders of the Brigr. Genl. of the Day.
A Brig. Genl. is to mount every morning at ten o’clock who will receive all reports, visit all the outguards in the day time & report all extraordinary occurrences to the Commander in Chief & the Brigde Major of the day is constantly to attend head quarters to receive all orders, & distribute them immediately.
The Col. is to go the grand rounds, & the Lt. Col. & the major the visiting rounds of the Camp.
Brig. Genl. Greene will order the same picket to be mounted by the regiments in his brigade as are mounted in the grand Camp. He will also direct one field officer to mount daily to command them. Gen. Greene will report all extraordinaries to the Commander in Chief.
Col. Prescott or the officer commanding on Nutten’s or Governor’s Island & the officer commanding at Red Hook, are to report all extraordinaries to the Commander in Chief on any appearance of the enemy. The commanding officer at Red Hook will also dispatch a messenger to Genl. Greene.
The officer commanding the riflemen upon Long Island will constantly report all extraordinaries to Genl. Greene, & the officer commanding upon Staten Island will do the same to the Commander in Chief.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
May 8, 1776.
Field officers for the picket, Major Angell, Adjt. for the day from Col. Hitchcock’s regiment.
Regimental Orders
Officers for picket tonight, Cap. Parker, Lt. Jenkins, Lt. Burnham, Ensign Story. Officers for fatigue to-morrow, Cap. Dodge, Lt. Jared Smith & Ensign Proctor.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
Long Island, May 10th 1776.
The Brigde Major is to regulate the duty of the regiments, both officers & soldiers, by their number & not by regiments, some being much larger than others, & to establish a regular roster for the regulation of the same. A subaltern & 11 men are to guard the stores & ferries.
The officer commanding the guard is to receive his orders from Deputy Commissary Brown for the number of sentries necessary for securing the stores, to be relieved daily.
The Cols. or commanding officers of the ninth, eleventh, twelfth Regts are to draw as many cartridges from the laboratory as will furnish each man 20 rounds; as many to be delivered out as the cartridge boxes will contain, the remainder to be tied up by the capt of companies, & every man’s name written on his cartridges, that they may be delivered without confusion: All the bad cartridges now in the regiments are to be returned to the Laboratory. The Brigde Major will send a party to the Qr Mr Genl to draw tents for the establishment of the main guard, to consist of a subaltern and 21 men. An orderly sergeant from each regiment will attend at the general’s quarters daily; they are to bring their provisions with them.
The commanding officers of the 9th 11th & 12th Regts are to make returns of the guns out of repair & the number wanted to furnish every non commissioned officer & soldier with a gun.
May 10th 1776.
A subaltern & 30 men are to parade immediately to fetch over 300 spears from the Qr Mr Genl’s store. The officer must pick those that are fit for use. He is also to bring over a grindstone to sharpen the spears on. Col. Hitchcock will send over the arms of his regiment that are out of order, to Mr. John Hillyard, foreman of a shop at the King’s Works (so called) where they will be immediately repaired. Any soldier that has his gun damaged by negligence or carelessly injured, shall pay the cost of repairing, the caps & subs are desired to report all such.
May 11th 1776.
Field officer for picket tomorrow night Lt. Col. Henshaw, Adjt from Col. Hitchcock’s regt.
DETAIL.
| C. | S. | S. | C. | D. | F. | P. | |
| Picket | 1 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 50 |
| Fatigue | 1 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 80 |
| Main Guard | 1 | 8 |
Regimental Orders for the 12th REGt of Foot
Those non commissioned officers & soldiers who have occasion to go over the ferry to New York will apply to Lt. Col. Henshaw for their permits.
A regimental Court Martial will sit today at 12 o’clock at Capt Wade’s tent to try such prisoners as are contained in the Quarter Guard of the regiment. Cap. Wade, Pres. Lt. Hodgkins, Lt. Parsons, Lt. Knot & Ensn Pearson, members.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
May 12th, 1776.
The 12th regiment exempt from fatigue tomorrow having to be mustered.
May 14, 1776.
Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Major Collins, adjt. for the day from Col. Hitchcock’s Regt.
REGl. Orders for the 12th REGt. Of Foot
In Camp Long Island May 15, 1776.
The Col. desires hereby to remind the officers & soldiers of this regiment of the Rules & Regulations of the army, & of the general orders issued by the Commander in Chief agreable to them, especially that the Rules & Regulations be often read to the men that no one plead ignorance if he is called to account for the breach of any of them.
The Col. desires & orders that the officers pay particular attention that the Rules & Regulations be read to the men agreable to the resolves of Congress, likewise that the officers of each company, off duty, attend morning & evening to the calling of the roll & if possible that a report be made every day of such as be absent. The Col. is sorry to see so much inattention, of the officers & men to the duties of religious worship, & he desires as we are all engaged in the cause of God & our country, & are dependent on the Divine assistance for protection & success, & as it is a duty incumbent on all as far as possible in a social way to wait upon God in the way of his appointment, to implore pardon & forgiveness of all our sins, & to ask his guidance & direction in the prosecution of our affairs, that neither officers nor soldiers will unnecessarily absent themselves from the stated worship of God at the house of Prayer—or on the Sabbath day.
Commissioned officers for picket tonight Cap. Baker, Lt. Knot & Ensign Woodman. Commissioned officers for fatigue tomorrow, Capt. Parker, Lt. Silvanus Smith & Lt. Lamborn; for main guard Ensign Mitchell.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
Brooklin May 16, 1776.
Col. Varnum’s regiment to be off duty tomorrow morning in the forenoon, to parade on the regimental parade at 8 oclock, to be reviewed, & their arms examined. Every man in the regiment, that is well, is to be on parade with arms & accoutrements. No soldier is to borrow either arms or accoutrements from a soldier of either of the other regiments, as the true state of the regiment with respect to arms is wanted. Col. Hitchcock’s regt. will be reviewed next day after tomorrow. Col. Little’s the day after that will be reviewed in the same manner.
No soldier is to mount the picket guard without shoes.
May 16, 1776.
Tomorrow being the day appointed by the Continental Congress to be observed as a day of fasting & prayer & his Excellency Genl. Washington having ordered all duties to be discontinued except the necessary guard until next day after tomorrow, there are no fatigue parties to turn out tomorrow morning & the reviewing of Col. Varnum’s regiment is put off until next day after tomorrow, the other regiments are to follow in order as in the morning orders. The general desires that the troops of the 9, 11 & 12 regiments (except those on duty) may be strict to attend the duties of the day in a devout & cleanly manner. Field officers for picket tomorrow night—Adjt. from Col. Varnum’s regiment. Detail for Guard & fatigue as usual.
Regimental Orders for the 12th Regt. Of Foot
James Holland, a fifer in Cap. Dodge’s Company is appointed fife major to this regiment, & is to be obeyed as such.
Comd officers for picket tonight Lt. Atkinson & Lt. Fiske.
General Orders
Head Quarters, 17 May 1776.
(Parole, New Castle.) (Countersign, Wilmington.)
Cap. Wolverton’s Company of New Jersey is to join General Greene’s Brigade. The Cap. is to take his orders from the General respecting his post....
Gen. Greene’s Morning Orders
May 17, 1776.
A corporal & 6 men to be sent for a guard to fort Sterling to mount at 9 O’clock. This guard is to be sent every other day. The corporal to receive his orders from Lt. Randall of the train.
Field officer for picket tomorrow night Lt. Col. Henshaw, Adjt. from Col. Varnum’s regiment. Fatigue as usual.
May 19, 1776.
Field officer for picket tomorrow night Major Collins, Adjt. from Col. Varnum’s regiment. Detail as yesterday.
May 20, 1776.
Field officer for picket, Major Angell, Adjt. from Col. Hitchcock’s regiment.
May 21, 1776.
Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Lt. Col. Crary, Adjt. from Col. Little’s regiment.
May 23, 1776.
Field officer for picket to morrow night, Lt. Col. Henshaw, adjutant from Col. Hitchcock’s regiment.
General Orders
Head Quarters, May 25, 1776.
(Parole, Mugford.) (Countersign, Leonard.)
A working party consisting of nine hundred men to be ordered tomorrow morning from the different brigades, & the regiments.
Genl. Heath’s { Colos. Leonard’s & Bailey’s } To go to Powles Hook.
Colos. Read’s & Baldwin’s
Genl. Spencer’s { Colos. Parson’s & Wylly’s—To go to Bayard’s Hill.
Colos. Huntington’s to Red Hook. Arnold’s to Fort Sterling.
Col. Ward’s—50 men with 4 days provisions to cut pickets....
The remainder of this regiment’s working party—at Fort George.
Lord Stirlings. { Nixon’s & Webb’s
McDougall’s & Ritzema’s. } On Governor’s Island every day
till further orders.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
May 25, 1776.
Cap. Silas Talbut of Col. Hitchcock’s regiment, Capn. Frazier of Capn. (Col.) Wayne’s regiment, Lt. Noel Allen of Col. Varnum’s regiment & [Lt.] Samuel Huse of Col. Little’s regiment are a Committee to inspect the provisions for the troops of this brigade. The commissaries & quartermasters are to apply to them to determine, which is merchantable and which is not. Such as they say are good the quarter masters are to receive and such as they condemn are to be refused.
No non commissioned officer or soldier is to be out of camp after retreat beating, & any that are discovered going out after that time are to be taken up & confined in the main guard, & any that are coming in, that have been out without leave from their officers are to be confined; any sentry that permits them to pass without examination will be punished for disobedience of orders.
Lt. Col. Cornell having reported great negligence among the guards, for the future they will be visited by day & night, by the field officer of the day. Every commissioned & non-commissioned officer that commands guards is to be reported, that has not his guard in good order. No soldier is to be absent from the guard without leave, & not more than 2 commissioned officers nor more than one non commissioned officer at a time. All guards except the picket are to mount at —— o’Clock in the morning. The retreat is to beat half an hour after sunset. At guard mounting in the morning, the field officer of the day is to attend the parade & give to each respective officer a proper detail of his guard.
One man from each detached guard is to be sent to the grand parade to pilot the new guard to the relief of the old ones.
No person is to be admitted to any of the forts where there are cannon or ammunition except a General officer by day, without the leave of the officer commanding the guard, & a general officer after dark is not to be admitted without leave first obtained of the commanding (officer).
The officer commanding guards where there are cannon or ammunition, is to be very watchful & not to suffer by day or night any person to enter the forts unless they have business there, or are known to belong to the army, or are with some officer belonging to the army.
Adjt. from Col. Varnum’s.
General Orders
Head Quarters, May 26, 1776.
(Parole, Hancock.) (Countersign, Trumbull.)
... The working party of Col. Nixon’s regiment are to be ordered every day to Long Island, instead of Governor’s Island as mentioned in yesterday’s orders....
Gen. Greene’s Orders
May 26, 1776.
Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Major Collins, Adjt. from Col. Hitchcock’s regiment.
May 29, 1776.
A garrison court martial to sit for the trial of prisoners now in the main Guard.
The commanding officer of the Ferry Guard is to permit the Ferry boats to pass until ten O’clock with common passengers, but no soldier is to pass after retreat beating, unless the Col. or commanding officer of the regiment, to which he belongs, certify the necessity. The troops are to be under arms at roll calling, morning & evening. Every soldier detected snapping his lock without orders from his officer, is to be immediately sent prisoner to the main guard, there to be confined two days & nights, & allowed nothing to eat or drink but bread & water.
All officers are desired to be more careful of discovering the countersign to persons that have no right to know it.
Any soldier on guard that discovers the countersign to any of his fellow soldiers, that are not on guard, is to be immediately confined. Every one that gives the countersign, is to give it as softly as possible so that if any person is listening, he may not hear it.
The sentries are not to suffer any person to stand near them, while they are on their posts after retreat beating.
The General wishes that every part of camp duty may be done with as much exactness, as if the enemy was encamped in the neighborhood, for bad habits once contracted are difficult to get over, & doing duty in a slovenly manner, is both disgraceful & dangerous to officers & men.
Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Major Smith, Adjt. from Col. Hitchcock’s regiment.
| C. | S. | S. | C. | D. | F. | P. | |
| Fatigue | 1 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 1 | 1 | 80 |
| Guard | 1 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 20 | ||
| Picket | 1 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 49 |
General Orders
After Orders, May 31, 1776.
Gen. Washington has written to Genl. Putnam230 desiring him, in the most pressing form, to give positive orders to all the Cols. to have colors immediately completed for their respective regiments.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
June 1st, 1776.
A sergeant & 20 men to parade immediately to clear out Mr. Livingston’s Dock filled up by the Picket pealings. No pealings to be thrown into the dock for the future.
Six o’clock this evening the troops to be all under arms to man the works.
Five Cos. of Col. Varnum’s Regiment upon the right in fort Box. The other three upon the right of fort Green.
Col. Hitchcock’s regt. to man fort Putnam & the redoubt upon the left of it. 5 Cos. in the first & 3 in the Last.
Five Cos. of Col. Little’s regiment in Fort Green & 3 in the oblong square.
The independent Co. to be reserved in the rear of fort Green.
June 3d, 1776.
150 men & officers wanted from Cols Varnum’s Hitchcock’s & Little’s regts with arms blankets & 2 days provisions cooked & ½ a pint of rum a man. To be ready to march at 3 o’clock to morrow morning every man to take his blanket & none to go but such as are decently dressed.
Camp Long Island, June 7, 1776.
Cols. of 9, 11, & 12 regiments to have all the arms in their regiments that need repairing sent to the armorers.
The pikes to be placed in the works in the following order—100 in fort Green, 30 in the works on the right of it, 20 in the oblong redoubt, 50 in fort Putnam & 20 in the works on the left of it. Every regt. to clean the spears once a week at their alarm Post.
The officers at the Ferry guard to stop all arms coming over the Ferry to the island, & report immediately to the Genl. who has them & where they say they are going. 2 sentries to be posted at the church to stop all arms going eastward from the city, the names and place of abode of any person stopped with arms to be taken & reported immediately.
June 9th 1776.
Field officer for picket, Lt. Col. Henshaw.
The 9, 11, 12 Regts to parade tomorrow morning at 6 o’clock on the right of the encampment, every officer & soldier not on duty or unwell to join their respective regiments.
The Fatigue party not to turn out till after ye regiments are paraded.
The officers of the 9th, 11th, 12th are desired to exercise together by regts 4 days, & the whole of the officers of the three regiments to exercise together once a week to be exercised by the Col. of the Regt. in turn or by some person appointed by the Col. whose turn it is. The Cols. of the 9, 11, 12, Regts are desired to make returns of the state of the arms &c., agreably to yesterdays order tomorrow.
General Orders
Head Quarters June 10, 1776.
(Parole, Bedford.) (Countersign, Cumberland.)
The Brig. Gens. are requested to make their different Brigades perfectly acquainted with their several alarm posts & to pay particular attention to the men’s arms....
Gen. Greene’s Orders
June 12, 1776.
A garrison court martial to sit to-day....
The Col. or Commg: officers of the 9, 11, 12 Regts to certify to the Deputy Commissary from day to day the necessary supplies for the sick. The Surgeons to report every day the state and wants of the sick. Centries posted at Hospitals & armory not to demand the countersign of passengers unless they attempt to enter those places.
June 13, 1776.
The Camp Cullimen (?) of the 9. 11. 12 regts. to keep the streets clean, remove the filth, cover the vaults every day & dig new ones once a week; they must attend the Hospitals, & give directions for having them kept in good clean order. Cols. are requested to appoint nurses. No soldier to purchase clothing of another without leave, many soldiers stealing and selling clothing.
June 14, 1776.
The 5 Cos. of Col. Waynes regt. on Long Island are to be mustered to-morrow afternoon. A subaltern sergeant & 20 men to be detached from the picket guard every evening to mount guard at Red Hook Barbette battery to rejoin the picket in the morning.
In Camp Long Island, June 17, 1776.
The rank of the Captains in Col. Little’s regt. being unsettled, a Court to day is to establish their rank. The members to be from Col. Varnum’s & Hitchcock’s Regts.
Col. Varnum’s Regt. is to take fort Box & the Oblong redoubt for their alarm posts, fort Box 6 cos., oblong redoubt 2 cos. Cap. Woolverton’s Independent Co. to join those in the redoubt, & to receive orders from Col. Varnum.
Col. Hitchcock’s Regt. to take fort Putnam & the fort or redoubt on the left of it for their alarm posts.
Col. Little’s Regt. to take fort Greene for their alarm post.
In case of an attack all these posts are to be defended to the last extremity.
The lines to be manned every morning between day & sunrise & the troops to be exercised at parapet firing.
Camp Long Island June 18, 1776.
The picket to be discontinued till further orders, except guard at Red Hook.
300 men with their officers to parade at 8 O’clock tomorrow morning to receive orders from Engineer Smith.
General Orders
Head Quarters June 19, 1776.
(Parole, London.) (Countersign, Montgomery.)
A working party of 900 men properly officered to parade tomorrow morning near the artillery park.... Brig. Gen. Greene & Col. Prescott will furnish 150 men each as a working party on Governor’s Island. On the present emergency all working parties to work till 6 o’clock p.m. Those who go by water will leave work sooner if wind & tide make it necessary.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
June 20, 1776.
Field officer, Lt. Col. Cornell, Adjt. from Col. Little’s Regt.
Col. Hitchcock’s & Col. Little’s regts. to furnish the fatigue party to Governor’s Island tomorrow. The remainder furnished by those regts. to be upon the “Abatee” between fort Putnam & the redoubt on the left of it, & the Cap. from fort Putnam to the half moon. Lt. Col. Johnson’s 5 Cos. of the 4th battalion of Pennsylvania Regt. (Wayne’s) to furnish the fatigue party for Cobble Hill. Col. Varnum’s Regt. to be employed on his alarm post. The Gen. disapproves of the report for the establishment of the rank of the 12th regt. & directs the same court to sit again day after tomorrow to examine the rank of the Caps. & to report how the court conceives they ought to rank, & how it may be most equitably established.
Regimental Orders
June 21, 1776.
For guard Lt. Burnham, for Red Hook tomorrow night Lt. Collins.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
June 21, 1776.
Lt. Huse is requested to oversee the well-digging in fort Greene. 110 men for Governor’s Island & 40 for Red Hook. Those that are to go on the Island to be at St. George’s Ferry by 8 o’clock. The others to march to Red Hook as soon as they have had their breakfasts.
June 28, 1776.
Picket guard to mount from the 9, 11, 12, Regts. The 9 & 11 Regts to lie in their alarm posts—the 12th to lie in the oblong redoubt.
General Orders
Head Quarters, June 29.
... The Commissary Gen. to lodge a fortnights provision on Governor’s Island, Powles Hook & in all ye detached posts, Gen. Putnam furnishing him a list of the men.
All soldiers intrusted with the defence of any work will behave with coolness & bravery, & will be careful not to throw away their fire. The Gen. recommends them to load for their first fire with one musket ball & 4 or 8 buckshot according to the size and strength of their pieces. If the enemy are received with such a fire at not more than 20 or 30 yards distance, he has no doubt of their being repulsed.
Brig. Genls. to order Chevaux de Freze & Fascines to close the sally ports of their respective works. 26000 musket cartridges to be sent Col. Prescott on Govr. Isld.
Head Quarters, June 30.
... Upon the signal of the enemy’s approach or on any alarm all fatigue parties are to repair to their respective corps ready for instant action. Working parties are not otherwise to be interrupted in finishing the defences....
Gen. Greene’s Orders
In Camp Long Island, July 1, 1776.
Cols. or commd. officers of 9th, 11th, 12th, Regts. are desired to make a line round each of the forts & fortifications for the troops to begin a fire on the enemy if they attempt to storm the works & the troops are to be told not to fire sooner than the enemy’s arrival at these lines, unless commanded. The line should be about 80 yards from the parapet.
Comg. officers of the guards at Forts Green & Putnam to send a patrolling party to patrol about the ¼ of a mile to prevent a surprise by a partisan party.
The general thanks both officers & soldiers who turned out voluntarily to work upon the Little Cobble hill; such public spirit is laudable & shall not go unrewarded, if the genl. ever has it in his power to make a more suitable acknowledgement.
No officer below the rank of a field officer to lodge out of camp from their Cos. on any pretence, sickness excepted. The General recommends the strictest discipline & daily attention to arms & ammunition. Brigade being sickly the Gen. recommends the strictest attention to the cookery & that broiling & frying meat so destructive to health be prohibited.
A picket of one hundred to go to Red Hook to night by order of a private message from his Excellency.
Tuesday July 2d, 1776.
A picket of 50 men in fort Putnam, 25 in fort Box, a sergt. & 12 men at the milldam from the 9th, 11th, 12th Regts. A picket of 20 men at fort Sterling & 25 at Smith’s redoubt on Cobble Hill. Upon an alarm Col. Ward’s regt. of Jersey militia to form in the rear of Fort Green, the sentries to be placed at the front of the redoubts. Major of Brigade to see to them. Patrols to be kept up from fort Putnam every hour.
July 4, 1776.
Officers of the guards at ye different posts to be accountable for everything in the forts but particularly for the rum lodged there for the people in time of action. Any one destroying the tools or taking the liquor without leave will be punished.
Every Regt. to furnish pickets for their alarm posts & to be credited therefor in the detail for duty. The 9th, 11th, 12th, Regts. & the N.J. battalions under Col. Cadmus & Col. Ward to furnish a fatigue party of 250 men tomorrow morning. Garrison Court martial to sit tomorrow, Col. Little president. Caps. earnestly requested to examine the arms and ammunition of their Cos. & have them ready for action at all times.
Camp at Brooklin, July 6, 1776.
The Ferry guard upon a night alarm are to repair to fort Sterling. The ground to be levelled from which Col. Hitchcock’s Regt. moved. 233 men for picket from Col. Varnum’s, Hitchcock’s & Little’s Regts. 66 men from the same for guard.
July 8, 1776.
Col. Varnum’s Regt. to remove their encampment to Red Hook, & do the duty of that post. Col. Forman’s N.J. regt. to camp on the ground lately occupied by Col. Hitchcock’s regt.
July 8, 1776.
Col. Forman’s Regt. to occupy Col. Varnum’s old alarm posts, namely, Fort Box and the Oblong redoubt. Brigade Major to lead the troops to the alarm Post at 7 a.m. The guard for the several works to be continued the same as before from the 11th & 12th of the old establishment & the Jersey new levies, that the new levies may have the benefit of the knowledge of the standing troops.
General Orders
Head Quarters, July 9, 1776.
... The Continental Congress impelled by the dictates of duty, policy and necessity have been pleased to dissolve the connection which subsisted between this country & Gt. Britain, & to declare the colonies of North America, Free & Independent States—the several Brigades are to be drawn up this evening on their respective parades at 6 o’clock when the declaration of Congress, showing the grounds and reasons of the measure is to be read with an audible voice. The Gen. hopes that this important Point will serve as a fresh incitement to every officer & soldier to act with courage & fidelity, as knowing that now the Peace & safety of this country depend (under God) solely on the success of our arms, & that he is now in the service of a state possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit & advance him to the highest honor of a free country.
The Brigade Majors are to receive copies of the declaration to be delivered to the Brigrs. & Cols.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
July 9, 1776.
Adjt. for the day to carry the Parole & countersign to the guards at Red Hook, Smith’s Barbette, Fort Box, Fort Green & forts Putnam & Sterling, & the ferry guard.
A fatigue tomorrow of 100 men for Smith’s Barbette.
July 10, 1776.
Deputy Commissary, Mr. Brown, to issue provisions 3 times a week, Tu. Th. & Saturdays.
Putrid fevers prevailing among the troops, the troops are forbid going into the water only in the mornings and evenings, being dangerous in the heat of the day.
A fatigue party of 150 to be furnished from the 11th & 12th & Col. Forman’s Regt. for Smith’s Barbette to be continued till it is completed.
July 11, 1776.
Fatigue parties to be turned out to be at work on the Hill by five in the morning.
Camp Long Island, July 16, 1776.
Prisoners sent to the main Guard by the Field officer of the day with or without arms, unless sooner released by him or the Gen. are only to be kept till the mounting of the new guard, unless a crime be delivered to the Cap. of the guard in writing against (the prisoners) by the person that committed them, with his name to it.
Lt. Col. Cornell & Cap. Warner are appointed to oversee the works at Smith’s Barbette & complete them. They are to be excused from all other duty. Fatigue parties for the future are to work as long as the Cols. think advisable every cool day. The general wishes the troops to be as industrious as possible, lest the enemy attack (the works) before they are done.
A subaltern’s Guard to mount at Rapalyea’s mill upon the point every night, to continue till sunrise.
General Orders
Head Quarters, July 18 1776.
2 guns from fort Cobble Hill on Long Island to be a signal that the enemy have landed on that Island.
Gen. Greene’s Orders
July 18, 1776.
Field officer of the day tomorrow, Lt. Col. Henderson, Adjt. from Col. Little’s....
Patrolling parties to be sent out every hour to advance as silently as possible & to stop & listen every few rods, to discover spies lurking around the works.
Camp on Long Island, July 19 1776.
The works on Cobble Hill being greatly retarded for want of men to lay turf, few being acquainted with that service, all those in Col. Hitchcock’s & Col. Little’s Regts. that understand that business, are desired to voluntarily turn out every day, & they shall be excused from all other duty, & allowed ½ a pint of rum a day.
Half the fatigue party to work tomorrow at fort Sterling in widening the ditch. Lt. Col. Cornell will detach the party & give the necessary instructions. Cap. Newell of the Train to mount an artillery guard on Smith’s Barbette, on Cobble Hill, of a Sergeant & 6 men.
F. Officer of the day tomorrow Major Parker, Adjt. from Col. Forman’s Regt. (New Jersey).
July 22, 1776.
F. Offr. tomorrow, Col. Forman, Adjt. from his regt.
The Cols. or Cg. Offrs. of the 1st, 9th, 11th, 12th Regiments are requested to send in a return of vacancies, with a list of names to fill them, by tomorrow at 9 a.m. The 11th, 12th & Col. Forman’s Regts. are to parade on the regimental parade tomorrow a.m. instead of going to their alarm posts. Comg. off. of each regt. will receive orders on the spot when & where to march.
The duties being exceedingly heavy on the men, the Genl. thinks proper to lessen the fatigue party ½ & reduce the guard in forts Green & Putnam ⅓, & a Serjt. & 12 men to mount in fort Box, instead of the present guard.
July 24, 1776.
A fatigue party of 40 men & 1 sub. to cut fascines to parade this p.m. 4 days provisions to be provided. Passengers going into the city not to be stopped at the ferry unless there is reason to suspect them. No one to come out without a proper pass. Fatigue for home duty to be lessened as much as the number detached.
In Camp Long Island, July 28, 1776.
The success of the campaign must depend on the health of the troops; nothing should be neglected that contributes to it. Good Policy as well as humanity claims the attention of every officer to this object; our honor as well as our success depends on it.
The good officer discharges his duty not only in one but in every respect. It is a mistaken notion that the minutiæ of military matters is only an employment for little minds. Such an officer betrays a want of understanding and showeth a person ignorant of the necessary dependence and connection of one thing upon another. What signifies knowledge without power to execute? He who studies the Branches of military knowledge relating to Dispositions, & neglects to preserve the health of his troops will find himself in that disagreeable situation.
The general is pained to discover inattention to the digging and filling vaults for the regts. & to the burial of filth and putrid matter. The general directs camp Columen(?) of the several regts. to dig new vaults, and fill up old ones every 3 days, & that fresh dirt be thrown in every day to the vaults, & that all filth in and about the camp be daily buried. The sickly season coming on, & Putrid fevers prevailing, the Gen. recommends a free use of vegetables & desires the men may keep themselves & clothes clean, & cook their provisions properly; & little injury is to be dreaded. A neglect of these matters at this critical season may be attended with dreadful consequences.
Complaints are made of the troops stealing water mellons. Such practices must be punished. A few unprincipled rascals may ruin the reputation of a whole corps of virtuous men. The General desires the virtuous to complain of every offender that may be detected in invading people’s property in an unlawful manner, whatever his station or from whatever part of the country he may come.
Aug. 1, 1776.
All the straw bunks & —— in ye different regts. occupied by the well to be collected for the sick of Col. Forman’s regt. A sergeant & 8 men to be employed cutting wood for a coal pit for the armorers shop—apply to master armorers for orders.
In Camp Long Island, Aug. 4, 1776.
4 Cos. of Col. Gay’s regt. to take fort Sterling for their alarm post & 4—Cobble Hill.
The countersign having spread too generally in the camp, & amongst many that don’t belong to the army, the Genl. orders every person to be punished who is base enough to discover it to those who have no right to it.
No person allowed to pass after 10 o’clock with or without the countersign within the limits of the camp or circle of the sentries, except Genl. & Field Officers, Brigade Majors & expresses. This order extends to inhabitants as well as the army.
A fatigue party from Col. Little’s, Col. Forman’s & Col. Gay’s regts. of 200 men, properly officered, to work at Fort Sterling tomorrow. Col. Gay or the comg. officer of his regt. is directed to lead his troops into their alarm posts at 5 o’clock this afternoon. Officers are directed to acquaint themselves with the ground for miles about their camps.
Morning Orders, Aug. 6, 1776.
Commanding Officers of fortifications are requested to pay particular attention to ye provisions lodged at each alarm post for the support of the troops in case of seige, and also that ye water casks & cisterns are filled & when the water is bad to have it pumped out & fresh water put in.
Aug. 6, 1776.
By a deserter from Sir Peter Parker’s fleet we learn that the Hessians, from England, & Clinton’s troops from S. Carolina are arrived & that the enemy meditate an attack on this Island & the city of New York. The Genl. wishes to have the troops provided with every thing necessary to give them a proper reception. Caps. are directed to examine the arms of their cos. immediately.
Aug. 8, 1776.
A sub. & 20 men to parade immediately to march to Jamaica. Let the men be decently dressed, & the officers keep them from offering insolence or abuse to any person. They are to escort & assist Lt. Skinner & wait there for his directions.
Aug. 9, 1776.
A report from Col. Hand mentions a large number of regulars drawn up at Staten Island Ferry, & boats to embark in. No officer or soldier to stir from his quarters that we may be ready to march at a moment’s warning if necessary.
Aug. 16, 1776.
Col. Smith (L.I. militia) to appt an Adjt., Q.M. & Serjt Maj. & Q. Mr. Serjt to his regt., & to have the troops in his regt not on duty exercised daily in learning the necessary manœuvres and evolutions.
Genls. Nixon and Heard are to furnish a fatigue party from their brigades and to form the necessary lines from fort Box to fort Putnam. The gin shops and houses selling liquor, strictly forbidden to sell to soldiers, excepting near the two ferries.
The inhabitants of houses near the lines are immediately to move out of them, and they are to be appropriated to the use of the troops. The General is determined to have any soldiers punished that may be found disguised with liquor, as no soldier in such a situation can be fit for defense or attack.
The General orders that no sutler in the army shall sell to any soldier more than 1 gill of spirits per day. If the above orders are not adhered to, there shall no more be retailed out at all.
The Colonels of regts. lately come in are immediately to make returns to the Genl. of their number of men & where they are quartered. Col. Hitchcock’s and Smith’s Regts are to do duty in Genl. Nixon’s brigade—Cols. Van Brunt’s and Gay’s Regts. to do duty in Genl. Heard’s brigade. Capts in the brigades are to be particularly careful that the Rolls are called 3 times a day & that the troops do not stray from quarters.
General Orders
Head Quarters, Aug. 20, 1776.
... General Sullivan is to take command on Long Island till Gen. Greene’s state of health will permit him to resume it. Brig. Ld Sterling is to take charge of Genl Sullivan’s division.
[No. 2.] — Major General Sullivan’s Orders — Camp on Long Island — [Colonel Little’s Order Book]
[Long Island,] August 20, 1776.
Field Offr of the Day tomorrow, Col. Phipps, (?) Adjt from Col. Little’s regt.
August 21st, 1776.
Five hundred men to be on fatigue to-morrow to be on the works by 8 o’clock, to leave at 12, & begin at 2 o’clock, & work till half past 6. Nothing can be more disagreeable to the Genl. than to call upon the men to be so constantly on fatigue, but their own salvation, and the safety of the country requires it. He hopes that in 2 or 3 days more the encampment will be so secure that he can release the men from fatigue and give them an opportunity to rest from their labors. Adjt. of the day to attend at the Genls. quarters every morning at 8, and an orderly from each brigade daily. Four men are to be drafted to row the Genls boat and do no other duty. The Brigade majors, upon receiving orders from Head Quarters are to call at Gen. Sullivan’s quarters for his orders, or send adjts to take them off.
Col. Johnson’s and Newcomb’s regts are to consider the woods on the west side of the creek as their alarm post, and repair there in case of an alarm. Gen. Nixon will show the ground this evening at 6 o’clock to the commg officers of the Regts.
Aug. 23, 1776.
The men not to turn out to their alarm posts this afternoon, (but) to get 2 days’ provisions ready, & to be at their alarm posts to-morrow morning by 3 o’clock in order for action.
Cols. Miles & Ransom’s (Remsen’s of L.I.) regts. to take possession of the Bedford road this night—Col. Ransom’s regt. to march at 5 o’clock. Col. Miles’ regt. is on the spot. Cols. Little’s & Hitchcock’s Regts to possess the Flatbush road & Cols. Johnson’s & Martin’s to take possession of the road near the river. All these regts. to be at their posts by 6 o’clock. Upon their arrival the troops now there are to retire to their encampments & get 2 days provisions dressed, & be ready for action. The Gen. will never make a 3rd. requisition to the majors of brigade, to attend for orders.
Long Island Aug. 24 1776.
A return to be made to the Gen. this afternoon at 5 o’clock of all ye Light Horse & companies of troop within the lines. The adjt. of Col. Little’s regiment is to attend at Genls. quarters at 7 o’clock a.m. to-morrow.
The Genl. returns his thanks to the brave officers & soldiers who with so much spirit & intrepidity repulsed the enemy & defeated their designs of taking possession of the woods near our lines. He is now convinced that the troops he has the honor to command, will not, in point of bravery, yield to any troops in the universe. The cheerfulness with which they do their duty, & the patience with which they undergo fatigue evince exalted sentiments of freedom, & love of country gives him most satisfactory evidence that when called upon they will prove themselves worthy of that freedom for which they are now contending.
Col. Ramsons (Remsen’s) Regt. to mount no guard except quarter guard of 12, but be considered a fatigue party, to which they are to attend from day to day. The Genl. is sorry to find that Regt. flying from their posts, when timid women would have blushed to have betrayed any signs of fear at any thing this regt. discovered at the time of their flight.
Officers are requested to see that their men always keep at least 2 days provisions, ready dressed by them. The Commissary is to deal out one gill of rum per man each day on this Island until further orders. Soldiers are not to be out of their encampment but upon urgent business. Gen. Nixon to take command of the lines next the enemy until further orders, to post his men in the edge of the woods next the enemy. Brigde Majors to attend punctually at the Genl’s. quarters at 10 a.m.
Long Island Aug. 25 1776.
The following arrangement to take place on Long Island until further orders—Viz: Col. Mile’s 2 battalions, Col. Atlee’s, Col. Lutzs, Major Hayes, Col. Lashers and Drake’s to be formed into one brigade under the command of Gen. Ld. Stirling. Col. Hand’s, Prescott’s, (Late) Nixon’s, Varnum’s, Hitchcock’s, Little’s, Smith’s, & Ramson’s to be under Gen. Nixon. Wylly’s, Huntington’s, Taylor’s, (Tyler’s) Silliman’s, Chester’s, & Gay’s under Gen. Parsons; Johnson’s, Courtlandt’s, Martins, Newcombs & Freeman’s (Forman’s), under the command of Brig. Gen Hurd.
The General orders that the Brigrs. attend at Head Quarters at 8 a.m. to-morrow for directions. Brigde Major Box is appointed to act as Adjt. Genl. for this department until further orders.
A Brigr. Genl. of the Day to attend the Grand Parade at Guard mounting at 10 a.m., every day afterwards at 8, whose duty it shall be to see that the guards are regularly made up, & properly posted & duly relieved. No firing at the outposts to be allowed on any pretense, except by permission of the Comg Gen. of the day, & none within the lines except by permission. This order not to extend to sentries on guard.
Brigr. for the day Gen. Ld. Stirling.
The Gen. is surprised to find the soldiers strolling about, notwithstanding repeated orders, miles distant from the lines, at a time when the enemy are hourly expected to make an attack. The officers are enjoined to cause the arrest of any soldier who shall be found strolling without the lines unless they can show a written permit from their Cap. or Comg. officer of the regt. or company. All the officers and soldiers are to keep within their quarters, unless ordered on duty.
All troops in this department are desired to wear a green bough or branch of a tree in their hats, till further orders.
Col. Ward’s Regt. to be added to Gen. Parson’s brigade. All the troops not231——
All other troops not mentioned and those which may be sent here without a General Officer to command them are to be considered as a part of Lord Stirling’s Brigade till further orders.
A return of the several Brigades to be made immediately. Eight hundred (men) properly officered to relieve the troops on Bedford Road to-morrow morning, six field officers to attend with this party. The same number to relieve those on Bush (Flatbush) Road, and an equal number those stationed towards the Narrows. A picket of three hundred men under the command of a Field Officer, six Captains, twelve Subalterns to be posted at the wood on the west side of the Creek every night till further orders.
It is a very scandalous practice unbecoming soldiers whose duty it is to defend the liberty and property of the Inhabitants of the country to make free with and rob them of that property; it is therefore ordered that no person belonging to this army do presume on any pretense whatever to take or make use of any Corn, Poultry or Provision, or anything else without the consent of the owners nor without paying the common price for them; any breach of this order will be severely punished. The Commanding Officer of each Regiment and Company is to see this order communicated to their respective corps and to see it carried into execution....
Brigadier Lord Stirling to command the front of our lines next Hudson’s River and to command the reserve within the lines, and when either of the other Brigade Generals have the command of the Advance Lines Lord Stirling is to have command of his post in his absence. Each Brigadier General to assign the Alarm Posts to the several Regiments under their command.
[No. 3.] — General Orders
Head-Quarters Long Island Aug. 29, 1776.
Parole, Sullivan, }
Countersign, Green.
As the sick are an encumbrance to the Army, & Troops are expected this afternoon from the flying camp in Jersey, under Genl Mercer, who is himself arrived & room & cover is wanted for the troops, the commanding Officers of Regt’s are immediately to have such sick removed. They are to take their Arms & Accoutrements & be conducted by an Officer to the Genl Hospital, as a rendezvous & then to cross to-gether under the directions of the Person appointed there, taking general Directions from Dr Morgan. As the above Forces under Genl Mercer are expected this afternoon, the General proposes to relieve a proportionate Number of Regiments & make a change in the situation of them.
The Commanding Officers of Regiments are therefore to parade their men with their Arms, Accoutrements, and Knapsacks, at 7 oClock, at the Head of their Encampments & there wait for Orders.232
[From MS. Order Book of Col. Wm. Douglas.]
Head-Quarters, New York, August 31, 1776.
(Parole, Harlem.) (Countersign, Flushing.)
... Both officers and soldiers are informed that the retreat from Long-Island was made by the unanimous advice of all the General Officers, not from any doubts of the spirit of the troops, but because they found the troops very much fatigued with hard duty, and divided into many detachments, while the enemy had their main body on the Island, and capable of receiving assistance from the shipping. In these circumstances it was thought unsafe to transport the whole of an Army on an Island, or to engage them with a part, and therefore unequal numbers; whereas now our whole Army is collected together, without water intervening, while the enemy can receive little assistance from their ships. Their Army is, and must be, divided into many bodies, and fatigued with keeping up a communication with their ships; whereas ours is connected and can act together. They must effect a landing under so many disadvantages, that if officers and soldiers are vigilant, and alert to prevent surprise, and add spirit when they approach, there is no doubt of our success....
[Force, 5th Series, Vol. I., p. 1248.]
[No. 4.] — Gen. Washington to the Massachusetts Assembly
Head-Quarters, Colonel Roger Morris’s House, ten miles from }
New York, September 19, 1776.
Gentlemen: I was honoured the night before last with your favor of the 13th instant, and at the same time that I conceive your anxiety to have been great, by reason of the vague and uncertain accounts you received respecting the attack on Long Island, give me leave to assure you that the situation of our affairs, and the important concerns which have surrounded me, and which are daily pressing on me, have prevented me from transmitting, in many instances, the intelligence I otherwise should have conveyed.
In respect to the attack and retreat from Long Island, the publick papers will furnish you with accounts nearly true. I shall only add, that in the former we lost about eight hundred men; more than three-fourths of which were taken prisoners. This misfortune happened in great measure, by two detachments of our people who were posted in two roads leading through a wood, in order to intercept the enemy in their march, suffering a surprise, and making a precipitate retreat, which enabled the enemy to lead a great part of their force against the troops commanded by Lord Stirling, which formed a third detachment, who behaved with great bravery and resolution, charging the enemy and maintaining their posts from about seven or eight o’clock in the morning till two in the afternoon, when they were obliged to attempt a retreat, being surrounded and overpowered by numbers on all sides, and in which many of them were taken. One battalion (Smallwood’s of Maryland) lost two hundred and fifty-nine men, and the general damage fell upon the regiments from Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, and Colonel Huntington’s, of Connecticut.
As to the retreat from the Island, it was effected without loss of men, and with but very little baggage. A few heavy cannon were left, not being moveable on account of the ground’s being soft and miry through the rains that had fallen.
The enemy’s loss in killed we could never ascertain; but have many reasons to believe that it was pretty considerable, and exceeded ours a good deal. The retreat from thence was absolutely necessary, the enemy having landed the main body of their army there to attack us in front, while their ships of war were to cut off the communication with the city, from whence resources of men, provisions, &c., were to be drawn....
I have the honour to be, &c.,
Go. Washington.
To the Hon. Jeremiah Powell, Esq., President, &c.
[Force, 5th Series, Vol. II., p. 399.]
[No. 5.] — Brig. Gen. Parsons to John Adams Philadelphia
Long Island 29 Aug 1776.
... Before this reaches you the account of the battle of Tuesday last will arrive—’tis impossible to be particular in a narrative of the matter as many are yet missing, who we hope may come in. In the night of the 26th nine Regiments of the English troops perhaps about 2500 with Field artillery &c. passed the Western road near the Narrows from the flat land, for our lines. We had a guard of 400 or 500 men posted in the wood, who about three o’clock Tuesday morning gave notice of the enemy’s approach, a body of about 1500. We immediately marched down to oppose the progress of the enemy. We took possession of a hill about two miles from camp and detached Col Atlee with a Reg’t of Delaware [Penn.] to meet them further on the road; in about 60 rods he drew up & received the enemy’s fire & gave them a well directed fire from his Reg’t, which did great execution & then retreated to the hill; from thence I was ordered with Col Atlee & part of his Reg’t & Lt Col Clark with Col Huntington’s Reg’t to cover the left flank of our main body.
This we executed though our number did at no time exceed 300 men & we were attacked three several times by two Regiments ye 44th & 23d and repulsed them in every attack with considerable loss. The number of dead we had collected together & the heap the enemy had made we supposed amounted to about 60. We had 12 or 14 wounded prisoners who we caused to be dress’d & their wounds put in the best state our situation would admit. About 10 o’clock we found a large body of the enemy had advanced on the other roads near our lines, but a constant fire was kept up on the enemy till about 12, when we found them fast advancing on our rear to cut off our retreat. Our little main body advanced boldly up to the enemy in the rear & broke through their lines and secured the retreat of most of the party; but it fared still harder with my little party who had three times repulsed the enemy in front and once in the rear; we had no notice of the retreat of the main body till it was too late for us to join them, the enemy having cut off our retreat on three sides & the main body having broke through the enemy’s lines on the other side and left them between us. We had no alternative left but force through one line into a thick wood, which we attempted & effected with part of our men, the other part with Col. Clark being before sent into the wood. When we had made our way into the wood, I was accidentally parted from Col. Atlee & most of the men whom I have never seen since. I came in with 7 men yesterday morning much fatigued. Our loss is impossible to be ascertained. In my party a Lt. Col. Parry was killed and one wounded. Our loss in killed & wounded is inconsiderable, but many are missing among whom are General Sullivan & Lord Sterling. Colonels Miles, Atlee, Johnson, Lt. Col. Clark Maj. Wells & several other officers of distinction are yet missing. I think the trial of that day far from being any discouragement, but in general our soldiers behaved with firmness.
I am sir, with esteem & Regard
Yr. Humble Svt.
Sam’l H. Parsons.
Morrisania Oct. 8, 1776.
Dear Sir
Your’s of the 2d inst I rec’d last night, for which I am obliged to you. If any information I can give will contribute to your satisfaction or my country’s good I am happy in furnishing what falls in my observation. I agree fully with you that you were in the dark as to some facts relative to the transactions on Long Island & am fully satisfied you still remain so, or you could not suppose the surprise there was in the day time. To give you a clear idea of the matter, I must trouble you with a description of that part of the country where the enemy landed, and encamped, and the intervening lands between that and our lines. From the point of land which forms the east side of the Narrows, runs a ridge of hills about N.E. in length about 5 or 6 miles, covered with a thick wood which terminate in a small rising land near Jamaica; through these hills are three passes only, one near the Narrows, one on the road called the Flatbush Road & one called the Bedford Road, being a cross road from Bedford to Flatbush which lies on the southerly side of these hills; these passes are through the mountains or hills easily defensible being very narrow and the lands high & mountainous on each side. These are the only roads which can be passed from the south side the hill to our lines, except a road leading around the easterly end of the hills to Jamaica. On each of these roads were placed a guard of 800 men, and east of them in the wood was placed Col Miles with his Battalion to watch the motion of the enemy on that part, with orders to keep a party constantly reconnoitering to and across the Jamaica road. The sentinels were so placed as to keep a constant communication between the three guards on the three roads. South of these hills lies a large plain extending from the North River easterly to Rockaway Bay perhaps 5 miles & southerly to the sound bounded on the south by the sound and on the north by the hills. Those hills were from two to three miles and a half from our lines. The enemy landed on this plain & extended their camp from the River to Flatbush perhaps 3 or 4 miles. On the day of the surprise I was on duty, and at the first dawn of day the guards from the West road near the Narrows, came to my quarters & informed me the enemy were advancing in great numbers by that road. I soon found it true & that the whole guard had fled without firing a gun; these (by way of retaliation I must tell you) were all New Yorkers & Pennsylvanians; I found by fair daylight the enemy were through the wood & descending the hill on the North side, on which with 20 of my fugitive guard being all I could collect, I took post on a height in their front at about half a mile’s distance—which halted their column & gave time for Lord Sterling with his forces to come up; thus much for the West road—On the East next Jamaica Col. Miles suffered the enemy to march not less than 6 miles till they came near two miles in rear of the guards before he discovered & gave notice of their approach. This also was in the night & the guard kept by Pennsylvanians altogether—the New England & New Jersey troops being in the other two roads through which the enemy did not attempt to pass.
We were surprised—our principal barrier lost by that surprise, but as far as the cover of the night is an excuse we have it.—The landing of the troops could not be prevented at the distance of 6 or 7 miles from our lines; on a plain under the cannon of the ships, just in with the shore. Our unequal numbers would not admit attacking them on the plain when landed.
When our principal barrier was lost, our numbers so much inferior to the enemy, they not disposed to storm our lines, but set down to make regular approaches to us—were part of the reasons which induced a retreat from thence and a consequent abandoning New York—. Our sentinels & guards in my opinion were well posted, they might have been better, too great security I thought prevailed with some leading officers, but I still am of opinion, if our guards on the West road & Col. Miles on East End of the hills had done their duty, the enemy would not have passed those important heights, without such very great loss as would have obliged them to abandon any further enterprise on the Island....
I am sir
Your Most Humble Sv’t
Sam’l H. Parsons.
[Originals in possession of Hon. Charles Francis Adams.]
[No. 6.] — Brig. Gen. Scott to John Jay — White Plains, N.Y.
New York Sept. 6, 1776.
Dear Sir:
I received your letter about half an hour ago by the messengers of the honorable convention, in which you inform me that they are anxious to be informed of any transactions at this place that may be of use to the State, or otherwise of importance. My duty would have directed me to execute this task before the receipt of your letter, had I been possessed of the means of conveyance. I shall do it now as far as the want of good pen and ink, as scarce as almost every other necessary article, will permit.
I shall begin with our retreat from Long Island. For previous to that event the convention was so near the scene of action that they must have been acquainted with every occurrence. I was summoned to a Council of War at Mr. Philip Livingston’s house on Thursday 29th ult. never having had reason to expect a proposition for a retreat till it was mentioned. Upon my arrival at the lines on the Tuesday morning before, and just after the enemy, by beating General Sullivan and Lord Stirling, had gained the heights which in their nature appear to have been more defensible than the lines were, it was obvious to me we could not maintain them for any long time should the enemy approach us regularly. They were unfinished in several places when I arrived there, and we were obliged hastily to finish them, and you may imagine with very little perfection, particularly across the main road, the most likely for the approach of the enemy’s heavy artillery. In this place three of my battalions were placed, the traverse of the line in ground so low, that the rising ground immediately without it, would have put it in the power of a man at 40 yards’ distance to fire under my horse’s belly whenever he pleased. You may judge of our situation, subject to almost incessant rains, without baggage or tents and almost without victuals or drink, and in some part of the lines the men were standing up to their middles in water. The enemy were evidently incircling us from water to water with intent to hem us in upon a small neck of land. In this situation they had as perfect a command of the island, except the small neck on which we were posted, as they now have. Thus things stood when the retreat was proposed. As it was suddenly proposed, I as suddenly objected to it, from an aversion to giving the enemy a single inch of ground; but was soon convinced by the unanswerable reasons for it. They were these. Invested by an enemy of above double our number from water to water, scant in almost every necessary of life and without covering and liable every moment to have the communication between us and the city cut off by the entrance of the frigates into the East River between (late) Governor’s Island and Long Island; which General McDougall assured us from his own nautic experience was very feasible. In such a situation we should have been reduced to the alternative of desperately attempting to cut our way [through] a vastly superior enemy with the certain loss of a valuable stock of artillery and artillery stores, which the continent has been collecting with great pains; or by famine and fatigue have been made an easy prey to the enemy. In either case the campaign would have ended in the total ruin of our army. The resolution therefore to retreat was unanimous, and tho’ formed late in the day was executed the following night with unexpected success. We however lost some of our heavy cannon on the forts at a distance from the water, the softness of the ground occasioned by the rains having rendered it impossible to remove them in so short a time. Almost everything else valuable was saved; and not a dozen men lost in the retreat. The consequence of our retreat was the loss of [late] Govrs Island which is perfectly commanded by the fort on Red Hook. The enemy however from fear or other reasons indulged with the opportunity of two nights to carry off all except some heavy cannon. The garrison was drawn off in the afternoon after our retreat under the fire of the shipping who are now drawn up just behind [late] Govrs Island, and the fire of some cannon from Long Island shore; but with no other loss than that of one man’s arm. What our loss on Long Island was I am not able to estimate. I think the hills might have been well maintained with 5000 men. I fear their natural strength was our bane by lulling us into a state of security and enabling the enemy to steal a march upon us. I think from the best accounts we must have killed many of the enemy. We are sure that late Colonel and afterwards General Grant who was so bitter against us in Parliament, is among the slain. General Parsons late Col. and promoted to the rank of a general officer escaped from the action and pursuit as by a miracle. I believe him to be a brave man. He is a Connecticut lawyer. He told me that in the action he commanded a party of about 250 men, with orders from Lord Stirling to cover his flank; and that when the enemy gave way, he threw into a heap about thirty of the enemy’s dead, and that in advancing a little further he found a heap made by the enemy at least as large as that which he had collected. Lord Stirling had ordered him to maintain his ground till receipt of his orders to retreat. However, finding that no such orders came; and finding the enemy by rallying to increase on his hands, he flew to the place where Lord Stirling was posted, leaving his party on the ground with strict orders to maintain it till his return, but he found his Lordship and his whole body of troops gone. There can be no doubt but Lord Stirling behaved bravely; but I wish that he had retreated sooner. He would have saved himself and a great number of troops from captivity, but he refused to retreat for want of orders. We miss him much, he was a very active officer. General Sullivan who was also made a prisoner in the action on the heights went some days ago on parole to Congress to endeavor to procure his exchange for Prescot. I have not heard of his return. Two or three days ago the Rose frigate went up between the islands and took shelter, after a severe cannonade from us, behind Blackwell’s Island. She retreated yesterday as far as Corlear’s Hook, where she was briskly cannonaded till night. I have not heard of her this morning. By the loss on Long Island and the running away of our militia, especially those of Connecticut, to their respective homes, our army is much diminished, and I am sure is vastly inferior to that of the enemy....
Poor General Woodhull with a lieutenant and four men were made prisoners on Long Island. I had a letter from him dated the first inst. but not dated from any place, nor does he tell me how he was taken. He has lost all his baggage and requested of me two shirts and two pairs of stockings, which I should have sent him had not the flag of truce been gone before I recd the letter. I shall comply with his request by the first opportunity. Commend me with all possible devotion to the honorable Convention.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant
Jno. Morin Scott.
P.S. The army badly paid & wretchedly fed. 1100 men arrived from the southward. A deserter tells me be (?) 3000 foreign troops on Staten island. I know not what the flying camp is doing. He says the enemy on Long Island are 26,000. I believe this much exaggerated; and 1000 in the shipping.
[Original in possession of Hon. John Jay, New York.]
[No. 7.] — Col. Joseph Trumbull to His Brother Lebanon, Conn
New York 27th August 1776.
Dear Brother
Since my last the enemy have landed their main force on Long Island near New Utrecht Church—between that & Flat Bush, our people and theirs have frequent skirmishes in all which our people have had the better of them. We have lost several men, killed and wounded—. Col. Martin of New Jersey badly wounded in the breast, but I hope not mortally. We just have received an account of a smart skirmish this morning at break of day—the particulars I don’t yet know, if I can get them before the gentlemen go who bring this I will write you them. Col. Huntington is unwell, but I hope getting a little better. He has a slow fever. Maj. Dyer is also unwell with a slow fever. Gen’l Greene has been very sick but is better. Genls. Putnam, Sullivan, Lord Sterling, Nixon, Parsons & Heard are on Long Island and a strong part of our army. We have a fine ridge of hills and woods to meet them in on Long Island before they come near our lines.
I am dear Brother your Affectionate
Jos. Trumbull.
Jona Trumbull Junr Esq.
P.S. It was true the enemy attacked in the morning—Several parties of them penetrated thro’ the woods & the whole body are now thro’ & within 2 miles of our lines. Some parties of them have been up to the lines but are drove back, or upon the Heights about 2 miles off from the lines. There has been some very brisk firing & smart engagements; what numbers are killed or wounded on either side—the firing ceases at present but expect it renewed again by & by. We have lost a Mr. Rutgers of this town, an artillery man & Lt. Col. Parry of Pennsylvania. These are all we know yet.
Your’s as before.
[Original in possession of Henry E. Parsons, Ashtabula, O.]
[No. 8.] — Col. Trumbull to His Father Lebanon, Conn
New York, Sept. 1st, 1776.
Honored Sir,
... We have been obliged to retreat from Long Island and Governor’s Island, from both of which we got off without loss of men. We have left a great part of our heavy artillery behind. The field train is off. We are in hourly expectation that the town will be bombarded and cannonaded—and the enemy are drawing their men to the eastward on Long Island, as if they intended to throw a strong party over on this island, near Hell Gate, so as to get on the back of the city. We are preparing to meet them. Matters appear to be drawing near to a decisive engagement. Gen. Sullivan is allowed to come on shore, upon his parole, and go to Congress, on the subject of exchange of himself, Lord Sterling, and a large number who are prisoners; by the best accounts we yet have, we have lost, in last week’s defeat, about 800 men killed and missing; how many of each, is not yet known. I rather expect that they will push in a body of troops between the town and our posts at and near King’s bridge. If they do we shall have them between two fires, and must push them to the last extremity or be killed or taken prisoners. The event is in the hand of the Almighty, Disposer of all events....
I am, honored Sir,
Your dutiful son,
Jos. Trumbull.
[Collections of the R.I. Hist. Soc., Vol. VI.]
[No. 9.] — Col. Moses Little to His Son Newburyport, Mass
In Camp Long Island June 22d 76.
Dear Son—We still continue in Camp at this place. No arrivals since my last. Some hints this morning that the Torys had laid a plan to destroy the general officers of our army. The particulars I have not yet. The Regt generally well.
July 6—1776.
About 160 ships and transports and other vessels are arrived with about 10000 soldiers—Numbers are landed on Staten Island. We expect 12000 more to join them. Camp very healthy. I have lost only one man since we left Prospect Hill (near Boston). Our men in good spirits. I am of opinion our hands will be full—hope we shall do well.
July 31, 1776.
Ten ships are added to the King’s troops—part very large, can’t say whether they are men of war or transports. This island is a place of great importance, & if possible must be defended. We are five small regts, are scattered, & have 10 forts to defend. Col. Hand’s Regt is scattered over 5 miles in length. I am posted in fort Green which is the largest. I never desire to give it up, nor be taken while I am alive. I am of opinion my regt. will stand fast in the cause of the United States.
August 9, 1776.
The enemy were seen to embark 30 boats full of men on 3 vessels & 100 boats full on the other transports. We expected an attack, but all is still & quiet.
Our enemies have been reinforced by the Hessians & Clinton’s fleet. Deserters say the enemy are 30,000 strong & Genl. Greene judges them 20,000. I think them 16,000. We have only 1600 fit for duty on Long Island. I shall pay the Q.M. Genl. the balance due him for cloathing my regt. this day, which will square all accounts.
Aug. 22 1776.
I have thought fit to send you my will—you will take all charge necessary &c.
The enemy this day landed on this Island & marched within 3 miles of our camp. Three or four regiments lodge within 2 miles of the enemy. I expect morning will bring us to battle.
In Camp New York Sep. 1, 1776.
The enemy left Staten Island & landed on Long Island the 22d. Encamped on a large plain 5 or 6 miles across, at Flat Bush 4 miles distant. Our troops encamped in the edge of the woods in front of them. Our line extended about four miles on the night of the 27th. In the morning, at 2 o’clock, the enemy attacked our right wing (a smart engagement for some time).
The enemy also advanced on the left. Lord Stirling reinforced the right wing & defended himself till 12 o’clock when our wing gave way. My regt. was in the center on guard. The enemy’s right wing almost encircled 2 or 3 regt’s & as they were not together they were not able to defend themselves & retreated with about 20 wounded. Our people came in about 11 o’clock. The enemy at the same time with their light horse & English troops attempted to force our lines, but soon retreated being met with a smart fire from our breast works.
Two deserters informed us that the enemies dead & wounded was upwards of 500—I wish ours may not be more. On the morning of the 28th the enemy were encamped on the heights in front of our encampment. Firing was kept up on both sides, from the right to the left. Weather very rainy. 29th very rainy. Firing by both sides in front of Fort Putnam. About sunset the enemy pushed to recover the ground we had taken (about 100 rods) in front of the fort. The fire was very hot, the enemy gave way, & our people recovered the ground. The fire ceased, & our people retired to the fort. The enemy took possession again, & on the morning of the 30th had a breastwork there 60 rods long, & 150 rods distant from fort Putnam.
Two ships of war had got up the sound as far as Hell gate by this time. The general ordered each regt. to be paraded on their own parades at 7 O’clock P.M. & wait for orders. We received orders to strike our tents & march, with our baggage, to New York. Our lines were manned until day break.
The reason of the retreat was, that we should have had no chance to retreat if the ships came up. I am not certain we shall be able to keep the city of New York. You may hear of our being at King’s Bridge. A great battle I think will be fought here, or near there.
I am in a good measure of health.
I am your affectionate father,
Moses Little.
To Mr. Josiah Little.
In Camp Fort Constitution, Oct. 1, 1776.
I have been solicited by Genl. Green to remain in the service. I before declined, but he will not hear one word about my refusing to serve.
[Original in possession of Benjamin Hale, Esq.]
[No. 10.] — Lieut. Col. William Henshaw to His Wife Leicester, Mass
Long Island 22d June, 1776.
My Dear—
... Last evening a Conspiracy of the Tories was discovered; their plan was to murder Genl. Washington, seize on the Persons of the other General officers, & blow up our Magazines, at the Instant of Time the King’s Troops should Land. A number of our Officers rode last Night to Flat bush on this Island, & seiz’d the Mayor of the City, who is now in safe Custody & suppos’d to be in the Conspiracy—several others are also taken & the Names of others we have, which I hope we shall soon be able to give a good account of.
In haste, I conclude
Yours affectionately,
Wm. Henshaw.
Augt. 29th 1776.
I have but just time to inform you I am well, as I hope this will find you, our Family & Friends. You will undoubtedly hear, before you see this, that we have had an engagement with the Enemy—were surrounded, & had a Number Killed & Taken. I was with the Party who were Surrounded & through a kind Providence, got through their fire without being Wounded or Taken.—The Particulars of which I have not time to relate as the Enemy are close to us & we expect to be attacked every hour. I have wrote to Brother Josy by this conveyance which letter he will let you see.—May God Bless & preserve you from every disaster, is the unremitting wish of yours &c.
N. York Sept. 1st 1776.
Last Friday we left Long Island, (being unable to keep it any longer, without being made Prisoners) and came to New York. How long we shall stay here is uncertain—Our Public Enemies are numerous—Our private Ones not a few. Happy shall I esteem myself, if I live to see these Publick Calamities at an End, when we can live peaceably at home & Enjoy the Fruit of our Labors, the Sweets of Liberty, & none to molest us: 7 Regiments marched to King’s Bridge Yesterday Afternoon. Lord Sterling & Gen. Sullivan are made prisoners by the Enemy. Sullivan was with us yesterday and is now gone to Philadelphia to Congress. Numbers of our People who were surrounded by the Enemy at Flat Bush, and we thought were Taken by them, have since got in—My Duty to Parents. Love to Sally, Bettsey, Ruthy & Josey, Brothers, Sisters & all Friends, with which I conclude,
Yours, &c.
White Plains, Octr. 31st, 1776.
In your last, you want to know whether I was in the Brush or Battle,233 mentioned in my last.—I was there. In our Brigade was Kill’d & Wounded, 75—in the whole Kill’d & Wounded on our side, about 100—of the Enemy by the best Information we have about 500—since which we have had several Skirmishes. I was not in them, though I saw several of them. One of them last Week was fought by Reed’s & Learned’s Regts., where we had six—kill’d & a number Wounded; the Enemy had Kill’d & Wounded, about 200—the same Week, a Scouting Party came across the famous Rogers Scouts, with a scouting party of the Enemy, took 30 of them Prisoners, & kill’d a number of them—This Week we had some Battles with them. Monday the 28th Inst. about 2000 of them came on a height of Land on these Plains, Attacked our Picquet, & after some time, forced our People to give Back. The Loss on either side I cannot ascertain, but suppose we had Kill’d & Wounded near 100, as the Fire of Cannon & Small Arms was heavy for some time. The Day before, they Attacked our Lines near Fort Washington with two of their Brigades & some of their Ships—Their Ships were much damaged; one of them they were obliged to Tow off; Our People at the Lines reserv’d their Fire till the Brigades advanced pretty near, then gave them a heavy Fire which caused them to Retreat; they form’d & advanc’d the second time, when our People gave them the second Fire; they Retreated as before, & form’d the Third time, came up & Fired at the Lines, which was so warmly returned, that they Retreated. Our People then Jump’d over the Lines, and pursued them, & Kill’d many, but the Number is not ascertained.—should I have another Opportunity to write, can better inform you: we had but one Kill’d in this Battle. We took 14 Hessians one Day this Week, & one English Officer; have had several Deserters come in this Week. The Enemy are now Encamp’d within Gun shot of us, so that there is a continual firing of Small Arms—We let two Hessians, which we took some time ago, return to the Enemy’s Camp—We daily expect an engagement with the Enemy——
Brother Denny was here Yesterday to see me; is well & station’d at Terry Town on the North River about 8 miles from this. Capt. Lincoln Parkman & our People in general, were well a few Days ago.
Should I live to see Peace restor’d & our Rights Secur’d, shall prize the Blessing more than ever. I have heard many rumors that it would be tedious to write. Last night we took Doct. Whitworth’s son (of Boston) Prisoner. He was in some office with the Enemy.
[Originals in possession of Miss H.E. Henshaw, Leicester, Mass.]
[No. 11.] — Deposition by Lieut. Col. Henshaw
[Without date.]
Previous to the Campaign in 1776, there were 3 Regts commanded by Lt. Colonels. General Washington offered me the command of either of them. I conversed with the Officers of these Regiments, & I found they were averse to a change; I informed Gen’l W. that if I accepted his offer, it would be injurious to the Service and declined it. He then said he hoped I would not leave the Service, but would take a Lt. Colonel’s commission, which I did under Colonel Little, & in April we marched for New York in the Brigade commanded by Genl Green. Soon after Genl Washington came & ordered said Brigade to Long Island.
The latter part of August, I commanded in a picket guard at Flatbush, where the enemy was encamped, who marched by the East wing of the Pickets, and formed a line between us and our encampments, and knowing the Gen. could not send us orders to retreat we marched to reach our encampments. While marching in the rear of the enemy’s line, they were holding a Council of War, whether to storm our lines, or take them by a regular siege. They chose the latter. Had they broke their lines and marched into our front, we must have been made prisoners; but they only turned on their heels and fired at us and we got in with little loss.
[Original in possession of Miss H.E. Henshaw, Leicester, Mass.]
[No. 12.] — Col. Edward Hand to His Wife Lancaster, Penn
Long Island 27 August 1776 7 p.m.
Dear Kitty:
Part of the enemy landed on the Island on the 22nd. they did not advance farther than Flatbush until last night—I have had a fatiguing time of it ever since—A number of our troops have been hemned in, but behaved well. Many have got clear and many are yet missing. Our Pennsylvanians were chiefly of the party.
I escaped my part only by being relieved at 2 o’clock this morning—Major Burd and Col. Atlee were out and are yet missing. Jessy and Jacky are yet with me
Adieu—May God preserve you
prays
Your affectionate
Edward Hand.
Mrs. Katherine Hand
Lancaster Pa.
[Original in possession of Mrs. S.B. Rogers, Lancaster, Penn.]
[No. 13.] — Maj. Edward Burd to Judge Yeates
Long Island 3rd Sept. 1776.
Dear Sir.
I was taken prisoner at an advanced Post on the morning of ye 27th ulto after a skirmish, on the same day Capts. Herbert and Heister were both made prisoners. I was used with great Civility by General Grant & admitted to my Parole, Brigadier General Agnew and Major Leslie and Major Batt also treated me with great Politeness.
You must be sensible that hard money can only be of service in my present situation: The Politeness of several Gentlemen would have very fully supplied me with it, but I have only taken what will be immediately necessary for me. I should be much obliged to you if you could procure me a small Bill of Exchange in which perhaps Mr. Dundas of Reading could assist you, or Gold to the amount of about £20.
I can not learn the fate of poor Colo Hand or Jesse Ewing but believe they are not prisoners.
Colo Reed, the Adjutant Gen’l will be the only Person who can convey any thing to me, my Letter must be short, my Love to all the Family.
I am Dear Sir
Your Affecte Brother [in-law]
Edw. Burd.
Jasper Yeates Esqr.
[Original among the Yeates papers.]
[No. 14.] — Lieut. Jasper Ewing to Judge Yeates
New York Aug. 30, 1776.
Honoured Sir:
After a very fatiguing march we are all safely arrived. The Genl. yesterday gave orders for all the Regts on Long Island to hold themselves in readiness to march at the shortest notice, and evacuate our Lines for the enemy already had extended their advanced posts across the Island, & we were entirely surrounded, so that the only refuge he had left was New York—This morn’g a party about fifty men went a marauding and were surprised by the enemy, who after firing whole vollies secured one of the Boats, & then the Hessian Riflemen began to play upon them, so that our loss including that of the first engagement amounts to 500 men & upwards.
Lord Stirling & Genl. Sullivan are Prisoners, several officers are still missing amongst whom are Col. Miles and Atlee—The militia from Berks County are almost cut off. The inhuman wretches thrust their bayonets through our wounded men and refused that mercy to us, which we granted to them. The situation of New York is very critical, the enemy being in possession of Long Island may reduce it to a Heap of ashes in a days time.
The loss of the enemy amounts to 1500 men amongst whom are a Brigadier Genl. and several Field Officers.—The Idea which we at first conceived of the Hessian Riflemen was truly ridiculous but sad experience convinces our people that they are an Enemy not to [be] despised, Several Companies of their Light Infantry are cloathed exactly as we are, in hunting shirts and trowers—Mr. Burd who commanded a detachment of 200 men is not yet returned, and sorry am I to say it, he is a Prisoner amongst them.—as this news must certainly afflict Aunt and the whole family, I have forwarned my Brother from making any mention of it.
Please to give my duty to Aunt, mammy, Kitty and my love to all the children,
I remain, Honrd Sir
Yr dutiful & obliged Nephew
J. Ewing.
To Jasper Yeates, Esqr.
[Original among the Yeates papers.]
[No. 15.] — John Ewing to Judge Yeates
“To Jasper Yeates Esq. at Fort Pitt.”
Lancaster Sept. 14, 1776.
Honrd Sir:
As it has pleased Divine Providence to spare my Life, I think it my Duty to send you as good an act. of the Engagement together with the enclosed Draught as lays in my power, as I had gone from Elizabeth Point New Jersey to Long Island to see my brothers I had an opportunity of seeing everything that occurred from the Time the Enemy landed on the Island untill a Day or two before we retreated from thence. Col. Hand’s Regmt. had been on duty 2 days & the second Night were relieved between 12 and 1 o’clock in the morning and about Two it is thought the Enemy began their movements from Flat Bush to the Right, and Left, and at between 7 & 8 o’clock in the morning we had the mortification from our Lines to see our men commanded by Lord Stirling almost surrounded by the Regulars, as they kept their stand on a Hill without flinching an inch, The Regulars were firing at them like Fury they at last descended then there was a continual peal of Small Arms for an Hour or better, our men at last partly got off by the Marsh, as in the Draught inclosed, I have been very Ill of a Fever which I got by being cloathed too thin and lay at York about 2 Days before our People had made that Grand Retreat from the Island which will ever reflect honour to our Generals, from York I was removed to King’s Bridge twelve or fifteen miles from thence, after I had recovered, my Health suffered from Travelling. The Colo. was good enough to send me Home in a Carriage which thank God I happily—and dont doubt of recovering Health shortly—I am Sir
Your affectionate
Nephew
Jno. Ewing.
P.S.
I shall refer you to the papers for our Loss in the Battle though it is with infinite regret I must inform you of Major Burd’s being among the prisoners who Lord How treats them with great politeness. Time will not permitt my saying so much as I would wish—I left the Colo. & all friends very well at King’s Bridge where the Regt. is Stationed as I only left them this day week.
[Original among the Yeates papers.]
Reduction from Original Map. Drawn by J. Ewing Sept. 1776.
A.—The Hill on which Lord Stirling commanded the Brigade which stood a considerable time exposed to the Enemy’s Fire from their Field-pieces & small-arms.
B.—Large Bodies of the Enemy marching round our people.
CCC.—Our Camps with the Forts GGG in front of them.
D.D.—The Road to the Red Lion, where the Enemy marched from Flat-bush along the River & got between our People and the Camps.
E.—Flat-bush Road.
F.—Where a considerable Number of our people were stationed with Several Field-pieces & Breast-Works made with Trees felled across the Road to defend themselves when attacked.
H.—Fort Putnam where part of Colo. Hand’s men commanded by Lieut. C. Chambers were detached from the Regt. to man the Fort.
I.—A small Upper Fort where [I] was with the Colo. the Day of the Engagement, where we saw the whole Action at A.A.A. Our people after standing their ground at the Hill, at last decended, and the[re] was an incessant Fire of Small-Arms for the best part of an Hour or longer, with little or no intermission, ’till our Men Retreated by the Mill “I,” and in their Retreat “O.O.” set fire to the house “M” the smoke of which prevented the Enemy at B.B. & K from seeing them retreat & then they came over the Marsh “Q” where several brave fellows were drowned in the Creek “P.” in endeavoring to get over. We expected every Minute the Enemy would Storm the Forts & Lines “IH,” as they were not above 400 or 450 Yards from Fort “I” to them at “KB,” but our Cannon from Fort Putnam obliged them to lay close.
R.—The Enemies Camp the Day after the Battle.
“Draught of the Engagement at Long Island, Aug. 27th, 1776.”
J. Bien Photo. Lith. N.Y.
[No. 16.] — Col. John Haslet to Hon. Cæsar Rodney Philadelphia
Hon’ble Sir,
I recd. yours with pleasure because it was yours, all the Rest was Indignation—We went over to Long Island, a Genl. Engagement ensued, the Southern Troops i.e. Ld Stirlings Battalion bore the Violence of the Attack & repulsed the Enemy but were outnumbered at least three to one, & obliged to retire; the Delaware Battalion have been complimented as the finest in the Service, they stood unmoved in firm Array four Hours exposed to the fire of the Enemy, nor attempted to retire till they received Orders from the Genl, then effected a most H’oble Retreat up to the middle thro a Marsh of Mud & brought off with them 23 Prisoners—I fear we shall be outnumbered, expect every moment Orders to march off to Kingsbridge, to prevent the Enemy crossing the East River & confining us on another Nook, what the Event will be God knows—Lt. Stewart & Harney with 25 Privates fell in our Regiment—Ld. Stirling & Genl Sullivan Prisoners—Miles & Atlee the same Piper killed—250 of Smallmans (Swallwood’s) missing—Atles cut to pieces—I fear Genl. Washington has too heavy a task, assisted mostly by Beardless Boys—if the Enemy can coop us up in N. York by Intrenching from River to River, horrid will be the Consequences from their command of the Rivers.
Between five & six thousand Dollars of Continental Money remain in my hands, unknowing what to do with it, I have entrusted it to the care of Dr. Rogers & Chaplain Montgomery—if I fall, please to take Order in the Matter—I have not time to say one Word more, tis the first Letter I have had time to write—please to mention to some of your Friends below that I am well, by whose Means it may reach Mrs. Haslet—I am with
Great Esteem, Sir your Most Obedt Humble Servant
John Haslet.
Honble Genl Rodney.
Camp at N. York Augt 31st 1776.
[Original in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq., Wilmington, Del.]
[No. 17.] — Col. Gold S. Silliman to His Wife Fairfield, Conn
Brookline on L.I. Augst 24—1776
7 o’clock a.m.
... I never was in better Health and Spirits than now. On Thursday the enemy landed on Long Island at 3 o’clock P.M. We had intelligence that our Troops on the Island wanted to be reinforced. My Regiment and 3 more were ordered over for that purpose. My regt. was ordered down into a woody Hill near Red Hook to take Post that night to prevent any more troops from landing thereabout. We had the Heavens for our Covering and the Earth for my bed, wrapt in my blanket, when after posting my Sentries I slept finely. Was mighty well yesterday, and was then ordered here where I & my Regt. now are. The enemy are about 3 miles East of our troops, were a part of them skirmishing with them all day yesterday and are still on the same ground & have killed a number of the enemy. The enemy are said to be 8 or 9000 that are landed here. I am posted here at a fort & to see some breastworks compleated. By the blessing of Heaven I trust we shall be able to give a good acct of the enemy.... My love to our Dear Sons & accept the same yourself from most affec. & loveing Husband
P.S. I refer you to Capt. Hawley for Particulars.
Flatt Bush on Long Island Aug. 25, 1776
2 o’clock p.m.
I wrote you yesterday morning from Brookline upon the Drum Head in the field as I do now, which I hope you will receive this day.... Have not so much as a bear skin to lie on, only my blanket to wrap me in, for our removals from place to place are so quick & sudden that we can have no opportunity nor means to convey beds &c., but go only with the cloaths on our backs & our blankets and a little ready-cooked victuals. I am now posted within about half a mile from the Regulars with my Regt. under the Covert of a woody hill to stop their passage into the Country. There are a number of Regts posted all around the town within about the same distance & for the same purpose. The regulars keep up an almost Constant Fire from their cannon & mortars at some or other of us, but neither shott nor shell has come near my Regt. yet and they are at too great a distance to fire muskets at as yet. I have a scouting party going out now to see if they can’t pick up some or get something from them. I came to this post this day at 12 o’clock & shall remain here till this time to-morrow if God spares my life, with no other covering than the trees. I cant learn anything with respect to them different from what I wrote yesterday. The rest of the troops & their Ships lie at Staten Island yet to wait the success of this part of their army, as I suppose before they make any other attempt. They have wounded in all of our men in 3 days skirmish about 8 or 9 men, one or two mortally, which is not half the number that we have killed for them beside wounded....
New York (Brooklyn) Aug 29 1776.
... Have been a stranger to a bed ever since last Wens’day night till last night being relieved from manning a part of the lines with my regt. where I had been 36 hours I was invited by our mutual friend Major Mott to take part of his bed & have had a fine night indeed, the Night before there was a waggon near our Lines into which I got & wrapt myself in my Blanket after Twelve & half after One was waked & acquainted that the Enemy were coming up to force our Lines & we immediately took our Places in the Trenches & there remained untill after Sun Rise, but it proved a false Alarm, our Enemy have encamped in plain sight of our camp at the distance of about a mile & half, We have had no General Engagement yet, but no Day passes without some smart & Hot skirmishes between different Parties in which the success is sometimes One Way & sometimes another, We are in constant Expectation of a General Battle; no one can be here long without geting pretty well acquainted with the whistleing of Cannon & musket shott.
Harlem Heights Sep. 17th 1776.
... On the morning of last Sabbath we had news that the regulars on Long Island were in motion as they would cross the East River & land about 3 miles above the city. At this place lay their ships close in with our shores & soon after the regulars marched in a large body down to the shore & embarked on Board the flat bottomed boats. Upon this their ships began a most incessant fire on our lines opposite to them with their grape shot from which they were distant but about 50 rods & behind which lay Genl. Wadsworth’s & Col. Douglass’ Brigades until the fire was so hot from the ships that they were obliged to retreat. On this the regulars landed & fired upon them which completed their confusion & they ran away up here & are here now, but a part of them were out in yesterday’s action & behaved nobly.
Now as to myself & my brigade we were left to guard the city until all the rest of the troops were drawn off & about half an hour or an hour after all the other troops were gone I was ordered with my brigade to march out of the city & man the lines on the East river opposite to Bayard’s Hill fort. Then I marched & saw the regular Army land above me & spread across the Island from one river to another until my retreat seemed to be entirely cut off & soon after received an order to retreat if I could.
I attempted it along up through the woods by the North River when I came in sight of the enemy several times but kept my brigade covered in the woods so that I got thro’ them to their uppermost guard & they pursued & fired on my rear & took a few of my men. I immediately formed about 300 of my men on an Hill to oppose them. On seeing this the regulars fled & I pursued my retreat & got my brigade safe here where I am now posted—a particular detail of the risks I ran must be deferred. It was supposed by everybody that I & my brigade were entirely cut off.
Harlem Heights, 17 Sept. 1777. 2 o’cl p.m.
Yesterday at 7 o’clock in the morning we were alarmed with the sight of a considerable number of the enemy on the Plains below us about a mile distant.—Our Brigades which form a line across the Island where I am were immediately ordered under arms—but as the enemy did not immediately advance we grounded our arms & took spades & shovels & went to work & before night had thrown up lines across the Island—There was nothing before but three little redoubts in about a mile & we are at work this day in strengthening them. But yesterday a little before noon we heard a strong firing about half a mile below us in the woods near where we had two Brigades lying as an advanced guard. The enemy in a large body advanced in the woods a little before 12 o’cl & began a heavy fire on those two Brigades who maintained the fire obstinately for some time & then they were reinforced by several regiments & the fire continued very heavy from the musketry & from field pieces about two hours—in which time our people drove the regulars back from post to post about a mile & a half & then left them pretty well satisfied with their dinner since which they have been very quiet. Our loss on this occasion by the best information is about 25 killed & 40 or 50 wounded. The enemy by the best accounts have suffered much more than we.
A prisoner we have I am told says that Genl. Howe himself commanded the regular & Genl. Washington & Genl. Putnam were both with our Troops. They have found now that when we meet them on equal ground we are not a set of people that will run from them—but that they have now had a pretty good drubbing, tho’ this was an action between but a small party of the army.
Camp at White Plains Oct. 29th 1776.
... Yesterday about 10 o’clock in the morning we had news that the enemy were approaching, when I with my regiment & 3 others were ordered out about 1½ miles below our lines to take post on a hill to gall them in their march as they advanced. We accordingly took our post & mine & one other regiment had the advantage of a stone wall right in front at which we had been waiting but little time before the enemy came up within 6 or 8 rods,—when our men rose from behind the wall, poured in a most furious fire.
The enemy retreated & came on several times & were so hotly received every time that finally we drove them off from the hill. We killed some they did not carry off & some they did.
I had not one either killed or wounded. On this the enemy were coming upon us with a number of field pieces & as we had none there to meet them with, we were ordered to retreat over West on to another Hill & join another party of men & accordingly did it & formed a line of battle. We were I believe near 2000 on the Hill (Chatterton’s). The enemy soon brought their main body opposite to us & formed them into three lines, one back of the other, & a large number of field pieces in their front & howitzers with which they threw small bombs on another Hill. Then they marched their first line off from the Hill where they stood, down into a deep Valley that lay between us & then they played on us most furiously with their artillery to keep us from meeting their people in the hollow & in short the shot & shells came like hail. I lay right in the heaviest of their fire, with my men by a fence & had two wounded there & were soon ordered to another post further on the line of battle up to which the enemy soon came as they did for a long way in lengths. We gave them a heavy fire which made them retreat but they soon returned when a most furious fire followed which continued for a few minutes when their numbers were increased so amazingly that we were obliged to retreat which we did thro’ a most furious fire from the enemy for half a mile for so far there was nothing to cover us from it.... I have lost but 4 out of my reg’t & can hear of only 10 or 12 wounded. We are all now within our line & the enemy are posted on a number of the neighboring hills & we expected they would have come on this morning when we should have had an engagement with both armies but they don’t yet move & it is now about 12 o’clock.
[Originals in possession of Mrs. O.P. Hubbard, New York.]
[No. 18.] — Col. Gold S. Silliman to Rev. Mr. Fish Stonington, Conn
New York Sepr: 6th, 1776.
Dear Sir Your Favour of the 1st Instt: I have this Morning received and am much obliged to you for it; in Order to answer your Inquiries I must necessarily give you some Account of our out Lines on Long Island before we left it, about 8 or Nine Miles below this Town is that Strait of Water commonly called the Narrows, from the upper end of it on the Long Island side a Bay puts into the Island on a Course about Northeasterly and runs into the Land about Two miles; from the Head of this Bay we had a line of Forts & Redoubts all connected by Breast Works and some part of it picketed, up Northeasterly and Northerly to a Bay on the Northwesterly part of the Island rather above the City; The British Troops landed below the Bay at the Narrows and marched to Flat Bush a Place on the Island about 6 or 7 miles from this city and 3 miles beyond our Lines, flat Bush stands near the Westerly Side of a large Plain which is 4 or 5 miles over and this plain is surrounded from the Southwest to the Northeast with a larg Ridge of Hills covered with Woods. through this Ridge there are three roads into the Country, toward New York two of them; and one out to a place called Bedford; At each of these passes which were from 1 to 1½ Mile asunder we had strong Guards posted consisting of 600 or 700 Men, the other Forces which we had on the Island were posted within the Lines and in the Forts and once in 24 Hours relieved the Guards out at those advanced Posts toward the Enemy; I was posted out on one of these Advanced Posts on Sabbath Day July (August) 25th, with my own Regimt and 2 more near by in order to stop the Progress of the Enemy into the Country. I was relieved on Monday about half (past) Two & marched Back within the Lines to the Place where my Regiment was ordered for their Alarm Post in order to man the Lines there in case the Enemy advanced which was at the Northern Part of the Lines, and there was beside the Regiments that were ordered to man the Lines some Regiments as a Corps de Reserve to reinforce any Part of the Lines that might be attacked &c. Early on Tuesday Morning the Guards at all those Three Avenues were attacked (by) parties that vastly out numbered them, and soon were drove from their Posts and soon broken at the Same Time.... [The conclusion missing.]
[Original in possession of Mrs. O.P. Hubbard, New York.]
[No. 19.] — Account of the Battle of Long Island
The evening preceding the action, General Washington, with a number of general officers, went down to view the motions of the enemy, who were encamped at Flatbush. The enemy appeared to be striking their tents, and preparing for a march; whereupon it was ordered that 2400 men should be posted as guards, in the following manner, viz: 800 on the road that leads out of the Jamaica road by way of Yellow Hook to Flatbush; these men were posted in a woods, at four miles distant from our lines, to oppose the enemy if they attempted that road, and to annoy them on their march: 800 more were posted in a woods upon the Middle road, which leads out of the Jamaica road to Flatbush, about a mile and a half from the lines; these were posted at about half a mile distant from Flatbush, and near a mile from the parting of the road, where an abatis was formed across the road, and a breastwork thrown up and defended by two pieces of cannon: 800 more were posted at the Bedford road, which leads out of the Jamaica road, at about three miles distant from our lines; this party was ordered to guard the Bedford road, and to patrol the road leading through the New Lots in the east of the Bedford road, from which it parts at the Halfway House, about six miles from the lines, and leads from it to Flatbush. Five officers were also sent out on horseback to patrol the last-mentioned road and that leading to Jamaica. At 10 o’clock at night about 5000 of the enemy marched by way of the New Lots, and arrived, near 2 in the morning, at Halfway House, without being discovered; they took post in a field, and waited for daylight. The five officers sent to patrol fell into their hands, and were all made prisoners. About 3 in the morning a party of the enemy advanced into the Western road, leading by Yellow Hook, and attacked our guards; the guards returned their fire, threw them into confusion, caused the whole to halt, and took one prisoner, who informed us that he belonged to the regiment which attacked our guards, and was by their fire thrown into confusion and forced to retreat, and that there were two brigades, of four regiments each, on their march in that road, commanded by Brigadier-General Grant. At daylight Lord Stirling was ordered with two battalions, into that road, to oppose the enemy. He took post on an eminence in front of the enemy whereupon a smart fight ensued, which lasted near an hour, and then abated. Two field-pieces were sent to Lord Stirling, which soon began to play upon the enemy, who returned the fire from four field-pieces. The two parties stood opposed to each other for near five hours, without either seeming to have the advantage, keeping up a continual fire from their field-pieces, and musketry, with some intervals.—About 8 o’clock General Sullivan sent (went?) down the flat (bush) middle (road) and inquired of the guards whether they discovered any movements of the enemy in either of the roads. He was informed that the whole body of the enemy had moved up the Yellow Hook road, whereupon he ordered another battalion to the assistance of lord Stirling, keeping 800 men to guard the pass.—About 9 o’clock, the enemy, who came by the Halfway House, advancing, began a fire in the rear of the party and advanced briskly to attack the men who guarded that Pass. General Sullivan hearing at the same instant that the enemy were passing through the woods to attack Lord Stirling in the rear, ordered 400 men to succor him, and sent him orders to retreat as soon as possible. The enemy then wheeled off to the right, and marched up to Fort Green in a column to attack.—Upon receiving a heavy fire from the lines, were forced to retire. They then fell back, and endeavored to cut off Lord Stirling’s retreat by destroying his party. He, with a party of his troops’ made an attempt on the enemy’s left, commanded by Lord Cornwallis, and ordered the rest of the troops to retreat across the creek, which they did with some loss. The number of the enemy engaged was not less than 11,000; of ours not more than 3,000. The enemy’s loss in killed was over 1,000, exceeding ours.
[From the South Carolina and American General Gazette, Charleston, Oct. 2, 1776,
as reprinted in the Brooklyn Advocate.]
[No. 20.] — Journal of Col. Samuel Miles
In the Spring of 1776, I was appointed to the command of a regiment of riflemen, consisting of 1,000 men, formed in two battalions.... My regiment was soon ordered to join the army at New York. At that time General Washington had 24,000 men in his army, upwards of 7,000 of whom were returned sick and unfit for duty.
On the landing of the British army on Long Island, I was ordered over with my rifle regiment to watch their motions. I marched near to the village of Flat Bush, where the Highlanders then lay, but they moved the next day to Gen’l Howe’s camp, and their place was supplied by the Hessians. I lay here within cannon shot of the Hessian camp for four days without receiving a single order from Gen’l Sullivan, who commanded on Long Island, out of the lines. The day before the action he came to the camp, and I then told him the situation of the British Army; that Gen’l Howe, with the main body, lay on my left, about a mile and a-half or two miles, and I was convinced when the army moved that Gen’l Howe would fall into the Jamaica road, and I hoped there were troops there to watch them. Notwithstanding this information, which indeed he might have obtained from his own observation, if he had attended to his duty as a General ought to have done; no steps were taken, but there was a small redoubt in front of the village which seemed to take up the whole of his attention, and where he stayed until the principal part of the British army had gotten between him and the lines, by which means he was made prisoner as well as myself. If Gen’l Sullivan had taken the requisite precaution, and given his orders agreeably to the attention of the Commander-in-Chief, there would have been few if any prisoners taken on the 27th of August, 1776. As Gordon in his history of the war has charged me indirectly with not doing my duty, I will here state my position and conduct.
I lay directly in front of the village of Flat Bush, but on the left of the road leading to New York, where the Hessians were Encamped. We were so near each other, that their shells they sometimes fired went many rods beyond my camp. The main body of the Enemy, under the immediate command of Gen’l Howe, lay about 2 miles to my left, and General Grant, with another body of British troops, lay about four miles on my right. There were several small bodies of Americans dispersed to my right, but not a man to my left, although the main body of the Enemy lay to my left, of which I had given General Sullivan notice. This was our situation on the 26th of August. About one o’clock at night Gen. Grant, on the right, and Gen. Howe, on my left began their march, and by daylight Grant had got within a mile of our entrenchments, and Gen. Howe had got into the Jamaica road about two miles from our lines. The Hessians kept their position until 7 in the morning. As soon as they moved the firing began at our redoubt. I immediately marched towards where firing was, but had not proceeded more than 1 or 200 yards until I was stopped by Colonel Wyllys, who told me that I could not pass on; that we were to defend a road that lead from Flatbush road to the Jamaica road. Col. Wyllys bearing a Continental, and I a State commission, he was considered a senior officer and I was obliged to submit; but I told him I was convinced the main body of the enemy would take the Jamaica road, that there was no probability of their coming along the road he was then guarding, and if he would not let me proceed to where the firing was, I would return and endeavor to get into the Jamaica road before Gen. Howe. To this he consented, and I immediately made a retrograde march, and after marching nearly two miles, the whole distance through woods, I arrived within sight of the Jamaica road, and to my great mortification I saw the main body of the enemy in full march between me and our lines, and the baggage guard just coming into the road. A thought struck me of attacking the baggage guard, and, if possible, to cut my way through them and proceed to Hell Gate to cross the Sound. I, however, ordered the men to remain quite still, (I had then but the first battalion with me, for the second being some distance in the rear, I directed Major Williams, who was on horseback, to return and order Lt. Col. Brodhead to push on by the left of the enemy and endeavor get into our lines that way, and happily they succeeded, but had to wade a mill dam by which a few were drowned,) and I took the adjutant with me and crept as near the road as I thought prudent, to try and ascertain the number of the baggage guard, and I saw a grenadier stepping into the woods. I got a tree between him and me until he came near, and I took him prisoner and examined him. I found that there was a whole brigade with the baggage, commanded by a general officer.
I immediately returned to the battalion and called a council of the officers and laid three propositions before them: 1st, to attack the baggage guard and endeavor to cut our way through them and proceed to Hell Gate and so cross the Sound; 2nd, to lay where we were until the whole had passed us and then proceed to Hell Gate; or, 3d, to endeavor to force our way through the enemy’s flank guards into our line at Brooklyn. The first was thought a dangerous and useless attempt as the enemy was so superior in force. The 2nd I thought the most eligible, for it was evident that adopting either of the other propositions we must lose a number of men without affecting the enemy materially, as we had so small a force, not more than 230 men. This was, however, objected to, under the idea that we should be blamed for not fighting at all, and perhaps charged with cowardice, which would be worse than death itself. The 3d proposition was therefore adopted, and we immediately began our march, but had not proceeded more than half a mile until we fell in with a body of 7 or 800 light infantry, which we attacked without any hesitation, but their superiority of numbers encouraged them to march up with their bayonets, which we could not withstand, having none ourselves. I therefore ordered the Troops to push on towards our lines. I remained on the ground myself until they had all passed me, (the enemy were then within less than 20 yards of us,) and by this means I came into the rear instead of the front of my command. We had proceeded but a short distance before we were again engaged with a superior body of the enemy, and here we lost a number of men, but took Major Moncrieffe, their commanding officer, prisoner, but he was a Scotch prize for Ensign Brodhead, who took him and had him in possession for some hours, was obliged to surrender himself. Finding that the enemy had possession of the ground between us and our lines, and that it was impossible to cut our way through as a body, I directed the men to make the best of their way as well as they could; some few got in safe, but there were 159 taken prisoners. I was myself entirely cut off from our lines and therefore endeavored to conceal myself, with a few men who would not leave me. I hoped to remain until night, when I intended to try to get to Hell Gate and cross the Sound; but about 3 o’clock in the afternoon was discovered by a party of Hessians and obliged to surrender—thus ended the career of that day.
[Penn. Archives, Second Series, Vol. I.]
[No. 21.] — Lieut.-Col. Daniel Brodhead to ——
Camp near Kingsbridge, 5th Sep’r, 1776.
Dear Sir,
I doubt not the Hon’ble the Convention of the State of Penn’a, is anxious to know the state of the Provincial Troops since the Battle on Long Island, and as I have now all the information to be expected concerning it for the present, will give them every circumstance that occurs to me. On the 26th of last month, Gen’ls Putnam, Sullivan and others came to our camp which was to the left of all the other posts and proceeded to reconnoitre the enemie’s lines to the right, when from the movements of the enemy they might plainly discover they were advancing towards Jamaica, and extending their lines to the left so as to march round us, for our lines to the left, were, for want of Videttes, left open for at least four miles where we constantly scouted by Day, which beside mounting a Guard of one hundred men & an advance party of subaltern and thirty to the left of us, was hard Duty for our Reg’t: during the night of the 26th, we were alarmed three Different times and stood to our Arms. As soon as it was light, Col. Miles, from the right of our first Battn, sent me orders to follow him with the second, to the left of our lines; when I had marched about half a mile, I was ordered to the right about to join Col. Willis’s regt of New England troops, but by the time I returned to the camp, Major Williams on horseback, overtook me with orders from Col. Miles, to march Obliquely & join him, but could not say where I might find him; I Observed the orders and directed a Subaltern from the front of the Battn (which was marching in Indian file) with a small party to the left of the Battn, and desired Major Patton to send a Subaltern & small party from the rear to the right of the front of the Battalion, which he mistook and took the one-half of the Battn to the right, about two hundred yards, which immediately threw the half the Battn, so far to the rear as to render it very difficult to join without sustaining great loss, for presently after we left our camp we discovered the Enemie’s horse & foot to the number of four or five Thousand in our front, and as we could discover nothing of the first Battn, the Enemy being vastly superior to us in Number, I immediately ordered the Battn to gain a Wood to the left and then formed, but seeing a Number of Artillerymen dragging a brass field-piece & Howit through a clear field in order to gain a wood a little to the left of our Front, and knowing the Enemy were also in our rear, I ordered that part of the Battn which was then with me, to proceed to the second wood, & cover the Artillery and make a stand, but the New England Regt aforementioned coming up with us, and running thro’ our files broke them, and in the confusion many of our men run with them. I did all in my power to rally the musquetry & Riflemen, but to no purpose, so that when we came to engage the Enemy, I had not fifty men, notwithstanding which, we after about three Rounds, caused the Enemy to retire, and as the Enemy’s main body was then nearly between us and the lines, I retreated to the lines, having lost out of the whole Battalion, about one hundred men, officers included, which, as they were much scattered, must be chiefly prisoners; during this time, four or five Reg’ts, among which were our musquetry & flying Camp, Delaware & Maryland Reg’ts, and some of our Riflemen who had joined them, were engaged to the left of us and right of the Lines. I had no sooner got into the Lines than the Enemy advanced up to them and kept up a brisk fire on us, but only one man killed in the Lines; as soon as we returned the fire with our rifles and musquetry, they retreated, and if we had been provided with a field piece or two, of which we had a sufficient number elsewhere, we might have killed the greater part of their advance party; as soon as the Enemy were beaten from the lines, I was ordered to a point about a mile and a-half to the right, to cover the retreat of the Delaware Battalion and the other Troops that might come over under the constant fire of the Enemie’s field pieces and Howits; here I remained ’till almost night before I was relieved, notwithstanding the Generals there had a number of Reg’ts who were not engaged, and had had little or no fatigue. Upon the whole, less Generalship never was shown in any Army since the Art of War was understood, except in the retreat from Long Island, which was well conducted. No troops could behave better than the Southern, for though they seldom engaged less than five to one, they frequently repulsed the Enemy with great Slaughter, and I am confident that the number of killed and wounded on their side, is greater than on ours, notwithstanding we had to fight them front & rear under every disadvantage. I understand that Gen. Sullivan has taken the Liberty to charge our brave and good Col. Miles, with the ill success of the Day, but give me leave to say, that if Gen. Sullivan & the rest of the Gen’ls on Long Island, had been as Vigilant & prudent as him, we might, & in all probability would have cut off Clinton’s Brigade; our officers & men in general, considering the confusion, behaved as well as men could do—a very few behaved ill, of which, when I am informed, will write you.... Col. Miles & Col. Piper are prisoners, and I hear are well treated, poor Atly I can hear nothing of. Col. Parry died like a Hero. No allowance has as yet been made for the Lieutenant Coll’s and Majors Table Expenses, in care of separate commands. I hope we shall be put upon as respectable a footing on that acc’t as the Maryland officers are, our present pay being not more than half sufficient to support us according to our Rank in this Tory Country.
I am Dear Sir, in great Haste, your most H’ble Serv’t
Daniel Brodhead.
P.S. The Great Gen’l Putnam could not, tho’ requested, send out one Reg’t to cover our retreat.
[Penn. Archives, First Series, Vol. V.]
[No. 22.] — Col. William Douglas to His Wife Northford, Conn
[Long Island, Feb. 26 (?) 1776.]234
My Dear,
Our Regiment is now stationed on Long Island at and about the ferry. We shall soon begin a fortification on this side that will command the East River and the town. The troops in the City are fortifying in one of the Streets that will command the old fort, if the Enemy should get possession of it, (and are putting down the rear of the fort.) We have begun another Fort near “Hell Gate.” The men of war have dropped down below the town and are very quiet, but supplied from the City by orders of this Congress. Our troops are very hearty and fare well as times will admit, most of the valuable articles are moved out of the City, and one third of the inhabitants. What are left behind look serious, as it is now a serious point with them. The destruction of such a City as this would be a great loss, & I hope it will be prevented. It will be in vain for us to expect to keep the shipping out of the North River, unless we can fortify at the Narrows, where I intend to view as soon as the weather is good. The Fenoex now lays there in order to guard that place, but will not fire on us.
New York, July 20th, 1776.
You have likely heard before this that two ships passed this City yesterday week, through a warm fire from our batteries, our Gunners being in too much haste (I make no doubt,) was the occasion of our not doing them much damage! and us the loss of 4 men in loading our Cannon. The Enemy did us no harm by their own shot and shells, which was warmly applied,—as soon as the fire had got pretty warm I receivd orders to march my Regt to the grand parade which brought us into Broadway, that leads along the North River, and as we were on our march in Broadway the tyrants did not fail to pelt at that part of the town smartly, but luckily for us the houses fended off the shot very well, &c.... My Regt is now quartered in Broad Street.
N. York the 27th July, 1776.
No new arrivals of the enemy. The ships that went up the River I believe would now be glad they were safe back to their old station (by their motion). I had the Honor to dine with his Excellency Genl. Washington day before yesterday at which time he had nothing new from any quarter....
New York Aug. 10, 1776.
The enemy have a very formidable Army (some say more) but I suppose equal in number to ours, and from the best intelligence it is expected they will give us Battle soon, at which time I hope God in his infinite mercy will be on our side, and we shall have no occasion to dread their numbers, or experience. Our cause being so just, I cannot but hope for success. Our lines are very extensive. The Enemy are very compact, and together; at what place they will bend their fury is unknown, but is expected to be at this City, and Long Island. There sailed night before last, three Frigates and thirty transports from the Hook, supposed to be gone round the east end of Long Island, and are to come through the Sound, and land on the main to the Eastward of us, whilst the Shipping goes up the north river, and lands above us and endeavor to meet. If this be their plan I think we must most surely work them! I suppose they may possibly fire the town, as the buildings are many of them wood & very dry. But I do not believe they will fire the town until they grow dubious about the victory, and that will only serve to encourage us, and when the town is burned it will be much easier to defend ourselves than at present. If the “Hessian” troops are so lucky as to fall into our hands I am in hopes they will meet with such treatment as properly belongs to their Bloody crimes! For we have had no dispute with them but [they] have turned themselves out as murderers of the innocent.
N. York, 13th of Augst 1776.
There was 43 large Ships came in yesterday—31 Ships, 10 Brigs & one Scow. I am now going to sound the channel to see if it will not do to sink some vessels against the fort....
New York, Augst 23, 1776.
... The Enemy landed yesterday on Long Island, at Gravesend, about nine miles from our lines; our flying parties are annoying them all the while. We have reinforced our side and I hope will be able to make a good stand. We expect the fleet up every tide, if the wind serves. Our fire ships in the North River have behaved manfully, have burnt one of their tenders. The rest of the enemy left the river the first opportunity afterwards. Our Connecticut Militia have come in bravely; twelve Regts were on the grand parade yesterday at one time! Almost one half of the grand army now consists of Connecticut Troops!
New York, Saturday, Augst 24, 1776.
... Our men had yesterday two small brushes with the enemy on Long Island, and repulsed them both times. As yet things look well on our side; a few days will now determine as the work is begun. Our troops are really in high spirits, and it is a general voice, let them come on as they can or dare! There has been a heavy clashing of Arms on Long Island this morning, but have not yet heard the Consequence....
N. York, Augst 26th 1776.
I am very well although many in the Regt are sick. We have not had any general action yet. The two Armies are intrenched on Long Island very near each other and very often exchange a few shots. We have had no considerable loss as yet. Col. Martin of the Jersey’s is supposed to be mortally wounded. Both the lines are constantly reinforcing, and by all appearances a general action can’t be far off; we have got the advantage of the hills & woods, they of the plains. We shall not approach their lines, and if they do ours, it must cost them dear. The wind and tide served this morning, but they have not dared to give us battle in the City yet. The Lieut. Col. of the first battalion of York troops is now before a court marshall for treacherous behavior, and by the best accounts he will undoubtedly lose his life. I hope God in his providence will guard us from falling by our open enemy, and from all traiterous wretches.... It is expected that they mean to give battle at two places at one and the same time, that is Long Island, and this City.
N. York, Augst 31, 1776.
I take this as the first opportunity to acquaint you that on Tuesday last we got a severe flogging on Long Island. The enemy surrounded a large detachment of our army, took many, killed some, and the rest got off. Major Genl. Sullivan & Brigr Genl. Lord Sterling, Col. Clark and several other field officers are prisoners. Col. Johnson was killed. By the best act’s we killed more of them than they did of us. But they took the most prisoners. We took twenty one, which I am a witness to, as they came through my Regt as I was in the woods for a covering party, and to prevent the enemy from flanking our right wing. We were prevented from getting even one shot at them by a large creek which we could not cross. I remained at the most extreme part of the right wing of our Army in a thick wood to prevent their crossing a creek, where our sentry’s could hail and often fire at each other, until night before last when I received orders to call in my guard all, and march immediately with the utmost silence, which was soon done, and the whole army retreated into this city, without the loss of any lives, except 4 or 5, which were late yesterday morning and were shot in a boat, as they were coming off. We have also evacuated Governor’s Island where we have lost some Cannon. What is to be our next manouver I can’t tell but I hope it is to make a good stand somewhere. I am well convinced that for us to try to defend Long Island, New York, and the Jersey’s against their land forces & shipping will require three armies as large as theirs, as they have the water carriage to place their men when & where they please. Many people I suppose will wonder at our leaving Long Island. But I would have them suspend their judgment for a while, as they know not our situation or the enemies! The shipping lay now close by the city, and can in half an hour be abreast of it with the tide. I expect we [shall] soon have a cannonade from our own battery on Long Island, (Fort Sterling) which I have the mortification to think I helped build myself, in cold tedious weather! They fired smartly from it yesterday at our boats passing from Governor’s Island....
Country Seat near Turtle Bay,
Septr 7th 1776.
Our Army is now in three grand Divisions. One at the City, which is our right wing, commanded by Genl. Putnam, one at and above Kings Bridge, commanded by Genl Heath, and one at and about Harlem, commanded by Genl Spencer, which is the Division that I belong to, and is called the Center Division. I have three Regts of militia in my Brigade and they give me much fatigue & trouble. Col’s. Cook, Pettibone, & Talcott are the commanders. We are encouraged by 1500 Troops which have come in from Maryland. I am sorry to say it but it is a truth, I do not believe that we have got in all our Army as many men as the enemy. I have heard that it has been said in the country that we should not have left Long Island, but salied out and drove the enemy off. We never were more than one to three, on the Island, neither was it so prudent to abandon other posts for that, as the shipping could & have since come up the East River and then our communication was gone, and the Army with it. We are now so as one part can get to the other, without water carriage, & think if we will only stand by each other, and not run home like cowards, with God’s blessing, we may keep them off, which is a victory of itself! I have taken unwearied pains with the Militia, and I am afraid it is too much fatigue for me, as my cough is a little increased. But I hope it is only for a short time.... My expenses has been so large that my money falls a little short. I was obliged to entirely support the sick of my Regt for some time, but I suppose you have none to spare. I shall make out, but not so well as I could wish....
In the field at the lines on Harlam Heights,
18th Sept 1776.
Since I wrote last we have had different scenes to go through. I lay with my brigade a little below Turtle Bay where we hove up lines for more than one mile in length. Gen’l Wadsworth managed the lines on the right and I on the left. We lay in the lines Friday and Saturday nights. Sunday morning at break of day, five ships weighed anchor and fell in close within a musket shot of our lines quite to the left of me. I then moved my brigade abreast of them. They lay very quiet until 10 o’clock and by that time they had about 80 of their boats from under Long Island shore full with men which contained about five or six thousand and four transports full ready to come in the second boats. They very suddenly began as heavy a canonade perhaps as ever was from no more ships, as they had nothing to molest them, but to fire on us at their pleasure, from their tops and everywhere—their boats got under cover of the smoke of the shipping and then struck to the left of my lines in order to cut me of from a retreat. My left wing gave way which was formed of the militia. I lay myself on the right wing waiting for the boats until Capt Prentice came to me and told me, if I meant to save myself to leave the lines for that was the orders on the left and that they had left the lines. I then told my men to make the best of their way as I found I had but about ten left with me. They soon moved out and I then made the best of my way out. We then had a mile to retreat through as hot a fire as could well be made but they mostly overshot us. The brigade was then in such a scattered poster that I could not collect them and I found the whole army on a retreat. The regulars came up in the rear and gave me several platoons at a time when I had none of my men with me and I was so beat out that they would have had me a prisoner had not I found an officer that was obliged to leave his horse because he could not get him over a fence so as to get out of their way. I found myself gone if I could not ride. I went over the fence and got the horse over whilst they were firing, mounted him and rode off. We halted here at night and on Monday the enemy came on and we gave them a good drubbing. I have not time to give you the particulars of any part of our action. I have lost my major, a prisoner,—One sargeant or more killed and four wounded,—have missing out of my brigade which sustained the whole fire but 8 or 9 as yet. I hope God will be on our side at last. It is memoriable that I have lost no more and God be praised for it. Our lines are now good and if they dare come on without their shipping I hope we shall give them a drubbing. In the utmost haste
From your faithful husband
Wm. Douglas.
I this moment received yours of the 8th inst, but have not got my horse yet. he is left on the road. My love to the children.
White Plains 31st Octr, 1776.
On Monday the enemy advanced to attack us at this place. I was ordered out with my regiment with three others to meet and endeavor to retard their march. We moved on and at about twelve were attacked by their advanced guard. We drove them back but soon after the main body came on and we stood them until they got on our flank and I ordered a retreat. We had a most severe fire to retreat under, ten men to our one, but we came off in good order and very surely fired on our retreat all the way. I lost three dead and five wounded. They cut my regiment off from our main body and got ahead of me but I took advantage of a wood and got clear of them. My regiment has the honour of behaving most nobly. They are now near neighbors, our lines are about half a mile.
[Originals in possession of Benj. Douglas, Esq., Middletown, Conn.]
[No. 23.] — Gen. Woodhull to the New York Convention Harlem
Jamaica, August 27th, 1776.
Gentlemen—I am now at Jamaica with less than 100 men, having brought all the cattle from the westward and southward of the hills, and have sent them off with the troops of horse, with orders to take all the rest eastward of this place, to the eastward of Hempstead Plains, to put them into fields and to set a guard over them.
The enemy, I am informed, are entrenching southward, and from the heights near Howard’s.
I have now received yours, with several resolutions, which I wish it was in my power to put in execution; but unless Cols. Smith and Remsen, mentioned in yours, join me with their regiments, or some other assistance immediately, I shall not be able, for the people are all moving east, and I cannot get any assistance from them. I shall continue here as long as I can, in hopes of a reinforcement; but if none comes soon, I shall retreat and drive the stock before me into the woods.
Cols. Smith and Remsen, I think, cannot join me. Unless you can send me some other assistance, I fear I shall soon be obliged to quit this place. I hope soon to hear from you.
I am, gentlemen, your most humble serv’t.
Nathaniel Woodhull.
Westward of Queens County, August 27th, 1776.
Inclosed I send you a letter from Col. Potter, who left me yesterday at 11 o’clock, after bringing about 100 men to me at Jamaica. Major Smith, I expect has all the rest that were to come from Suffolk county. There have about 40 of the militia joined me from the regiments in Queens county, and about 50 of the troop belonging to Kings and Queens counties, which is nearly all I expect. I have got all the cattle southward of the hills in Kings county, to the eastward of the cross-road between the two counties, and have placed guards and sentinels from the north road to the south side of the Island, in order to prevent the cattle’s going back, and to prevent the communication of the tories with the enemy. I am within about six miles of the enemy’s camp: their light horse have been within about two miles, and unless I have more men, our stay here will answer no purpose. We shall soon want to be supplied with provisions, if we tarry here.
Jamaica, August 28th, 1776.
I must again let you know my situation. I have about 70 men and about 20 of the troop, which is all the force I have or can expect, and I am daily growing less in number. The people are so alarmed in Suffolk, that they will not any more of them march; and as to Cols. Smith and Remsen, they cannot join me, for the communication is cut off between us. I have sent about 1100 cattle to the great fields on the plains, yesterday. About 300 more have gone off this morning to the same place, and I have ordered a guard of an officer and seven privates. They can get no water in those fields. My men and horses are worn out with fatigue. The cattle are not all gone off towards Hempstead. I ordered them off yesterday; but they were not able to take them along. I yesterday brought about 300 from Newtown. I think the cattle are in as much danger on the north side as on the south side; and have ordered the inhabitants to remove them, if you cannot send me an immediate reinforcement.
[Journals of the New York Provincial Congress.]
[No. 24.] — Gen. Washington to Abraham Yates, New York Convention
Long-Island, Aug. 28th, 1776.
Sir—I was just now honored with your favor of this date, with General Woodhull’s letter, and should esteem myself happy, were it in my power to afford the assistance required, but the enemy having landed a considerable part of their force, here, and at the same time may have reserved some to attack New-York, it is the opinion, not only of myself, but of all my general officers I have had an opportunity of consulting with, that the men we have are not more than competent to the defence of those lines, and the several posts which must be defended. This reason, and this alone, prevents my complying with your request. I shall beg leave to mention, in confidence, that a few days ago, upon the enemy’s first landing here, I wrote to Governor Trumbull, recommending him to throw over a body of 1000 men on the Island to annoy the enemy in their rear, if the state of the colony would admit of it. Whether it will be done I cannot determine. That colony having furnished a large proportion of men, I was, and still am, doubtful whether it could be done. If it could, I am satisfied it will, from the zeal and readiness they have ever shown to give every possible succour. I am hopeful they will be in a condition to do it; and if they are, those troops, I doubt not, will be ready and willing to give General Woodhull any assistance he may want. But cannot the militia effect what he wishes to do? They, I believe, must be depended on in the present instance for relief.
I have the honor to be, in great haste,
Sir, your most obedient servant,
George Washington.
[Journals of the New York Provincial Congress.]
[No. 25.] — Colonel Hitchcock to Colonel Little — Camp on Long Island
N. York. Aug. 15th, 1776.
Dear Sir,... Great Changes235 and Alterations have lately been made; it gives me much Uneasiness that your Regiment is not going with mine; can’t learn what kind of a Place it is we are ordered to take, but I sat out with a Determination to go anywhere & do anything, that I was ordered to do—were you going up there with your Regiment, with me, I should not wish to be better off. hope however we shall be able to defend Ourselves against Rattle Snakes without you, which I am told are very Plenty there; The General thinks however they [the enemy] will attempt to take & occupy the River on both Sides there & consequently has ordered two more of the established Regiments there; if they come (& come they certainly will in a few Days) I will defend the Place as long as I can; they have certainly been embarking for a Day or two; I am yet fully of the Belief they will Land on Long Island for One of their Places & where else I don’t know, but I’m fully persuaded, in more Places than One, I wish you & your Regiment all Happiness. I know you will all play the man—the critical Hour of America is come; beat ’em once, they are gone—
Compliments Mr. Coleman.
Dear Sir Adieu
Dan Hitchcock.
Aug. 29th 1776.
The Wrench I recd in my Back by the Starting of my Horse at my Gun just as I was mounting him, was so great that I scarcely got off from my Bed next Day, but feel much better of it now; I hear the Regulars have built a Fort on the Hill east of Fort Putnam; I am astonished that our People are not building two Forts where you & I have always contended for Forts to [be] built. For Heaven’s Sake apply to the Generals yourself & urge the Necessity of it; let two Forts be built there, & another just such abbatee as is built between Forts Greene & Putnam, from Water to Water; it can be done in a Day—cut every apple tree down—if our People are in Spirits; between us, I think our Salvation depends upon it for their Bombs will drive us out of Fort Putnam, & if they attempt to force & should get thro’, we have ’em between two Fires.
[Originals in possession of Chas. J. Little, Esq., Cambridge, Mass.]
[No. 26.] — Major Tallmadge’s Account of the Battles of Long Island and White Plains
The movements of the enemy indicating an intention to approach New York by the way of Long Island, Gen. Washington ordered about 10,000 men to embark and cross the East River at Brooklyn. The regiment to which I belonged was among the first that crossed over, and, on the 27th of August, the whole British army, consisting of their own native troops, Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, etc, to the number of at least 25,000 men, with a most formidable train of field artillery, landed near Flatbush, under cover of their shipping, and moved towards Jamaica and Brooklyn. As our troops had advanced to meet the enemy, the action soon commenced, and was continued, at intervals, through most of the day. Before such an overwhelming force of disciplined troops, our small band could not maintain their ground and the main body retired within their lines at Brooklyn, while a body of Long Island Militia, under Gen. Woodhull, took their stand at Jamaica. Here Gen. Woodhull was taken prisoner and inhumanly killed. The main body of our army, under Major-Gen. Sullivan and Lord Stirling, fought in detached bodies, and on the retreat both of those officers were made prisoners. I also lost a brother the same day, who fell into their hands, and was afterwards literally starved to death in one of their prisons; nor would the enemy suffer relief from his friends to be afforded to him.
This was the first time in my life that I had witnessed the awful scene of a battle, when man was engaged to destroy his fellow man. I well remember my sensations on the occasion, for they were solemn beyond description, and very hardly could I bring my mind to be willing to attempt the life of a fellow-creature. Our army having retired beyond their intrenchment, which extended from Vanbrunt’s Mills, on the West, to the East River, flanked occasionally by redoubts, the British army took their position, in full array, directly in front of our position. Our intrenchment was so weak, that it is most wonderful the British General did not attempt to storm it soon after the battle, in which his troops had been victorious. Gen. Washington was so fully aware of the perilous situation of this division of his army, that he immediately convened a council of war, at which the propriety of retiring to New York was decided on. After sustaining incessant fatigue and constant watchfulness for two days and nights, attended by heavy rain, exposed every moment to an attack from a vastly superior force in front, and to be cut off from the possibility of retreat to New York, by the fleet, which might enter the East River, on the night of the 29th of August, Gen. Washington commenced recrossing his troops from Brooklyn to New York. To move so large a body of troops, with all their necessary appendages, across a river full a mile wide, with a rapid current, in face of a victorious, well disciplined army, nearly three times as numerous as his own, and a fleet capable of stopping the navigation, so that not one boat could have passed over, seemed to present most formidable obstacles. But, in the face of these difficulties, the Commander-in-Chief so arranged his business, that on the evening of the 29th, by 10 o’clock, the troops began to retire from the lines in such a manner that no chasm was made in the lines, but as one regiment left their station on guard, the remaining troops moved to the right and left and filled up the vacancies, while Gen. Washington took his station at the ferry, and superintended the embarkation of the troops. It was one of the most anxious, busy nights that I ever recollect, and being the third in which hardly any of us had closed our eyes to sleep, we were all greatly fatigued. As the dawn of the next day approached, those of us who remained in the trenches became very anxious for our own safety, and when the dawn appeared there were several regiments still on duty. At this time a very dense fog began to rise, and it seemed to settle in a peculiar manner over both encampments. I recollect this peculiar providential occurrence perfectly well; and so very dense was the atmosphere that I could scarcely discern a man at six yards’ distance.
When the sun rose we had just received orders to leave the lines, but before we reached the ferry, the Commander-in-Chief sent one of his Aids to order the regiment to repair again to their former station on the lines. Col. Chester immediately faced to the right about and returned, where we tarried until the sun had risen, but the fog remained as dense as ever. Finally, the second order arrived for the regiment to retire, and we very joyfully bid those trenches a long adieu. When we reached Brooklyn ferry, the boats had not returned from their last trip, but they very soon appeared and took the whole regiment over to New York; and I think I saw Gen. Washington on the ferry stairs when I stepped into one of the last boats that received the troops. I left my horse tied to a post at the ferry.
The troops having now all safely reached New York, and the fog continuing as thick as ever, I began to think of my favorite horse, and requested leave to return and bring him off. Having obtained permission, I called for a crew of volunteers to go with me, and guiding the boat myself, I obtained my horse and got off some distance into the river before the enemy appeared in Brooklyn.
As soon as they reached the ferry, we were saluted merrily from their musketry, and finally by their field pieces; but we returned in safety. In the history of warfare, I do not recollect a more fortunate retreat. After all, the providential appearance of the fog saved a part of our army from being captured, and certainly myself among others who formed the rear guard. Gen. Washington has never received the credit which was due to him for this wise and most fortunate measure....
As the enemy showed a disposition to cross over into Westchester, Gen. Washington removed the main body of his army up to the White Plains, taking possession of the high ground North and East of the town. Here he seemed determined to take his stand, his lines extending from a mountain on the right, called Chadderton’s Hill, to a lake or large pond of water on his left. An intrenchment was thrown up from right to left, behind which our army formed. Long poles with iron pikes upon them, supplied the want of bayonets. Chadderton’s Hill was separated from the right of our intrenchment by a valley of some extent, with the river Bronx directly before it; but being within cannon shot of our intrenchment on the right, Gen. Washington thought it best to occupy it, and ordered Gen. McDougall, with 800 or 1000 men, to defend it, and if driven from it, to retire upon the right of the line. The American army were all at their several posts on the last September and beginning of October; and here it looked as if Gen. Washington intended to give battle to the British army. On the 27th October, 1776, it was announced at Head Quarters that the enemy was in motion from Westchester, through Eastchester, directly toward the White Plains. A detachment of 2000, or 3000 men was ordered to proceed on the Old York road to meet the enemy in front. As our brigade formed a part of the force, I, of course, was among them. Before the dawn of day, on the 28th of October, we learned that the enemy were in full march directly in front of us. Gen. Spencer, who commanded this body of troops in advance, immediately made the necessary disposition to receive the enemy, having the river Bronx on our right, and between us and the troops on Chadderton’s Hill. At the dawn of day, the Hessian column advanced within musket shot of our troops, when a full discharge of musketry warned them of their danger. At first they fell back, but rallyed again immediately, and the column of British troops having advanced upon our left, made it necessary to retire. As stone walls were frequent, our troops occasionally formed behind them, and poured a destructive fire into the Hessian ranks.
It, however, became necessary to retreat wholly before such an overwhelming force. To gain Chadderton’s Hill, it became necessary to cross the Bronx, which was fordable at that place. The troops immediately entered the river and ascended the Hill, while I being in the rear, and mounted on horseback, endeavored to hasten the last of our troops, the Hessians then being within musket shot. When I reached the bank of the river, and was about to enter it, our chaplain, the Rev. Dr. Trumbull, sprang up behind me on my horse, and came with such force as to carry me with my accoutrements, together with himself, headlong into the river. This so entirely disconcerted me, that by the time I reached the opposite bank of the river, the Hessian troops were about to enter it, and considered me as their prisoner. As we ascended the hill, I filed off to the right, expecting our troops on the hill would soon give them a volley. When they had advanced within a few yards of a stone wall, behind which Gen. McDougall had placed them, our troops poured upon the Hessian column, under Gen. Rahl, such a destructive fire, that they retreated down the hill in disorder, leaving a considerable number of the corps on the field. This relieved me from my perilous situation, and I immediately remounted my horse, and taking my course in the valley, directly between the hostile armies, I rode to Head Quarters, near the Court-house, and informed Gen. Washington of the situation of the troops on Chadderton’s Hill. The enemy having rallied, and being reinforced, made a second attempt upon Gen. McDougall’s detachment, who gave them a second warm reception; but, being overpowered, retired upon the right of our line, then in order of battle. A severe cannonade was kept up from both armies through the day, and every moment did we expect the enemy would have attempted to force us from our lines. In the mean time, Gen. Washington had begun to remove his stores and heavy baggage up to Northcastle. After remaining in our lines and on constant military duty for several days and nights, on the 1st of November Gen. Washington retired with his army to the heights in the neighborhood of Northcastle.
[Memoir of Col. Benjamin Tallmadge. Prepared by himself. New York, 1858.]
[No. 27.]
ACCOUNT OF EVENTS ON THE 15TH AND 16TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1776, BY PRIVATE JAMES S. MARTIN, OF COL. WM. DOUGLAS’ REGIMENT
... One evening while lying here (Turtle Bay) we heard a heavy cannonade at the city; and before dark saw four of the enemy’s ships that had passed the town and were coming up the East River; they anchored just below us. These ships were the Phœnix, of 44 guns; the Roebuck of 44; the Rose of 32; and another the name of which I have forgotten. Half of our regiment was sent off under the command of our Major, to man something that were called “lines,” although they were nothing more than a ditch dug along on the bank of the river, with the dirt thrown out towards the water. They staid in these lines during the night, and returned to the camp in the morning unmolested. The other half of the regiment went the next night, under the command of the Lieut.-Colonel, upon the like errand. We arrived at the lines about dark, and were ordered to leave our packs in a copse wood, under a guard, and go into the lines without them; what was the cause of this piece of wise policy I never knew; but I knew the effects of it, which was, that I never saw my knapsack from that day to this; nor did any of the rest of our party, unless they came across them by accident in our retreat. We “manned the lines” and lay quite unmolested during the whole night. We had a chain of sentinels quite up the river for four or five miles in length. At an interval of every half hour, they passed the watch-word to each other—“All is well.” I heard the British on board their shipping answer, “We will alter your tune before tomorrow night”—and they were as good as their word for once. It was quite a dark night, and at daybreak, the first thing that saluted our eyes, was all the four ships at anchor, with springs upon their cables, and within musket shot of us. The Phœnix, lying a little quartering, and her stern toward me, I could read her name as distinctly as though I had been directly under the stern—. As soon as it was fairly light, we saw their boats coming out of a creek or cove, on the Long Island side of the water, filled with British soldiers. When they came to the edge of the tide, they formed their boats in line. They continued to augment these forces from the Island until they appeared like a large clover field in full bloom.... We lay very quiet in our ditch, waiting their motions, till the sun was an hour or two high. We heard a cannonade at the city, but our attention was drawn to our own guests. But they being a little dilatory in their operations, I stepped into an old warehouse which, stood close by me, with the door open, inviting me in, and sat down upon a stool; the floor was strewed with papers which had in some former period been used in the concerns of the house, but were then lying in woful confusion. I was very demurely perusing these papers, when, all of a sudden, there came such a peal of thunder from the British shipping, that I thought my head would go with the sound. I made a frog’s leap for the ditch, and lay as still as I possibly could, and began to consider which part of my carcass was to go first. The British played their parts well; indeed, they had nothing to hinder them. We kept the lines till they were almost levelled upon us, when our officers seeing we could make no resistance, and no orders coming from any superior officer, and that we must soon be entirely exposed to the rake of the guns, gave the order to leave the lines. In retreating we had to cross a level clear spot of ground, forty or fifty rods wide, exposed to the whole of the enemy’s fire; and they gave it to us in prime order; the grape shot and langrage flew merrily, which served to quicken our motions.... We had not gone far (in the highway) before we saw a party of men, apparently hurrying on in the same direction with ourselves; we endeavored hard to overtake them, but on approaching them we found that they were not of our way of thinking; they were Hessians. We immediately altered our course and took the main road leading to King’s bridge. We had not long been on this road before we saw another party, just ahead of us, whom we knew to be Americans; just as we overtook these, they were fired upon by a party of British from a corn-field, and all was immediately in confusion again. I believe the enemies’ party was small; but our people were all militia, and the demons of fear and disorder seemed to take full possession of all and everything on that day. When I came to the spot where the militia were fired upon the ground was literally covered with arms, knapsacks, staves, coats, hats and old oil flasks, perhaps some of those from the Madeira town cellar in New York.... Several of the regiment were missing among whom was our major; he was a fine man, and his loss was much regretted by the men of the regiment. We lay that night upon the ground which the regiment occupied when I came up with it. The next day in the forenoon, the enemy, as we expected, followed us “hard up” and were advancing through a level field; our rangers and some few other light troops under the command of Col. Knowlton, of Connecticut and Major Leitch of (I, believe) Virginia, were in waiting for them. Seeing them advancing, the rangers, &c., concealed themselves in a deep gully overgrown with bushes; upon the western verge of this defile was a post and rail fence, and over that the forementioned field. Our people let the enemy advance until they arrived at the fence when they arose and poured in a volley upon them. How many of the enemy were killed & wounded could not be known, as the British were always as careful as Indians to conceal their losses. There were, doubtless, some killed, as I myself counted nineteen ball-holes through a single rail of the fence at which the enemy were standing when the action began. The British gave back and our people advanced into the field. The action soon became warm. Col. Knowlton a brave man and commander of the detachment, fell in the early part of the engagement. It was said, by them who saw it, that he lost his valuable life by unadvisedly exposing himself singly to the enemy. In my boyhood I had been acquainted with him; he was a brave man and an excellent citizen. Major Leitch fell soon after, and the troops who were then engaged, were left with no higher commanders than their captains, but they still kept the enemy retreating. Our regiment was now ordered into the field, and we arrived on the ground just as the retreating army were entering a thick wood, a circumstance as disagreeable to them as it was agreeable to us, at that period of the war. We soon came to action with them. The troops engaged being reinforced by our regiment kept them still retreating, until they found shelter under the cannon of some of their shipping, lying in the North River. We remained on the battle ground till nearly sunset, expecting the enemy to attack us again, but they showed no such inclination that day. The men were very much fatigued and faint, having had nothing to eat for forty-eight hours—at least the greater part were in this condition & I among the rest.... We had eight or ten of our regt killed in the action & a number wounded, but none of them belonging to our company. Our Lt. Col. was hit by a grape-shot, which went through his coat, westcoat and shirt, to the skin on his shoulder, without doing any other damage than cutting up his epaulette.
[A Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier, etc.
Hallowell, Me. 1830.]
[No. 28.] — Capt. Joshua Huntington to ——236
Camp Near King’s Bridge, Sept. 20, 1776.
You have most likely heard of our retreat from the city, before this, but I will give you some of the particulars. Sunday morning last, our regiment, with a number of other regiments, were ordered to the lines a little below Turtle Bay, where lay five or six ships within musket shot of our lines. About six o’clock a most furious cannonade began from the ships. At the same time the enemy landed a large body of men a little above where our men were posted, and marched directly for the main road in order to cut off our retreat, which they had like to have effected, as the greatest part of our army were from six to fourteen miles distant from the city. In this skirmish we lost some men though I think not many. I have been unwell about a fortnight, with a slow fever and the camp disorder, which prevented my being in the skirmish. I had not passed the enemy but a little while before the enemy came up; and if I had been with the regiment at the lines, I was so weak and feeble, I should without doubt have fallen into their hands. I have now left the regiment for a few days, and am with brother Chester, about sixteen miles from the city, getting better....
[Huntington Family Memoir, p. 164.]
[No. 29.] — Lieut. Tench Tilghman to His Father, Philadelphia237
Head Quarters N. York 3rd Sepr 1776.
Hond Sir
I have attempted to write to you several times since our Return from Long Island, but have been as often interrupted by the vast hurry of Business in which the General is engaged. He is obliged to see into, and in a Manner fill every Department, which is too much for one Man—Our Retreat [from Long Island] before an Enemy much superior in Numbers, over a wide River, and not very well furnished with Boats certainly does Credit to our Generals. The thing was conducted with so much Secrecy that neither subalterns or privates knew that the whole Army was to cross back again to N. York, they thought only a few Regiments were to go back. General Howe has not yet landed upon this Island, but I imagine something of that kind is in Agitation, as the Fleet drew nearer and nearer, they are now about long Cannon Shot from the Battery, but no firing on either side. We shall be prepared to meet them here or retreat over Kings Bridge as we shall find Occasion, our supernumerary and heavy stores are removed, we must leave our heavy Cannon behind us in Case of Retreat, but I dont know that that will be any loss, as we never used them to much advantage....
I am most dutifully & Affecty Yrs.
Tench Tilghman.
Head Quarters, Harlem Heights, Monday, 16 Sepr. 1776.
Our Army totally evacuated New York yesterday, the Enemy landed a party of about 3000 from Appearance four miles above the City where they encamped last Night. They kept up a very heavy fire from their Ships while their Men were landing, altho’ no Body opposed them, I imagine they did it, thinking we might have some men concealed behind some lines on the Water side. We removed everything that was valuable, some heavy cannon excepted, before we left the Town. Our army is posted as advantageously as possible for Security, out of reach of the Fire of the Ships from either River; and upon high Grounds of difficult Access. I dont know whether the New Engd Troops will stand there, but I am sure they will not upon open Ground. I had a Specimen of that yesterday. Hear two Brigades ran away from a small advanced party of the Regulars, tho’ the General did all in his power to convince them they were in no danger. He laid his Cane over many of the officers who shewed their men the example of running. These were militia, the New England Continental Troops are much better....
Head Quarters Colo. Morris’s 19th Sepr. 1776.
... On Monday last we had a pretty smart skirmish with the British Troops which was brought on in the following Manner. The General rode down to our farthest Lines, and when he came near them heard a firing which he was informed was between our Scouts and the out Guards of the Enemy. When our men came in they informed the General that there were a party of about 300 behind a woody hill, tho’ they only showed a very small party to us. Upon this General laid a plan for attacking them in the Rear and cutting off their Retreat which was to be effected in the following Manner. Major Leitch with three companies of Colo. Weedons Virginia Regiment, and Colo Knowlton with his Rangers were to steal round while a party were to march towards them and seem as if they intended to attack in front, but not to make any real Attack till they saw our men fairly in their Rear. The Bait took as to one part, as soon as they saw our party in front the Enemy ran down the Hill and took possession of some Fences and Bushes and began to fire at them, but at too great distance to do much execution: Unluckily Colo. Knowlton and Major Leitch began their Attack too soon, it was rather in Flank than in Rear. The Action now grew warm, Major Leitch was wounded early in the Engagement and Colo. Knowlton soon after, the latter mortally, he was one of the bravest and best officers in the Army. Their Men notwithstanding persisted with the greatest Bravery. The Genl finding they wanted support ordered over part of Colo. Griffiths’s and part of Colo. Richardson’s Maryland Regiments, these Troops tho’ young charged with as much Bravery as I can conceive, they gave two fires and then rushed right forward which drove the enemy from the wood into a Buckwheat field, from whence they retreated. The General fearing (as we afterwards found) that a large Body was coming up to support them, sent me over to bring our Men off. They gave a Hurra and left the Field in good Order. We had about 40 wounded and a very few killed. A Serjeant who deserted says their Accounts were 89 wounded and 8 killed, but in the latter he is mistaken for we have buried more than double that Number—We find their force was much more considerable than we imagined when the General ordered the Attack. It consisted of the 2d Battn. of light Infantry, a Battn. of the Royal Highlanders and 3 Comps. of Hessian Rifle Men. The prisoners we took, told us, they expected our Men would have run away as they did the day before, but that they were never more surprised than to see us advancing to attack them. The Virginia and Maryland Troops bear the Palm. They are well officered and behave with as much regularity as possible, while the Eastern people are plundering everything that comes in their way. An Ensign is to be tried for marauding to-day, the Genl. will execute him if he can get a Court Martial to convict him—I like our post here exceedingly, I think if we give it up it is our own faults. You must excuse me to my other friends for not writing to them. I can hardly find time to give you a Line.
[Memoir of Lieut. Col. Tench Tilghman. J. Munsell, Albany, 1876.]
[No. 30.] — Capt. John Gooch to Thomas Fayerweather, Boston, Mass
New Jersey, Fort Constitution, Sept. 23, 1776.
I know you must be anxious for the certainty of events of which you can have at that distance but a confused account, as I was on the spot will endeavor to give you as Concise & Just account as possible; on the 15th inst we evacuated New York & took all stores of every kind out of the city, and took possession of the hights of Haerlem eight miles from the City, the Enemy encamp’d about two miles from us; on the 16th the Enemy advanced and took Possession of a hight on our Right Flank abt half a mile Distance with about 3000 men, a Party from our Brigade [Nixon’s] of 150 men who turned out as Volunteers under the Command of Lieut. Colo Crary of the Regmt I belong to [Varnum’s, R.I.] were ordered out if possible to dispossess them, in about 20 minutes the Engagement began with as terrible a fire as ever I heard, when Orders came for the whole Brigade immediately to march to support the first detachment, the Brigade consisted of abt 900 men, we immediately formed in front of the Enemy and march’d up in good order through their fire, which was incessant till within 70 yards, when we engaged them in that situation, we engaged them for one hour and eights minits, when the Enemy Broke & Ran we pursued them to the next hights, when we were ordered to Retreat. Our loss does not exceed in killed and wounded twenty five men, the loss of the Enemy was very considerable but cannot be ascertained, as we observed them to carry of their dead and wounded the whole time of the Engagement, they left a Number of killed and wounded on the Field of Battle & a great number of Small Armes, the great Superiority of Numbers and every other advantage the enemy had, when considered makes the Victory Glorious, and tho’ but over a part of their Army yet the consequences of it are attended with advantages very great, as they immediately quitted the hights all round us and have not been troublesome since, our people behaved with the greatest Spirit, and the New England men have gained the first Lawrells. I received a slight wound in the Anckle at the first of the Engagement but never quited the field during the Engagement. I’m now Ready to give them the second part whenever they have an appetite, as I’m convinced whenever [they] stir from their ships we shall drubb them.
[N.E. Hist. and Gen. Register, vol. xxx.]
[No. 31.]
Account of the Retreat From New York and Affair of Harlem Heights, by Colonel David Humphrey
On Sunday, the 15th, the British, after sending three ships of war up the North River, to Bloomingdale, and keeping up, for some hours, a severe cannonade on our lines, from those already in the East river, landed in force at Turtle bay. Our new levies, commanded by a state brigadier-general, fled without making resistance. Two brigades of General Putnam’s division, ordered to their support, notwithstanding the exertion of their brigadiers, and of the commander-in-chief himself, who came up at the instant, conducted themselves in the same shameful manner. His excellency then ordered the heights of Harlaem, a strong position, to be occupied. Thither the forces in the vicinity, as well as the fugitives, repaired. In the mean time, General Putnam, with the remainder of his command, and the ordinary outposts, was in the city. After having caused the brigades to begin their retreat by the route of Bloomingdale, in order to avoid the enemy, who were then in possession of the main road leading to Kingsbridge, he galloped to call off the pickets and guards. Having myself been a volunteer in his division, and acting adjutant to the last regiment that left the city, I had frequent opportunities, that day, of beholding him, for the purpose of issuing orders, and encouraging the troops, flying, on his horse, covered with foam, wherever his presence was most necessary. Without his extraordinary exertions, the guards must have been inevitably lost, and it is probable the entire corps would have been cut in pieces. When we were not far from Bloomingdale, an aide-de-camp came from him at full speed, to inform that a column of British infantry was descending upon our right. Our rear was soon fired upon, and the colonel of our regiment, whose order was just communicated for the front to file off to the left, was killed on the spot. With no other loss we joined the army, after dark, on the heights of Harlaem.—Before our brigades came in, we were given up for lost by all our friends. So critical indeed was our situation, and so narrow the gap by which we escaped, that the instant we had passed, the enemy closed it by extending their line from river to river. Our men, who had been fifteen hours under arms, harassed by marching and counter-marching, in consequence of incessant alarms, exhausted as they were by heat and thirst, (for the day proved insupportably hot, and few or none had canteens, insomuch, that some died at the works where they drank,) if attacked, could have made but feeble resistance....
That night our soldiers, excessively fatigued by the sultry march of the day, their clothes wet by a severe shower of rain that succeeded towards the evening, their blood chilled by the cold wind that produced a sudden change in the temperature of the air, and their hearts sunk within them by the loss of baggage, artillery, and works in which they had been taught to put great confidence, lay upon their arms, covered only by the clouds of an uncomfortable sky.... Next morning several parties of the enemy appeared upon the plains in our front. On receiving this intelligence, General Washington rode quickly to the outposts, for the purpose of preparing against an attack, if the enemy should advance with that design. Lieutenant-colonel Knowlton’s rangers, a fine selection from the eastern regiments, who had been skirmishing with an advanced party, came in, and informed the general that a body of British were under cover of a small eminence at no considerable distance. His excellency, willing to raise our men from their dejection by the splendor of some little success, ordered Lieutenant-colonel Knowlton, with his rangers, and Major Leitch, with three companies of Weedon’s regiment of Virginians, to gain their rear; while appearances should be made of an attack in front. As soon as the enemy saw the party sent to decoy them, they ran precipitately down the hill, took possession of some fences and bushes, and commenced a brisk firing at long shot. Unfortunately, Knowlton and Leitch made their onset rather in flank than in rear. The enemy changed their front, and the skirmish at once became close and warm. Major Leitch having received three balls through his side, was soon borne from the field; and Colonel Knowlton, who had distinguished himself so gallantly at the battle of Bunkerhill, was mortally wounded immediately after. Their men, however, undaunted by these disasters, stimulated with the thirst of revenge for the loss of their leaders, and conscious of acting under the eye of the commander-in-chief, maintained the conflict with uncommon spirit and perseverance. But the general, seeing them in need of support, advanced part of the Maryland regiments of Griffith and Richardson, together with some detachments from such eastern corps as chanced to be most contiguous to the place of action. Our troops this day, without exception, behaved with the greatest intrepidity. So bravely did they repulse the British, that Sir William Howe moved his reserve, with two field-pieces, a battalion of Hessian grenadiers, and a company of chasseurs, to succor his retreating troops. General Washington not willing to draw on a general action, declined pressing the pursuit. In this engagement were the second and third battalions of light infantry, the forty-second British regiment, and the German Chasseurs, of whom eight officers, and upward of seventy privates were wounded, and our people buried nearly twenty, who were left dead on the field. We had about forty wounded; our loss in killed, except of two valuable officers, was very inconsiderable. An advantage so trivial in itself produced, in event, a surprising and almost incredible effect upon the whole army. Amongst the troops not engaged, who, during the action, were throwing earth from the new trenches, with an alacrity that indicated a determination to defend them, every visage was seen to brighten, and to assume, instead of the gloom of despair, the glow of animation. This change, no less sudden than happy, left little room to doubt that the men, who ran the day before at the sight of an enemy, would now, to wipe away the stain of that disgrace, and to recover the confidence of their general, have conducted themselves in a very different manner.
[Life of General Putnam, by Colonel Humphrey.]
[No. 32.]
Testimony at a Court of Inquiry Respecting the Retreat From New York238
... Brigadier General Parsons: Says on the 15th, he ordered three regiments of his brigade, viz: Prescott’s, Tyler’s, and Huntington’s, to march from the lines near Corlear’s Hook to assist the troops in the middle division under General Spencer, where the enemy were attempting to land; that he soon rode on after these regiments by General Putnam’s order, and found them in the main road; asked the reason why they were not near the river where the enemy were landing, as he then supposed; was told by the officers that the enemy’s boats were gone farther eastward, and probably would land at or near Turtle’s Bay, on which they pursued their march on the road to the barrier across the street; he, the examinant, being then near the rear of the three regiments, observed the front to advance on the road called Bloomingdale road, instead of going in the post-road; on which he rode forward to the front of the brigade, in order to march them into the other road, when he found Colonel Tyler with his regiment, and was there informed they marched that way by order of Generals Putnam and Spencer, who were just forward; this examinant then rode forward on that road some little distance, perhaps sixty or eighty rods, to a road which turned off eastward to the post road, and found General Fellows’ brigade in that cross road, marching eastward, and also saw Generals Washington, Putnam, and others, at the top of the hill eastward, and rode up to them; General Washington directed that the examinant should attend to keep his brigade in order and march on into the cross road; he accordingly rode back and met the brigade as they came into the cross road; as he was riding back he saw Colonel Tyler in a lot on the south side the cross road coming from the Bloomingdale road to the cross road and asked him why he was not with the regiment; he said he was very much fatigued, it being very hot, and was going across the lot to join the regiment, it being nearer than to keep the road; this examinant then rode by the side of the brigade to near the top of the hill, his attention being to keep the brigade in order, and then heard General Washington call out, “Take the walls!” and immediately added, “Take the corn-field!” a corn-field being then on the right adjoining east on the main road, and north on the cross road; immediately from front to rear of the brigade the men ran to the walls, and some into the corn-field, in a most confused and disordered manner; this examinant then used his utmost endeavour to form the brigade into some order upon that ground, but the men were so dispersed he found it impossible; he then rode back into the Bloomingdale road and there found a considerable part of the brigade but in no order; General Washington was then forward in the Bloomingdale road, and sent for this examinant, and gave order to form the brigade as soon as could be done, and march on to Harlem Heights; as soon as the brigade could be reduced to any form, they marched on to Harlem Heights; when they had proceeded about a mile or two, a sudden panick seized the rear of the brigade; they ran into the fields out of the road; the reason he knows not; in the fields he saw Colonel Tyler, which was the first time he recollects to have seen the colonel after the time he saw him crossing the lot to the front of his regiment....
Ensign Wait: Says that he was in the rear of the first company of Colonel Tyler’s regiment; that after the brigade had crossed over from the Bloomingdale road towards the post road, where they met the enemy, he saw Colonel Tyler at the head of the brigade; that when orders were given to man the stone wall, he saw the Colonel at the head of the regiment, who marched up to the fence and presented his piece, and supposes that he fired; that after that he understood that orders were given to go into the corn-field, that after they had got into the corn-field, and a principal part of the brigade were retreating, the examinant heard Colonel Tyler say to the men, “Why do you run? this will never beat them;” that at that time he supposes the Colonel was nearly in the same place where he was when the fire first began, and that from his behaviour, he has no reason to believe that the Colonel was at all intimidated; that from the situation the Colonel was in at the time of the firing, he has reason to believe that the Colonel was one of the last that retreated from the enemy; that the first time he noticed the Colonel after the retreat from the enemy, was when they had marched about a mile from the cross road up the Bloomingdale road, where they got into some order, and that after that the Colonel continued in the front till the brigade reached the Heights of Harlem....
Paymaster Sill: Says that he had no opportunity of observing Colonel Tyler’s conduct from the time that they crossed over from the Bloomingdale road towards the post road, and had returned back to the Bloomingdale road and marched up it one mile; that when the brigade had marched up that far, there was a cry from the rear that the Light-Horse were advancing, and that a great part of the battalion which Colonel Tyler commanded precipitately threw themselves into the lot on the west side of the road; that the Colonel went into the lot and this examinant with him; that from the Colonel’s conduct at this juncture, it appeared to this examinant that his design in going into the lot was to bring back the men to the brigade, for that in his presence and hearing the Colonel threatened to fire upon them if they did not join the brigade.
Sergeant Palmer: Says that when the brigade crossed over from the Bloomingdale road towards the post road, he was on the right of the front rank of the brigade which was led by Colonel Tyler, and that he had a full opportunity of observing the Colonel’s conduct till the time of the retreat; that on notice that the enemy were approaching and orders given to take the wall, the Colonel advanced to it, still keeping in the front, and was the first man in the brigade who fired; that this examinant discharged his piece twice at the enemy, and on looking around he saw the whole brigade were retreating, the Colonel still remaining on the ground, with this examinant, and no person within several rods of them; that upon this the Colonel ordered them to stop, and asked them why they run and commanded the officers to stop them; that this not being effected, the Colonel and he retreated, the two last men of the brigade, the Colonel along the cross road as far as he remained in sight, and this examinant along the corn-field; that when this examinant joined the brigade in the Bloomingdale road, he saw the Colonel at the head of it; that when the cry was raised that the Light-Horse were advancing, which occasioned a great part of the battalion in front to betake themselves to the lot on the west side of the road, he heard the Colonel order them back.
Corporals Brewster and Chapman: Confirm what Sergeant Palmer said, that the Colonel was the last man that retreated from the enemy, and that they saw the Colonel, after having marched some distance on the cross road, strike off to the right, with intent, as they conceived, to get to the head of the regiment.
I do hereby certify that the whole Court were of opinion that there is not sufficient evidence to warrant the charge of cowardice and misbehaviour against Colonel Tyler; and that this report would have been made immediately on taking the examinations, had not the Court apprehended that, the Colonel, having been put under arrest by express order from Head Quarters, some evidence against him might have been pointed out from thence.
Camp at White-Plains, October 26, 1776.
John Morin Scott, Brigadier-General,
President.
[Force’s Archives, Fifth Series, vol. ii. p. 1251.]
[No. 33.] — Major Baurmeister’s Narrative of the Capture of New York, September, 1776239
In Camp at Helegatte, September 24, 1776.
I had the honor on the 2d inst., of dispatching to Captain von Wangenheim a complete relation, to date, of our doings here with the condition, that he should send an exact copy of it to you, mentioning that the continuation would be forwarded to you, with a similar request to communicate it to Captain von Wangenheim.... I announced therefore, that the army camped from New Thown to Blockwels [Blackwell’s] peninsula, only the brigade of Major-General Grand remained under the orders of General von Heister at Belfort [Bedford] opposite New York, with the two Hessian brigades of Major-Generals Stirn and von Mirbach, together with Captain Bitter’s English artillery brigade, which were posted behind the hostile works, in order to keep the rebels within bounds, in the city as well as in their redoubts thrown up on the side of the city, for which end 1 Captain and 100 men, towards noon on the 2nd. of September, were obliged to occupy Gouverneurs Island, upon which were found 10 iron cannons spiked, 4 18- and 6 32-pounders, many unfilled bombs, some thousand bullets, flour and salt meat in barrels. Every 24 hours this post was relieved by the pickets of the English and Hessian regiments; the shore was occupied from Helgatte to Reed-Hurck. Before Helgatte 2 frigates lay at anchor: la Brüne and Niger, both of 32 guns, with a bombarding vessel, and on terra firma, just to the left side of these vessels, a battery was erected of 2 24-pounders, 4 12-pounders and 2 howitzers. Blockwell Island was occupied by 1 Captain and 100 men of the English infantry, and in the night of the 3d. of September the frigate Rose of 32 guns sailed out of the fleet up the East River, with 30 boats, leaving New York on the left, and without the slightest difficulty anchored in Whall Bay [Wallabout] and Buschwickfeste. All the enemy’s cannon were put into a serviceable condition and conveyed to the batteries, which were found in part and also erected on the rising ground to the left of the village ferry as far as to Gouverneurs Island.... Often in the night rebels came over to the English camp in small boats, asked to serve, and enlisted in the newly raised brigade, 2000 men strong, of a Colonel de Lancy, whose ancestors settled on York Island, and who had much to suffer from the present rebels. Some 100 men, from the prisoners of the attack of August 27th., are also enrolled in this brigade. On the 4th. of September, the English left their post on Blockwells Island, the rebels occupied it in force, and so strong, that the outposts on the main shore were exposed to a continuous fire, which even the great battery could not silence. The 5th. of September, 5 wagons and the requisite draught horses were furnished to every regiment, in New Thown also a forage magazine was erected, and the inhabitants of Long Island recognized the royal authority, excepting the county of Suffolck, in which several thousand rebels still remain, not collected together but scattered, ready to fight against us everywhere on the first opportunity; why now Brigadier General Erkskine with his strong detachment advanced no farther than 9 English miles beyond Jamaika and the 6th of September was obliged to return is not to be divined; it was then, that this best part of Long Island should have been kept for the winter-quarters, for till now wherever the army has been the country is stripped of provisions, cattle and horses, as everything is declared rebel property; there is no longer an English regiment to be found incomplete in horses, and this want will soon no longer appear in the Hessian regiments, as many officers obtain the horses they need for little money and even for nothing. I myself have 3 in this way.
The happiness of the inhabitants, whose ancestors were all Dutch, must have been great; genuine kindness and real abundance is everywhere, anything worthless or going to ruin is nowhere to be perceived. The inhabited regions resemble the Westphalian peasant districts, upon separate farms the finest houses are built, which are planned and completed in the most elegant fashion. The furniture in them is in the best taste, nothing like which is to be seen with us, and besides so clean and neat, that altogether it surpasses every description.
The female sex is universally beautiful and delicately reared, and is finely dressed in the latest European fashion, particularly in India laces, white cotton and silk gauzes; not one of these women but would consider driving a double team the easiest of work. They drive and ride out alone, having only a negro riding behind to accompany them. Near every dwelling-house negroes (their slaves) are settled, who cultivate the most fertile land, pasture the cattle, and do all the menial work. They are Christians and are brought on the coasts of Guinea, being sold again here among the inhabitants for 50 to 120 York pounds a head; 20 York shillings are such a pound and 37 York shillings make the value of a guinea.
On the 7th the fleet was stationed between Reed Huck and Governeurs Island nearer to New York, and the baggage of the Hessian corps, remaining for the chief part on board was loaded upon one transport for the greater convenience of each regiment, whereby there was a great relief from the repeated sending, frequently in vain for want of boats. The Brocklands-Leinen was to be demolished, but on the representation of General von Heister, that this could not be done by soldiers without compensation, especially as it would be the work of four weeks, General Howe recalled this order....
Many subjects are returning to the legitimate authority, and on Long Island the villages of Grevesand, New Utrecht, Flattbusch, Brockland and Ferry are filled with the fugitive settlers, most of whom however find their dwellings empty, furniture smashed, not a window left whole and their cattle gone forever....
I am to present the compliments of General von Heister. Colonel George Orboune, our Muster-Commissioner has already reviewed us. Major-Gen. Mirbach has had an attack of apoplexy, but he expects to recover; but Major-General Stirn and Col. von Hering are more sick.
With the greatest respect
(Signed) Baurmeister.
In the Detached Camp, at Helgatte, Sept. 24, 1776.
[Magazine of American History, N.Y., January, 1877. Original in the possession of Hon. George Bancroft.]
[No. 34.] — Colonel John Chester to Joseph Webb Weathersfield, Conn
From the Old House at ye Manor of Fordham,
Oct. 3d, 76.
... The Enemy have not altered their situations much since you left us. Not long since Genl Putnam with a party of 16 or 1800 men as covering party went on to Harlem plains & with a number of waggons brought off a large quantity of Grain, but not the whole, for just at Day break the Enemy had manned their lines & were seen in collumn advancing: as our party were not more than half theirs it was thought best to retreat which was done in good order & without a skirmish. We are daily fetching off large quantities of Hay & Grain from Morrisania as we are daily in expectation of Landing & an attack there, though we are determined not to leave the Ground without disputing it Inch by Inch. Whilst you was here there was a frigate opposite the Wido Morris’s House. Since that there has another come through & anchored just above Hell Gate opposite Harlem Church almost. Another has moved up East of Morrisania a mile or two near Frogs point where if they land they will probably march up through West Chester & come upon us by Williams’s Tavern.
[Original in possession of Rev. Dr. John Chester, Washington.]
[No. 35.] — Col. John Glover to His Mother Marblehead, Mass
Fort Constitution }
Oct. 7: 1776.
Dear Mother:
... On the 23d (Sept.) a detachment from several Corps commanded by Lieut. Col. Jackson, consisting of 240 men were sent off to dislodge the enemy from Montressor’s (Ward’s) Island, for which purpose six boats were provided to carry 40 men each. Col. Jackson led, Major Hendly, of Charlestown with him. They were met by the enemy at the water’s edge before they landed, who gave them a heavy fire. Notwithstanding this the Col. landed with the party in his boat, gave them battle and compelled them to retreat, called to the other boats to push and land, but the scoundrels, coward-like, retreated back and left him and his party to fall a sacrifice. The enemy seeing this, 150 of them rushed out of the woods and attacked them again at 30 yards distance. Jackson with his little party nobly defended the ground until every man but eight was killed on the spot, and himself wounded, before he ordered a retreat. Major Hendly carrying off Col. Jackson was shot dead as he was putting him into a boat, and not a single man of the 8 but what was wounded. One of them died at the oar before they landed on the Main. The officers who commanded the other boats are all under arrest and will be tried for their lives. In short if some example is not made of such rascally conduct, there will be no encouragement for men of spirit to exert themselves. As the case now is they will always fall a sacrifice, while such low-lived scoundrels, that have neither Honour nor the Good of their Country at heart, will skulk behind and get off clear.
Yours &c
John Glover.
[Collections of the Essex, Mass., Institute, vol. v. No. 2.]
[No. 36.] — General Greene to Colonel Knox White Plains
Fort Lee, Nov. 17, 1776.
Your favor of the 14th reached me in a melancholy temper. The misfortune of losing Fort Washington, with between two and three thousand men, will reach you before this, if it has not already. His Excellency General Washington has been with me for several days. The evacuation or reinforcement of Fort Washington was under consideration, but finally nothing concluded on. Day before yesterday, about one o’clock, Howe’s adjutant-general made a demand of the surrender of the garrison in the general’s name, but was answered by the commanding officer that he should defend it to the last extremity. Yesterday morning, General Washington, General Putnam, General Mercer, and myself, went to the island to determine what was best to be done; but just at the instant we stepped on board the boat the enemy made their appearance on the hill where the Monday action was, and began a severe cannonade with several field-pieces. Our guards soon fled, the enemy advanced up to the second line. This was done while we were crossing the river and getting upon the hill. The enemy made several marches to the right and to the left,—I suppose to reconnoitre the fortifications and the lines. There we all stood in a very awkward situation. As the disposition was made, and the enemy advancing, we durst not attempt to make any new disposition; indeed, we saw nothing amiss. We all urged his Excellency to come off. I offered to stay. General Putnam did the same, and so did General Mercer; but his Excellency thought it best for us all to come off together, which we did, about half an hour before the enemy surrounded the fort. The enemy came up Harlem River, and landed a party at head-quarters, which was upon the back of our people in the lines. A disorderly retreat soon took place; without much firing the people retreated into the fort. On the north side of the fort there was a very heavy fire for a long while; and as they had the advantage of the ground, I apprehend the enemy’s loss must be great. After the troops retreated in the fort, very few guns were fired. The enemy approached within small-arm fire of the lines, and sent in a flag, and the garrison capitulated in an hour. I was afraid of the fort; the redoubt you and I advised, too, was not done, or little or nothing done to it. Had that been complete, I think the garrison might have defended themselves a long while, or been brought off. I feel mad, vexed, sick, and sorry. Never did I need the consoling voice of a friend more than now. Happy should I be to see you. This is a most terrible event: its consequences are justly to be dreaded. Pray, what is said upon the occasion? A line from you will be very acceptable.
I am, dear sir, your obedient servant,
N. Greene.
No particulars of the action as yet has come to my knowledge. [Mem. on the back.] I have not time to give you a description of the battle.
[Life and Correspondence of Henry Knox, Maj. Gen., &c. By Francis S. Drake, Boston, 1873.]
[No. 37.] — Diary of Rev. Mr. Shewkirk, Pastor of the Moravian Church, New York240
1775.
Sunday April 23rd.—In Town were many Commotions tho’ it was Sunday, on account of various Reports, especially from Boston, that Hostilities had been begun between the King’s Troops and the Provincials.
Thursday 27th. Late in the evening, Br. & Sr. Van Vleck arrived from Bethlehem; but finding the Town in such Commotions, he did not think it proper to stay for the present, apprehending that he might be called upon to be a Member of the Committee, &c.; and therefore went the following Evening to Jacobsen’s at Staten Island.
Saturday 29th.—This whole week, ever since last Sunday all was alarmed in the City; there was nothing but Com̅otion & Confusion. Trade & publick business was at a stand;—soldiers were enlisted; the Port was stopt, and the Inhabitants seized the Keys of the Custom House; took the Arms & Powder into their Custody, not trusting the Corporation, &c. A Panic & Fear seized the People; many were for moving into the Country, & several did. The case was the same with some of our People, & especially the Sisters;—we comforted & encouraged them as well as we could. To-day matters as to the Town took a Turn; the Divisions & Animosities among one another ceased; from whence the most was to be feared at present;—they all in general agreed to stand by one another, & use moderate measures; & since then it is grown more quiet; & not so many fearful reports are spread.
Sunday 30th. This afternoon some of the new England Provincials came to Town.
Friday May 26th.—Being informed this Ev’ning that the Provincial Congress which has begun in this City, had made out that all those Ministers that preach in English are by Turns to open each day the Congress’s Consultations with Prayers, some further Inquiry was made into this Matter, & we understood,
Saturday 27th that the Matter is not so general as it is thought, & that if it should be offer’d one may excuse one’s self.
Tuesday June 6th.—There was again a Hurry in the Town on account of the King’s Soldiers being taken on Board of the Man of War. But we remained in Peace.
Sunday 25th.—In the Town it was very noisy; for our Governor, Wm. Tryon was expected to come in on his return from England; and at the same time General Washington of the Provincials, who has been appointed Chief Com̅ander of all the Troops by the Continental Congress. They would show some regard to the Governor too, but the chief attention was paid to Gen. Washington. At one Church the Minister was obliged to give over; for the People went out, when the General came, who was received with much ado. The Governor came on shore late in the Ev’ning.
Thursday August 24th.—Last night was a great Disturbance in the City. About Mid-night some of the Town Soldiers began to take away the Can̅ons from the Battery. The Asia Man of War watched their motion; the Captain Vandeput who is an humain Man & has no Intention to hurt the Town, but must protect the King’s Property, fired a couple of guns about 12 o’clock;—his Barge & the Town People fired upon one another; on both sides some were wounded, & one of the Barge Men killed. The whole city got up; all was in alarm; the Drums beating, & the soldiers gathering together. They got away 21 Can̅ons; the Man of War fired a Broadside with balls, &c. Several houses were damaged. Many people flew from their houses, & among them Sr. Kilburn, who was but yesterday with her Effects, and many of Abr. V. Vlecks & his 2 little children, &c. come back to her own house. Thus things went on till Morning, & now the whole day thro’ there is nothing but moving out of the Town; & fearful Reports. Several of our People moved likewise Abm. V. Vleck’s family & Kilburn moved to Jas. Cargyll’s, & on fresh alarming news the next day, with Eliz. Vandeursen & Hil. Waldron to Second River [New Jersey].
Friday 25th.—Things were the same in the Town as yesterday, & rather worse. A correspondence was carried on between the Capt. of the Asia, & the Mayor of the City, & thro’ the latter with the Committee or Congress, to adjust matters. Gov. Tryon acted as Mediator. Some hot-headed Men seemed to insist on pursuing their rash measures, while others, & rather the Majority, did not approve of it.
Monday 28th.—The Moving out of the Town continues, & the City looks in some Streets as if the Plague had been in it, so many Houses being shut up. Br. & Sr. Seuneffs, with their 7 children, moved to-day to Philadelphia, for good & all.
Another measure in the Town, which takes place this Week, namely to divide all Men between 16 & 50 years into Ward companies, caused Troubles, & was one reason why Seuneff made Haste to get away, tho’ he will doubtless meet with the same in Philad.
Monday Sept. 11th.—Last week & to-day several of the Inhabitants came back again to Town; also some of our People.
Monday 18th.—The Town-Soldiers, or the Minute Men made a great Parade to-day; marching with their Baggage & Provision, &c. It was thought they went on an Expedition, but it was only a Trial. They went but 5 miles, & came back in the Ev’ning; they made not only for themselves, but for the greatest Part of the Inhabitants an idle, noisy, & exceedingly ill-spent Day; & they got, most of them, drunk; fought together where they had stopt; & when they came back to Town; so that many are now under the Doctor’s & Surgeon’s Hands. May the Lord have Mercy on this poor City.
Tuesday Oct. 10th.—On account of an attempt which had been made to take Blankets, Sheets, &c. out of the King’s Store, the city was again in danger of being fired upon, & it caused new fear & alarm. However upon Consultations of the Com̅ittee or Congress & the Corporation, the goods were carried back again, & this Storm blew over, tho’ some ill designed Persons were not pleased with it.
Other accounts & Reports this Week made that several families move again out of the Town; & it is observed that some of the Head-Men begin to hang down their Heads, & many believe they will be ruin’d men.
Monday 16th.—The Report that the Crown Officers, & also our Governor here, will be taken up, & on which account Gov. Tryon had wrote a Letter to the Mayor, which appeared in print, caused new Alarm this week.
Thursday 19th.—In the Afternoon a Captain241 of the Rifle Men who some time ago marched with his Company thro’ Bethlehem, & now coming from Cambridge near Boston died here, was interred in Trinity Church-yard, with great Pomp, & military Honours. All the Companies, many of the Clergy Men, & a great Concourse of the People attended.
Saturday 21st.—In the afternoon Br. & Sr. Henry Van Vleck all on sudden resolved to leave N. York & to return to Bethlehem, or at least for the present to go to Brunswig. The Reason was because a Report was spread that a Transport with Troops had been cast away on the Jersey Coast; from whence it was concluded, & they thought to have sure Intelligence, that some Troops, with the Fleet from England, would be here soon. They went this Ev’ning to Powl’s Hook.
1776.
Thursday 18th January.—Last night and to-day Troops came in from the Jerseys; the troubles begin again.
Monday 29th.—The troubles in the town increased. Tenbroeks’ moved to Second River on Wednesday. They would have gone on Tuesday, but the weather was too bad.
Sunday 4th February.—This afternoon Mr. Lee, a General of the New English (New England) troops came to town; as also the “Mercury,” a man of war, with General Clinton. The men of war here took a merchant ship coming in, &c.; all which made many commotions in the town.
Monday 5th.—Soldiers came to town both from Connecticut and the Jerseys, and the whole aspect of things grew frightful, and increased so from day to day. The inhabitants began now to move away in a surprising manner. The weather was very cold, and the rivers full of ice, which proved a great obstruction to the People’s moving. However, in the middle of the week it thawed fast, which seemed also to answer the prevention of designs against the men of war, the execution of which might have proved very fatal to the city. One could not pass the streets without feeling a great deal; and at last we were obliged to encourage it that our sisters and young People might retreat. At the end of the week about 40 of our People were Moved.
Sunday 11th.—This was a gloomy day. The carts went all the day with the goods of the people that are moving; moreover, in the forenoon the Soldiers began to take away all the guns from the Battery and the Fort, and continued till late. This caused an hourly expectation, especially in the afternoon, that the men of war would fire; however they did not. It did not at all look like a Sunday. In some churches they had no service; in others hardly any People. In the forenoon we had a discourse from behind the table, from the yesterday’s watch-word; “I the Lord do keep it; I will water it every moment, lest any hurt it,” &c. In the afternoon was preaching on Lamentations III. 39-41: “Wherefore doth a living man complain, &c. Let us search and try our ways,” &c. Both times we had more hearers than we expected.
Monday 12th.—His Majesty’s ship, the “Mercury,” with Genl. Clinton, and the “Transport” with the soldiers left the harbour yesterday, to proceed on their voyage southward. The moving out of the town continues.
Saturday 17th.—The whole week those of our people who are yet in town were visited. This morning the “Phœnix” went out of the harbor, down to the watering place and the hook. In the afternoon the “Asia,” the ship with the Governor and the two Prices, moved also out of the east river, and when she was opposite the White Hall she was fast upon a rock. All was in agitation in town; and it seemed there was a thought of attacking her, &c.; but they dropt it; and with the high water the “Asia” got afloat and lies now in the bay below the Island.
Wednesday 21st.—In the afternoon Sister Esther Pell came to town from Middle Town Point. The boat she came in, laden with wood, was stopped by the men of war, and was sent back; but the passengers were allowed to come to town.
Sunday 25th.—In the forenoon only a discourse was kept on the watch-word of to-morrow. In the afternoon a sermon was preached on the day’s gospel. Several of the New England people were present. In the town the work at the entrenchments continued, and some branches of trade were likewise working. At night Sister Shewkirk came back from Second River.
Wednesday 13th March.—A packet from England arrived once again, and brought an uncommon number of letters; but they came not on shore. The postmaster would not take them, for fear that they might be seized without the postage being paid. The people were not suffered to go on board to fetch them; unless they took an oath to tell nothing that is done in the city. A packet for Bethlehem, directed to Bro. Shewkirk, had been sent from England along with the government despatches post-free, and was brought by Mr. Ross in the King’s Service, who had been on board privately.
Sunday 7th April.—Easter. To-day and last night the commotions in the city begin to be greater; attacks have been made on the little islands, and at the watering place.
Monday 8th.—Sister Kilburn who had got the officers, &c., out of her house, got it cleaned and in order again. Tho’ these lodgers had been better than common soldiers, yet she found her house and premises much injured. Sister Hilah Waldron on the following days got likewise the soldiers out of one of her houses, but she has suffered a great deal more. Indeed it is beyond description, how these uncivilized, rude, and wild People, abuse the finest houses in the city.
Tuesday 30th.—Sisters Kilburn and Hilah Waldron, and Sister Boelens have got the soldiers out of their houses.
Friday 17th May.—This day had been appointed a day of fasting and prayer throughout the country; therefore we had preaching in the fore and afternoon. The Text, a.m., was from Joel ii. 12, 13, 14. “Therefore also now, saith the Lord, turn ye even to me with all your heart, and with fasting and with weeping, and with mourning; and rend your hearts and not your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God; for He is gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great kindness, and repenteth Him of the evil. Who knoweth if He will return and repent, and leave a blessing behind Him?” The text, p.m., was from Hosea xiv. 1-3: “O Israel, return unto the Lord thy God, for thou hast fallen by thine iniquity,” &c. Our Saviour gave grace, in this critical juncture of affairs, to keep in the speaking to the subject of the text, and to avoid in the application what might be exceptionable. We had a pretty numerous auditory in the afternoon; also some of the officers. All behaved with attention. To-day the news came that the Provincials have raised the Siege of Quebec, with the loss of their artillery, baggage, and some hundreds of sick.
Thursday 13th June.—Here in town very unhappy and shocking scenes were exhibited. On Munday night some men called Tories were carried and hauled about through the streets, with candles forced to be held by them, or pushed in their faces, and their heads burned; but on Wednesday, in the open day, the scene was by far worse; several, and among them gentlemen, were carried on rails; some stripped naked and dreadfully abused. Some of the generals, and especially Pudnam and their forces, had enough to do to quell the riot, and make the mob disperse.
Friday 14th.—A printed letter from the Continental Congress was distributed, which gave intelligence that for certain, within ten days, the fleet from Halifax would be here, and it was strongly recommended to make all possible defence. In consequence of this, many more troops came to town, and all was in alarm.
Tuesday 18th.—To-day men were drafted out of the different Ward Companies. This matter gave us some anxiousness. Our brethren could not stand out, as times and circumstances are, and had none to apply to. One Alleviation is, that a man drafted may hire another man, if he can get one. Of our people were only drafted Robt. Thomas and Abraham Van Vleck. The town is now pretty full again of the soldiers that are come from Pennsylvania and other parts; and the moving of the inhabitants out of town continues.
Saturday 22d.—Yesterday and to-day the news came that the fleet was arrived at the Hook, and the troops from Halifax; which caused new alarm.
Sunday 30th.—Some of the inhabitants moved to-day out of town; the Provincial Soldiers were busy, and had no service; and in general there is little attention paid to the Sunday. Our preachings were yet tolerably well attended. The to-day’s Word was, “The work of Righteousness shall be Peace, &c.” At 5 was the Congregational Meeting, in which we called to mind that to-day we conclude the first half of this year; and how graciously our dear Lord has helped us through in the troubles of the country, that begun to increase much with the beginning of the year, and have lasted more or less ever since; and now, as they approach yet more seriously, the watch-word with which we begin the next half year, is very comfortable, and was spoke upon: “Thou shalt know that I am the Lord, for they shall not be ashamed that wait for me.” Our brethren and sisters parted as if there might again be a scattering, and it proved so; for, the following week several more left again the town.
Monday 1st July.—The watch-word of the first day of this month was very comfortable, and suitable to the time we are in. In the evening the news came that the fleet, or part of it, had left the Hook, and was coming nearer.
Tuesday 2d.—This, and more so when towards noon the first ships appeared in sight this side the narrows,—put the whole town into commotion. On the one hand every one that could was for packing up and getting away; and on the other hand the country soldiers from the neighboring places came in from all sides; and here the Ward companies were likewise warned out. Theodore Sypher’s wife and child came to our house, and staid with us this night; but the next day went to a house a couple of miles out of town. In the evening we had our usual meeting.
Wednesday 3d.—Bro. Sleur who had brought his wife and daughter into the country put several of his things into Bro. Henry Van Vleck’s vault; we put also in some goods belonging to the house, &c. To-day we heard that the shop goods and clothes belonging to Sr. Hilah Waldron and sons, Henry Ten Broeck, Eliz. Van Deursen, Sr. Keed, Sr. Kilburn, Abr. Van Vleck, &c., to the amount of above £700, which went in a boat yesterday with several other people’s goods were taken, with the boat, by a Man of War. Our people would not have sent their goods with this boat, if they had not been encouraged by the people belonging to the boat, whom they knew; and who repeatedly told that they could not nor would they go down the river, but go up the North river, or put the goods down at or about Powl’s Hook; and yet they went straight down towards the fleet. There were also some passengers on board. From all circumstances it appeared plain that it was done designedly.
Thursday 4th.—The fear that the fleet would come up to the town began to subside. It was heard that they had taken possession of Staten Island; and that they would hardly advance farther before the fleet from England arrives. The country soldiers of the neighboring places were sent back again; on the other hand more of the New England troops came in.
Wednesday 10th.—Sr. Hilah Waldron, who had applied to Washington to get a pass to Staten Island, but got none, went again to Second river, in order to go with Sr. Kilburn to Elizabethtown, to try whether they could get one there; for the captain of the Man of War had told them that he wished they would come for their goods.
Friday 12th.—A few more ships came in through the Narrows, and it was reported that the great fleet from England began to arrive. In the afternoon about 3 o’clock there was unexpectedly a smart firing. Two Men of War, with some Tenders came up. They fired from all the batteries, but did little execution. The wind and tide being in their favor, the ships sailed fast up the North river, and soon were out of sight. When they came this side of Trinity Church, they began to fire smartly. The balls and bullets went through several houses between here and Greenwich. Six men were killed; either some or all by ill-managing the cannons; though it is said that a couple were killed by the ship’s firing; one man’s leg was broke, &c. The six were put this evening into one grave on the Bowling Green. The smoke of the firing drew over our street like a cloud; and the air was filled with the smell of the powder. This affair caused a great fright in the city. Women, and children, and some with their bundles came from the lower parts, and walked to the Bowery, which was lined with people. Mother Bosler had been brought down into their cellar. Phil. Sypher’s, with their child, which was sick, came again to our house. Not long after this affair was over, the fleet below fired a Salute, Admiral Howe coming in from England. The Srs. Van Deursen and Reed would fain have gone out of town this evening, but they could not bring it to bear.
Sunday 14th.—It was a wettish day, and it looked as if all was dead in the town. The English (Church of England) churches were shut up, and there was services in none, or few of the others; we had not many hearers either.
Tuesday 16th.—Bro. Wilson who came to town last Friday,—for he could be in peace no more at Second River, as the country people will have the Yorkers to be in town,—asked for a pass to go over on business; but they would give him none. This week they have begun to let no man go out of the city. Last Sunday, a flag of truce brought a letter to Washington; but having not the title which they give him here, it was not received. Yesterday a message was sent down from here; to-day an answer came, (Geo. Washington, Eqr., &c., &c.,) but was again returned on account of the direction.
Thursday 18th, was the day appointed when Independence was to be declared in the City Hall here; which was done about noon; and the Coat of Arms of the King was burnt. An unpleasant and heavy feeling prevailed.
Saturday 20th.—About noon a General Adjutant from Lord Howe came, and had a short conversation with General Washington, in Kennedy’s house. When he went away he said, it is reported, to Washington and the others with him: “Sir and gentlemen, let it be remembered that the King has made the first overture for peace; if it be rejected, you must stand by the consequences” and thus—which seems to have been the main errand—he departed. Much politeness passed on both sides.
Monday 22nd.—Our Bro. Wilson looking at the ferry, whither his negro was come with some goods from Second River, was put under arrest by one Johnson, and treated very basely by him, on account of a charge laid against him by one Gordon, at the Falls, about 12 miles from Second River; that he and his son had spoken against the American cause; were dangerous persons; and had done much mischief to their neighborhood, &c. Bro. Wilson appeared before the Committee, the chairman knew nothing of the charge. Wilmot, one of the Committee did, but they could prove nothing; and Wilson could easily clear himself. The result was,—if he resided at Second River, they thought he should stay there. Many persons were ordered to-day to quit the town, because they were suspected.
Tuesday 23d.—Bro. Wilson got a pass, and went to Second River to-day.
Monday 29th.—Bro. Wilson came from Second River; he had got a certificate of the Committee there, which cleared him sufficiently of the late charge; and the Committee here gave him a pass to go to Pennsylvania. He brought letters from Bethlehem, where he intends to go this week; and returned to Second River this afternoon. He also brought word that our people have got their goods that were taken with the boat.
Wednesday 14th August.—There was much alarm in the town, as it was expected that the next morning an attack would be made on the city by the King’s troops; which however, did not prove so.
Saturday 17th.—Towards night a proclamation was published, in which all women, children, and infirm people were advised to leave the city, with all possible speed; as a bombardment was expected; those that were indigent should be assisted and provided for. This caused a new fright. Some of the sisters yet in town came to Br. Shewkirk to advise with him about it.
Sunday 18th.—Early in the morning the two men of war and their tender, that had been up the North River, came back; which caused again a sharp cannonading till they were passed. Yesterday, a fortnight ago, they had been attacked by the Row-gallies and a Privateer, which were obliged to desist from their attempt; having been gradually worsted by the men-of-war, and lost several of their men. Last week they attacked them with fire-ships, but could not obtain their end, and lost one of their captains; they then sunk vessels, and thought to be sure of having stopped their passage; however, they came back. It was a rainy morning, with a north east wind. The fright seemed to be not as great as it was when they went up; and yet the balls hurt more houses; some men were likewise hurt.
Phil. Sypher’s experienced a kind preservation. A nine pounder came through the old German church on the Broad Way, into the house they lived in, opposite the Lutheran church, and into the room where they slept; but they were up and out of the room. The ball come through the window, which it mashed to pieces, with part of the framework; went through the opposite wall near the head of the bedstead; crossed the staircase to another room; but meeting with a beam in the wall, came back and went a part through the side wall, and then dropt down on the stairs. A thirty-two pounder, supposed coming from the Powlis Hook battery, fell into Sr. Barnard’s garden, just before her door. If there was service kept, it was but in one church. Our preaching in the forenoon was on Jer. 45:19; “I said not unto the seed of Jacob, seek ye me in vain,” &c., and in the evening from Matt. 6, 19 20; “Lay not up for yourselves treasures on earth” &c.
Wednesday 21st.—In the evening... a very heavy thunder storm came on. It lasted for several hours, till after 10 o’clock; an uncommon lightning; one hard clap after the other; heavy rain mixed at times with a storm like a hurricane. The inhabitants can hardly remember such a tempest, even when it struck into Trinity church twenty years ago; they say it was but one very hard clap, and together did not last so long by far. Upon the whole it was an awful scene. Three officers, viz., one Captain, and two Lieuts., were killed in one of the Camps; they were all Yorkers; and one soldier of the New English People was likewise killed in a house in the square; several others were hurt, and the mast of one of the row gallies mash’d to pieces.
Thursday 22d and Friday 23d.—The king’s troops landed on Long Island. The troops from here went over, one Battalion after the other, and many kept on coming in; yet, upon the whole their number certainly was not so great as it commonly was made. In the evening we had the congregational meeting with the little company that was present. We resolved to drop the Wednesday meeting for the present, and to begin that on Tuesday and Friday at 6 o’clock.
Monday 26th.—A good deal of firing was heard on Long Island, and several skirmishes happened between the scouting parties, wherein the Provincials sustained loss.
Tuesday 27th was a Fast and Prayer-day in this Province; which had been appointed by the Convention; but here in the city it was not and could not be observed. On the one hand, there are but few inhabitants in the town, and the soldiers were busily employed; on the other hand there was much alarm in the city. Soon, in the morning, an alarm gun was fired in expectation, that the ships were coming up; which however proved not so; but on Long Island there was a smart engagement, in which the Americans suffered greatly. Two generals, Sullivan and Sterling, and many other officers and soldiers were taken prisoners. All the troops now went over; those from King’s Bridge came likewise, and went over the next morning. As very few of our people came, we kept only a little meeting in the forenoon, in which a short discourse was kept on Jer. 48, 17 and 18; and concluded with a moving prayer, kneeling. This (the result of the battle) was an agreeable disappointment for all honest men; for what could such a fast signify, when men want to pursue measures against the Word and Will of God, &c.
Wednesday 28th.—The different parties on Long Island kept on to be engaged with one another; the firing was plainly heard. Bro. Shewkirk met with a young man, who waited on Ensign Goodman, and who was come back from Long Island. He told him that he, and a small number of his regiment—Huntington’s,—had escaped with their lives. It had been a sight he should never forget; such as he never wished to see again. This young man is of a serious turn, and religious more than common, and promises to be the Lords’. In the afternoon we had extraordinary heavy rains and thunder. From one of the Forts of the Continental army on Long Island, two alarm guns were fired in the midst of the heavy rain; supposing that the regulars would attack their line somewhere between Flatbush and Brockland; all the men were ordered out though it rained prodigiously; it was found, after some time, that it was a false alarm. The sound of these alarm guns had just ceased, when, immediately after, a flash of lightning came, followed by a clap of thunder. It was awful. The very heavy rain, with intermixed thunder, continued for some hours till towards evening. In the night the battling on Long Island continued, and likewise,
Thursday 29th; and in the afternoon such heavy rain fell again as can hardly be remembered; nevertheless the operations on Long Island went on more or less; and behold, in the night, the Americans thought it advisable to retreat, and leave Long Island to the King’s troops. They found that they could not stand their ground, and feared to be surrounded, and their retreat cut off. The great loss they had sustained, the want of provision and shelter, in the extraordinary Wet; the unfitness of many of their troops for war, &c.; undoubtedly contributed to this resolution.
Friday 30th.—In the morning, unexpectedly and to the surprize of the city, it was found that all that could come back was come back; and that they had abandoned Long Island; when many had thought to surround the king’s troops, and make them prisoners with little trouble. The language was now otherwise; it was a surprising change, the merry tones on drums and fifes had ceased, and they were hardly heard for a couple of days. It seemed a general damp had spread; and the sight of the scattered people up and down the streets was indeed moving. Many looked sickly, emaciated, cast down, &c.; the wet clothes, tents,—as many as they had brought away,—and other things, were lying about before the houses and in the streets to-day; in general everything seemed to be in confusion. Many, as it is reported for certain, went away to their respective homes. The loss in killed and wounded and taken has been great, and more so than it ever will be known. Several were drowned and lost their lives in passing a creek to save themselves. The Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland people lost the most; the New England people, &c., it seems are but poor soldiers, they soon took to their heels. At night, the few that came or would come, had a meeting on the texts; and the next day we ended this troublesome month with the watch-word, “He that believeth shall not make haste.” “Grant me to lean unshaken, &c.”
Sunday 1st September.—We had our preaching in the forenoon, and in the evening as usual; and in the afternoon the Congregation meeting. At the preachings we had goodly companies of strangers.
Tuesday 3d.—The evening meeting was on the Watchword and Text. The rebel army begun to re-collect themselves; and the greatest part marched towards Harlem, and along the East River, some miles from here; the king’s army advanced eastward on Long Island, opposite the Hell Gate, and thereabouts.
Monday 9th.—Whereas the troubles of War were now near Watts’ House, Phil. Sypher fetched his wife, child, and goods back from thence to town, as also the things out of the Chapel House that had been there; and it was just high time, else they might have been lost; for this house soon after was plundered by the king’s troops. Several other people came back from those parts. By the measures and proceedings of the Rebel army, it appeared evident, that they intended to leave the city; for as they had begun last week, so all this week, they removed their sick, their stoves, and ammunition, and gradually the soldiers marched away. They likewise took the bells out of all the Churches and conveyed them away.
Wednesday 11th and Thursday 12th.—Night and day they were busy to bring their things away; and it appeared plain, that there would be a change soon; the reports were various. Almost daily there was firing from Long Island to Horn’s Hook, and the ship yards here.
Friday 13th.—In the afternoon, some Men of War went up the East river; the few cannons left, fired on the ships, which caused that they fired back from Long Island and Governor’s Island and very smartly. Isaac Van Vleck, who is too much bewildered in the matter, made haste to get out of town.
Saturday 14th.—In the afternoon more ships went up the East River, which being fired on again, brought on another smart cannonading; some Houses were damaged and it was very unsafe to walk in the streets. The remainder of the Rebel army hasted away, and so did the members of the Committee, and others of the deluded people.
Sunday 15th.—Soon in the morning when the tide served, more ships passed up both the North and East river; and though what was yet in town of the Rebel troops got away as fast as they could, yet they fired again on the ships, as they did likewise from Powles Hook; which caused a cannonading which made the houses shake, and the sound of it was terrible. One large ball, supposed to come from Powles Hook flew against the North Church, just opposite the chapel broke, and a part of it went back into a neighboring cellar kitchen, where a negro woman was, who came running over to the kitchen of the chapel-house; where also Syphers’ family was, who had been there all night, as they lived near the fort, where the houses were most exposed to the firing. After some time the firing ceased, and at the usual time we had the forenoon’s preaching, in all stillness; the only service kept in the city. About this time the king’s troops had landed on York Island, about three miles from the city; there was some slaughter, and the rebels were made to retreat towards Harlem. In the afternoon at three was the congregation meeting; but the evening preaching we thought proper to drop. There was a good deal of commotion in the town; the Continental stores were broke open, and people carried off the provisions; the boats crossed to Powles’ Hook backward and forward yet till toward evening; some people going away and others coming in; but then the ferry boats withdrew, and the passage was stopped. Some of the king’s officers from the ships came on shore, and were joyfully received by some of the inhabitants. The king’s flag was put up again in the fort, and the Rebels’ taken down. And thus the city was now delivered from those Usurpers who had oppressed it so long.
Monday Sept. 16th.—In the forenoon the first of the English troops came to town. They were drawn up in two lines in the Broad Way; Governor Tryon and others of the officers were present, and a great concourse of people. Joy and gladness seemed to appear in all countenances, and persons who had been strangers one to the other formerly, were now very sociable together, and friendly. Bro. Shewkirk, who accidentally, came to it, met with several instances of that kind.—The first that was done was, that all the houses of those who have had a part and a share in the Rebellion were marked as forfeited. Many indeed were marked by persons who had no order to do so, and did it perhaps to one or the other from some personal resentment. Bro. Shewkirk, walking through the streets, saw to his grief, that several houses belonging to our people were likewise marked; as Sr. Kilburn’s, Hilah Waldron’s, and Sr. Bouquet’s, King’s, Isaac Van Vleck’s, &c. He wrote afterwards to Governor Tryon, congratulating him on the late happy event, and at the same time interceded in behalf of the 2 Ww’s houses. The word of this day was remarkable: “Israel shall be saved in the Lord, with an everlasting salvation; ye shall not be confounded world without end.” The following day everything was pretty quiet, though almost daily they brought in prisoners, who were lodged in the Dutch and Presbyterian churches. The fear one had of the city’s being destroyed by fire subsided, and the inhabitants thought themselves now pretty secure; little thinking that destruction was so near.
Friday 20th.—Bro. Jacobsen came from Staten Island, and it was a true mutual joy to see one another; as, for a couple of months we could have no communication with Staten Island. By him we heard that our people there were all well.
Saturday 21st.—In the first hour of the day, soon after midnight, the whole city was alarmed by a dreadful fire. Bro. Shewkirk, who was alone in the chapel-house, was not a little struck, when he saw the whole air red, and thought it to be very near; but going into the street, he found that it was in the low west end of the town; and went thither. When he came down the Broad Way, he met with Sr. Sykes and her children. She was almost spent carrying the child, and a large bundle besides. He took the bundle, and went back with them, and let them in to our house; when he left them, and returned with their prentice to the fire, taking some buckets along. The fire was then in the lower part of Broad street, Stone street, &c. It spread so violently that all what was done was but of little effect; if one was in one street and looked about, it broke out already again in another street above; and thus it raged all the night, and till about noon. The wind was pretty high from south-east, and drove the flames to the northwest. It broke out about White Hall; destroyed a part of Broad street, Stone street, Beaver street, the Broadway, and then the streets going to the North River, and all along the North river as far as the King’s College. Great pain was taken to save Trinity church, the oldest and largest of the English churches, but in vain; it was destroyed, as also the old Lutheran church; and St. Paul’s, at the upper end of the Broadway, escaped very narrowly. Some of our families brought of their goods to our house. Bro. Shewkirk had the pleasure to be a comfort to our neighbors, who were much frightened the fire might come this way; and indeed, if the wind had shifted to the west as it had the appearance a couple of times, the whole city might have been destroyed. The corner house of our street, going to the Broadway, catched already; Bro. Shewkirk ordered our long ladder, and the others to be fetched out of our burying ground; which were of service in carrying the water up to the roof of said house in buckets; and by the industry of all the people the fire was put out. Several of our people have sustained considerable loss: Sr. Kilburn has lost two houses; Pell’s three houses; Jacobson one, and Widow Zoeller her’s; and others have lost a part of their goods; as Lepper, Eastman, &c.
There are great reasons to suspect that some wicked incendiaries had a hand in this dreadful fire, which has consumed the fourth part of the city; several persons have been apprehended; moreover there were few hands of the inhabitants to assist; the bells being carried off, no timely alarm was given; the engines were out of order; the fire company broke; and also no proper order and directions, &c.; all which contributed to the spreading of the flames.
Monday 23d.—The fire has thrown a great damp on the former joyful sensation; numbers of people were carried to Jail, on suspicion to have had a hand in the fire, and to have been on the Rebel’s side; it is said about 200; however, on examination, the most men were as fast discharged.
Bro. Conrad, also, was taken to Jail, but after a couple of days he came out again. Daniel Van Vleck expected the same, which made his wife and family much distressed; for he had often talked too inconsiderate, and in a wrong spirit; however it blew over. After all, it is observable, that those of our people who had kept themselves free from the Infatuation, were acknowledged as such, and met with nothing disagreeable of that kind.
November.—In November new troubles began on account of the quartering of the soldiers, of whom more and more come in; as also many of their women and children. Many of the public buildings were already filled with Prisoners, or sick, &c; especially all the Dutch and Presbyterian churches, as also the French church, the Baptists, and new Quaker meeting; and we were not without apprehension, that something of that nature might come upon us; and this the more, as the Chapel-House has the appearance of a spacious building; and just opposite the same they were fitting up the fine north church of the English Dutch for Barracks.
Saturday 16th.—From early in the morning till towards noon, a heavy cannonading was heard, tho’ at a considerable distance; one heard afterwards that the king’s troops had attacked the lines and the famous Fort Washington, and carried it; several thousands of the rebels were taken prisoners, &c. The king’s army has been about 2 months thereabouts; and there have been, from time to time, sharp engagements, at the White Plains, &c; till at last they have driven them away from the York Island; and it was a matter of moment, as now one may hope that the communication with the Jerseys will be open’d, as also with the places up the East River; so that the Inhabitants may come to the city and provisions be brought in; especially wood, which is not to be had, and is extremely dear; a cord of oak wood, bought formerly for 20s. now 4£s. Fort Constitution, or Lee, opposite Fort Washington, now Fort Kniphausen, on the Jersey side surrender’d, or was left by the rebels; and the king’s troops got soon master of this part of the Jerseys, and advanced swiftly towards Philadelphia.
Monday, 18th.—In the forenoon, about 11 o’clock, 2 officers, with 2 other gentlemen came to see the chapel and house; Bro. Shewkirk showed them about; one of the officers asked whether service was kept in the chapel; and hearing it was, said, it would be a pity to take it; the other ran about very swiftly, and saw every part of the premises. Bro. Shewkirk, who easily could guess what the meaning was, as soon as they were gone, made application to the present commanding General Robertson, and to Governor Tryon. The former was not at home; the latter received him kindly, but said he could do nothing in the matter, as now all the power was lodged with the army; yet he would recommend the matter to the General; and this he did in a few lines he wrote under the petition, referring it to the favorable consideration of the General. Bro. Shewkirk carried it to him, but he was not come home yet, and so he left it there. He did not know that the 2000 and more prisoners taken in Fort Washington, had come already to town. In the afternoon about 4 o’clock he saw at once the street before the window full of people. The serjeant of the guard came to the door, and asked whether this was the Moravian meeting? He was order’d to bring these 400 prisoners here by command of the Generals Smith and Robertson. If the latter had order’d it, it may be it was done before he came home to his quarters. Bro. Shewkirk, who was alone in the house, did not know what to do; he could not go away. By and by the Major who had command of the prisoners and another man came in; they looked at the Chapel, and said it was too small; the latter said he had told that before, he had been in the place before now, and knew it. He spoke to Bro. Shewkirk, and condoled with him that the place should be taken; they began to doubt of the certainty, and thought there was a mistake in the matter; another young man of the city who knows Bro. Shewkirk, and has now the care of the provisions for the rebel prisoners, was likewise inclined in our favour. These 3 persons went backward and forward to make another inquiry; at last one of them came back and told he had met with the Deputy Barrack Master, a Jew; who had told him they must be here. Well—the gate on the men’s side was open’d.
The serjeant of the guard, quite a civil man, advised to take all loose things out of the chapel before the prisoners came in. This was done accordingly. Phil. Sykes, who was come before this time, and extremely welcome, while Bro. Shewkirk was alone in the house, assisted herein; as also young Wiley; and it took up some time, during which the Major came again, and order’d the serjeant to wait awhile longer; he would go to Genl. Robertson. After some time he came back, and addressed Bro. Shewkirk in a friendly manner; saying, he had believed they would have been a disagreeable company; and took the prisoners to the North Church. Bro. Shewkirk thanked the Major for his kindness; may the Lord reward him as also the other two men. The prisoners, with the guard, stood above half an hour in the street before our door, and many spectators, of whom none, so far as one could see, showed a wish for their coming in, but several signified the reverse, and were glad when it did not take place. An old gentleman, several weeks after, accosted Bro. Shewkirk in the street, and told him how sorry he had been when he saw these people standing before our door; he had heard Bro. Rice, &c. After this affair was over, Bro. Shewkirk retreated to this room, and thanked our Saviour, with tears, for his visible help; He has the hearts of all men in His hands. If these prisoners had come in, how much would our place have been ruined, as one may see by the North Church; not to mention the painful thought of seeing a place dedicated to our Savior’s praise, made a habitation of darkness and uncleanness. Praise be to Him and the Father!
As the winter quarters of the soldiers in this city were not settled yet, the apprehension was not over, that some would be put to us; and so one of our neighbors thought, who in time of peace was one of the Common Council men; but at the same time he assured Bro. Shewkirk that as far as he knew, none of the creditable and sensible men of the town, wished it out of spite, &c. Bro. Shewkirk’s character was well-known, but the house was large, and there was want of room.
Sunday, December 1st.—In the afternoon about two o’clock, a company of officers came into the House, looking for some quarter for themselves. It was assured by some that they would not disturb our church and service; some talked but of some rooms; others said they must have the whole house, and the chapel too. One, a Cornet of the Light Horse marked one room for himself; desired to clear it this afternoon, and let him have a table and a couple of chairs, and he would willingly pay for it. After they were gone, Bro. Shewkirk, and Wilson who was just with him, went to Genl. Robertson. The Genl. was kind; he said he had given them no orders; he intended to have no place disturbed where service was kept. He took down Bro. Shewkirk’s name and the matter; which chiefly was, not to disturb our chapel, nor to desire the whole house, Bro. Shewkirk offer’d a couple of rooms if necessary; and at last said he would go to Alderman Waddel. He was along with the officers in the street, before they came in, but told Wilson he had nothing to do with it; he only upon their desire had gone along with them, and hear what he knew of the matter, and they should come along with him. When they were on the way, they met one of those officers, (the Genl’s clerk) and indeed him, who spoke the most imperiously, and that he would have the chapel; upon which the Genl. and they returned to the Genl’s house. The officer spoke here quite in another tone and said he had already told the other to look out for another place, etc. The Genl. said he would see about the matter, and give an answer the next morning. The brethren went home, and Bro. Shewkirk held the congregation meeting for which the brethren and sisters were gathered together. Upon this occasion we found again that our neighbors were not against us. One said, it cannot be that they would take your place, the only place where public service was held when there was none in the whole city. In the evening the room which the Cornet had marked was cleared, in case he should come; but none of them came again. Some time after, Dr. Edmunds, belonging to the hospital came one day, and with much civility and modesty inquired after a room. Bro. Shewkirk, thinking perhaps it might be a means to be free from a further endeavor of somebody’s being quartered here,—and moreover wishing to have a man in the house in these days,—offered him the room the Cornet had marked; and after some weeks he came, and proves a very civil and quiet gentleman, who causes little or no troubles.
Monday 2nd.—The commissioner’s extraordinary gracious proclamation in the name of the King, was published in the public papers; by virtue of which all rebels within 60 days may return without suffering any forfeiture or punishment; and it has had a great effect; numbers are come in, have signed the prescribed declaration, availed themselves of the benefit of the proclamation, and returned to the peaceable enjoyment of their property; though afterwards some of them have shown their insincerity and bad principles, going back again to the rebels. The officers yesterday doubtless thought in a hurry to secure lodgings to themselves before the proclamation was published, as now they can’t take houses as they please. This was also the answer Genl. Robertson gave to Bro. Wilson this morning, when he carried in his name, and mentioned again our house and chapel. The Genl. said the proclamation would settle these matters.
Tuesday 31st.—Whereas it is at present very unsafe in the evenings to be out, on account of several late robberies, and persons having been knocked down besides, we were obliged to submit to the times and circumstances; and therefore the congregation members met at 4 o’clock in the afternoon, and had a love feast; to praise together our dear and gracious Lord for all his goodness bestowed on us during this year full of troubles. Indeed these times have been a time of shaking, and what had no root is dropped off.
1777.
Tuesday 7th January.—Since the attack and defeat which the Hessians sustained near Trenton some time ago, the rebels are again in high spirits; and whereas the King’s troops have been ordered down towards Philadelphia from Newark, and about Hackensack, the rebels are come again to these places, and distress the inhabitants greatly. Several are come to town, having fled from thence.
Tuesday 14th.—Upon the request of General Howe to lend our benches for the entertainment on the Queen’s birthday, several wagons full were fetched.
Saturday 18th.—Several reports prevailed that a part of the rebel army was approaching this city, and early this morning they had made an attack upon a fort above King’s Bridge; but they were repulsed. Some of the soldiers here were ordered up that way to-day, and all the night soldiers kept a look-out.
Monday 20th.—It appears from the public papers, that intelligence has been had of a further intention to destroy this city by fire. For this reason the city watch has been regulated anew, according to which about 80 men watched every night in the different wards. Besides this, some of the Light Horse patrol the streets in the night. Some other regulations were likewise published, which give again an aspect of matters coming again into some order. The effect has also shown itself, the breaking down of fences, &c., does not go on as it did for a while; the bread is larger &c.
To-day a beginning was made with the inhabitants to take the oath of allegiance to his Majesty. Every day 2 wards are taken; it is done before the governor, mayor, &c.
Thursday 6th February.—Our burying ground at Fresh Water, (corner of Mott and Pell streets) lies entirely open; not the least of a board or post is left.
Sunday 16th.—The evening preaching at 6, was on a part of the to-day’s Epistle: 2 Cor. vi: 1, 2; the subject,—“not to receive the grace of God in vain.” When near the conclusion, another cry of fire was heard in the street, so that the last verses could not be sung. It happened to be in the Broadway, but was put out soon.
Monday 17th.—Towards evening there was another alarm of fire, but it proved to be a false one, and the engines were ordered back.
Thursday 4th March.—In the afternoon was the burial of Dr. Autchmuty, Rector of Trinity Church here, who departed this life last Tuesday. Bro. Shewkirk was invited, and was one of the ministers that were pall-bearers. There was a large company of ministers present; the most of them were strangers, partly belonging to the army. He was buried in St. Paul’s. The weather was bad, raining and snowing, yet there was a great concourse of people. Mr. Inglis kept the funeral service.
Sunday 16th.—Some wild officers who came into the evening meeting disturbed the devotion somewhat; however they went away soon; the auditory was pretty large and attentive.
Tuesday 18th.—We have had fine weather of late. On Sunday night about 100 of the rebels being in a house somewhere above King’s Bridge, some of the King’s troops went to take them prisoners; and as soon as they saw and heard nothing of an opposition, they surrounded the house, and the Captain and some men went in; but some of the rebels took up their guns, and killed the captain, and 4 or 5 men; upon which the others rushed in with their fixed bayonets, killed about 40, and took the rest prisoners. In the Jerseys some fightings have likewise been within these days.
Wednesday 29th May.—The King’s troops are preparing for the campaign, and to leave the town and winter quarters. The day before yesterday some of the fleet with fresh troops from home arrived, and yesterday a large number of troops came in from King’s Bridge to embark.
Saturday 31st.—As many troops are come in, some were lodged in the North Church opposite us, who made a great wild noise. They were of the recruits that are come from England. Others were lodged in the Methodist meeting, and in the old Dutch church, &c.
Tuesday 3rd June.—The packet came in, as also more troops; but we got no letter.
Wednesday 4th.—At noon a salute was given from all the ships in the river, this being His Majesty’s birthday. In the evening meeting we blessed our dear king; afterwards the front of our house was illuminated with 48 candles, and made a fine sight to the satisfaction of the beholders. To-day our Sister Len. Venema came back out of the country to our joy.
Thursday 5th.—In these days the troops were moving, and everything was in an emotion; and on
Friday 6th.—Many went away into the Jerseys; more of the German troops were arrived.
Wednesday 25th.—An account had come to town within these days, that the intended expedition of the army had not succeeded:—finding the rebel army too much entrenched and fortified; and therefore they had returned to Amboy; would leave the Jerseys, embark, and go upon another expedition. A good many of the army came to town, especially also women and children, so as to make the place and streets pretty full again. Several of the Jersey inhabitants flocked likewise to the city. In the evening the xii. chapter of the Hebrews was read, and spoken on.
Saturday 28th.—Since Thursday, a report prevailed that there had been a smart battle in the Jerseys. After the King’s troops had embarked, and the day was appointed to sail on an expedition, the general got intelligence that part of the rebel army was come within three miles from Amboy; upon which the troops were ordered back on shore, and march’d in the night to surround the rebels, with whom Washington was, it is said. The reports vary much, and were exaggerated exceedingly: 1,100 killed of the King’s troops; 5 or 6,000 of the rebels; as many taken prisoners, and their artillery; they were surrounded with Washington; that they could not escape; nay, Washington was among the slain; Stirling dead of his wounds; Genl. Livingston likewise, &c.; 400 Pennsylvanians had grounded their arms, and come over to the regulars, &c., &c. To-day, the account fell very much, and came down to a few hundreds lost on the rebel side; how many on our side, is not said at all. Seventy were taken prisoners, who were, together with a couple of field-pieces, brought to town early in the morning. Matters go but slow, and cause concern to all disinterested well-wishers.
Thursday 3rd July.—The King’s army has left the Jerseys, and is come back to Staten Island. Many came to town daily; so that it grows quite full again for the present. The rebels have now the whole Jerseys again except Powless’s Hook; and we are just where we were last year, after the being in possession of N.Y. Island. ’Tis very discouraging, may the Lord pity this poor country.
[Original in the Archives of the Moravian Church.]
[No. 38.] — Major Nicholas Fish to Richard Varick
New York, April 9, 1776.
I have since my last been on Several Excursions in military Capacity—That to West Chester County to Guard the Cannon & find out the Authors of Spiking them, has probably ere this time reached you; I shall not therefore trouble you with a detail.
You wish to hear what we are about in New York To be informed, picture to yourself the once flourishing City evacuated of most of its Members (especially the fair). Buisiness of every kind stagnated—all its streets that lead from the North and East Rivers blockaded, and nothing but military opperations our Current Employment.
I have been engaged for near three Weeks with the first independent Battalion on fatigue duty, in erecting a Redoubt round the Hospital, which we compleated on the 2d instant. This, tho’ you will suppose it did not agree well with the tender Hands & delicate Textures of many, was notwithstanding with amazing agility and neatness, and laying vanity aside, is generally judged to be the best work of the kind in the city; the Hospital round which our Works are, is made an Arsenal for Provisions. On Bayards Mount now called Montgomerie Mount, as a Monument to that great Heroe, who honorably fell supporting freedom’s cause, there will be a Fortification superior in Strength to any my Imagination could ever have conceived. Several hundred Men have been daily employed there for upwards of four Weeks. The Parapet of the old Battery is raised to a proper Height, with a sufficient number of Ambersures—As also the Parapet on the Fort Wall. There are two fortifications on Long Island opposite this City to command the shipping, one on Gours Island, one at red Hook, and the City itself and Suburbs filled with them. Sundays we have none of, all Days come alike when is in question. We have Genls Putnam, Sullivan, Heath, Thompson, & Ld Sterling among us, with I believe about 14 Thousand Troops; fresh arrivals from Cambridge Daily. And Washington hourly expected with many more—On Sunday the 7th instant there was an Exchange of many shot between our Rifle Men on Staten Island, and the Man of War, who sent Barges there for Water, of which the Riflemen prevented their supplying themselves—We know of four of their Men being killed, nine wounded, and have 12 Prisoners. Our Comy now Guards the Records of the Province which are removed to Mr. N. Bayards Farm....
[Hist. Mag., Second Series, vol. v. p. 203. Communicated by Hon. Hamilton Fish.]
[No. 39.] — Surgeon William Eustis to Dr. Townsend Boston, Mass
New York, 28th June, 1776.
My dear Friend,
... You will be in Boston long before this can reach you, and will doubtless have heard of the Discovery of the greatest and vilest attempt ever made against our country: I mean the plot, the infernal plot which has been contrived by our worst enemies, and which was on the verge of execution: you will, I say, undoubtedly have heard of it, but perhaps I may give you a better idea of it than as yet you have obtained. The Mayor of York with a number of villains who were possessed of fortunes, and who formerly ranked with Gentlemen, had impiously dared an undertaking, big with fatal consequences to the virtuous army in York, and which in all probability would have given the enemy possession of the city with little loss. Their design was, upon the first engagement which took place, to have murdered (with trembling I say it) the best man on earth: Genl Washington was to have been the first subject of their unheard of Sacricide: our magazines which, as you know, are very capacious, were to have been blown up: every General Officer and every other who was active in serving his country in the field was to have been assassinated: our cannon were to be spiked up: and in short every the most accursed scheme was laid to give us into the hands of the enemy, and to ruin us. They had plenty of money, and gave large bounties and larger promises to those who were engaged to serve their hellish purposes. In order to execute their Design upon our General, they had enlisted into their service one or two from his Excellency’s life-Guard, who were to have assassinated him: knowing that no person could be admitted into the magazines or among the cannon but those who were of the Artillery they have found several in our Regiment vile enough to be concerned in their diabolical Designs—these were to have blown up the Magazines and spiked the cannon. (Tell Homans, one Rotch, a fellow he bled for me in Morton’s company at No 1 is taken up with his brother for being concerned.) Their Design was deep, long concerted, and wicked to a great Degree. But happily for us, it has pleased God to discover it to us in season, and I think we are making a right improvement of it (as the good folks say). We are hanging them as fast as we find them out. I have just now returned from the Execution of one242 of the General’s Guard: he was the first that has been tried: yesterday at 11 o’clock he received sentence, to-day at 11 he was hung in presence of the whole army. He is a Regular-Deserter... he appeared unaffected and obstinate to the last, except that when the Chaplains took him by the hand under the Gallows and bad him adieu, a torrent of tears flowed over his face; but with an indignant scornful air he wiped ’em with his hand from his face, and assumed the confident look. You remember General Greene commands at Long Island; with his last breath the fellow told the spectators, that unless Genl Greene was very cautious, the Design would as yet be executed on him.
The trial will go on, and I imagine they will be hung, gentle and simple, as fast as the fact is proved upon them.
That any set of men could be so lost to every virtuous principle, and so dead to the feelings of humanity as to conspire against the person of so great and good a man as Genl Washington is surprising; few of our countrymen (as you may imagine) are concerned; they are in general foreigners: upwards of 30 were concerned, and ’tis said Govr Tryon is at the bottom....
Our Expedition against the Light house did not succeed; they command it so well with ye shipping that ’tis thought wise to let it stand....
W. Eustis.
Monday Morning July 1st.—Since writing the above upwards of 100 sail have arrived: we conclude that the whole fleet is there: for we have counted 140 topsail vessels; some say there are 160: people are moving out of York; and I think we must very soon come to action; the flower of our Reg. is picked for a field fight, which we imagine will take place on long island. Wherever I am, whatever I am doing, my best wishes will be for the felicity of my friend. Adieu. Heaven preserve us to meet again.
[New England Hist. and Gen. Register, vol. xxiii. p. 205.]
[No. 40.] — Captain Nathan Hale to His Brother
New York, Aug. 20th 1776.
Dear Brother,
I have only time for a hasty letter. Our situation has been such this fortnight or more as scarce to admit of writing. We have daily expected an action—by which means, if any one was going, and we had letters written, orders were so strict for our tarrying in camp that we could rarely get leave to go and deliver them.—For about 6 or 8 days the enemy have been expected hourly, whenever the wind and tide in the least favored. We keep a particular look out for them this morning. The place and manner of attack time must determine. The event we leave to Heaven. Thanks to God! we have had time for compleating our works and receiving reenforcements. The militia of Connecticut ordered this way are mostly arrived. Col. [Andrew] Ward’s Regt has got in. Troops from the Southward are daily coming. We hope, under God, to give a good account of the Enemy whenever they choose to make the last appeal.
Last Friday night, two of our five vessels (a Sloop and a Schooner) made an attempt upon the shipping up the River. The night was too dark, the wind too slack for the attempt. The Schooner which was intended for one of the Ships had got by before she discovered them; but as Providence would have it, she run athwart a bomb-catch which she quickly burned. The Sloop by the light of the fire discovered the Phœnix—but rather too late—however, she made shift to grapple her, but the wind not proving sufficient to bring her close along side or drive the flames immediately on board, the Phœnix after much difficulty got her clear by cutting her own rigging. Sergt Fosdick who commanded the above Sloop, and four of his hands, were of my Company, the remaining two were of this Regt.
The Genl has been pleased to reward their bravery with forty dollars each, except the last man who quitted the fire Sloop, who had fifty. Those on board the schooner received the same.
I must write to some of my brothers lest you should not be at home. Remain
Your friend and Brother
N. Hale.
Mr. Enoch Hale.
[Life of Captain Nathan Hale, the Martyr-Spy of the American Revolution. By I.W. Stuart, Hartford, 1756.]
[No. 41.] — Extract From a Letter From New York
New York, April 12 1776.
“If you have any idea of our situation, you must be solicitous to hear from us. When you are informed that New York is deserted by its old inhabitants, and filled with soldiers from New England, Philadelphia, and Jersey—you will naturally conclude, the Environs of it are not very safe from so undisciplined a multitude, as our Provincials are represented to be; but I do believe, there are few instances of so great a number of men together, with so little mischief done by them; they have all the simplicity of ploughmen in their manners, and seem quite strangers to the vices of older soldiers. They have been employed in erecting fortifications in every part of the town; and it would make you sorry to see the place so changed: the old fort walls, are demolished in part, although that is an advantage to the Broadway. There is a Battery carried across the street, erected partly at Lord Abingdon’s expense, for the Fascines, were cut out of the wood that belonged to the Warren estate: it was beautiful wood—Oliver De Lancey, had been nursing it these forty years; it looks in a piteous state now: Mr. D. hoped to have it somewhat spared by telling the New England men, who were cutting it, that a third part belonged to one of the Protesting Lords. One of them answered, ‘Well, and if he be such a great liberty boy, and so great a friend to our country, he will be quite happy that his wood, was so happy for our use.’ You remember Bayard’s Mount covered with cedars? It commanded a prospect exceedingly extensive! The top of it is so cut away, that there is room enough for a house and garden; a fortification is there erected as well as round the Hospital:—in short, every place that can be employed in that way, is or will be, so used. You may recollect a sweet situation at Horn’s Hook, that Jacob Walton purchased, built an elegant house, and greatly and beautifully improved the place; he was obliged to quit the place; the troops took possession, and fortified there. Oh, the houses in New York, if you could but see the insides of them! Kennedy’s house, Mallet’s, and the next to it, had six hundred men in them. If the owners ever get possession, they must be years in cleaning them. The merchants have raised their goods to an enormous price; many articles are scarce indeed; and there is quite a hue and cry about pins. Common rum, 6 to 7 shillings per gallon; poor sugar, 4l a hundred; molasses none; cotton 4s per pound.”
[From the Historical Magazine.]
[No. 42.] — Extracts From the London Chronicle Sept — Oct. 1776
From a British Officer at New York, Sept. 6, 1776
“General Howe finding himself at the head of 21,000 men, in high health and fit for action, was determined to begin upon it as soon as possible; accordingly a great number of regiments were reimbarked on board the transports, and everything prepared for an Expedition, so secret, that neither the second in Command at land or sea could guess where the blow was to fall.
Everything being prepared, and the Cannon embarked in the night of the 21st of September [August], the Rainbow of 50 guns, commanded by Sir George Collier, got under weigh, and anchored near a strong post of the enemy’s, called Denysys, upon Long Island, who fled from thence instantly, expecting the man of war would level the place to the ground.
A little after nine, the transports all anchored in Gravesend-bay on the southern part of Long Island; the flat-bottom boats immediately landed the troops, and the gallant Lord Howe was present to direct the operation.
The army, when landed, consisted of 18000 men, the rest being left upon Staten Island. Lord Cornwallis Commanded one of the advance-posts, Gen. Grant another, and Earl Percy had a post of difficulty and danger, to which he on all occasions shewed himself equal. The King’s forces lay still, getting ashore Cannon &c. for 3 or 4 days, and then encamped at Flatbush; after this they moved on in three bodies, and surprised many of the enemy’s outposts, and killed and took a number of men.”
Letter From New York. — Oct. 20, 1776
“No doubt but before you receive this you’ll be informed of the King’s troops being in possession of New York, to the great satisfaction of the loyal part of its inhabitants, who have for a long time suffered every hardship from a set of tyrants that is possible to be conceived; however, they are now rewarded who have withstood the traitors, and remained firm to their King. The Howes do all that is possible to alleviate the sufferings of a persecuted people, who rather than turn rebels have despised death and ruin; and if it had not pleased God to send us death and relief, dreadful would have been the consequence to every person that dared to be honest; however, we are now protected in our lives and properties; and some thousands have joined the King’s troops; and every time they attack the rebels they rout them with great loss; they fly before our victorious army on every onset; and I don’t doubt but in a very little time this daring rebellion will be crushed. It would before now have been the case, had not the Americans been fed with hopes from the Court of France. But now let France or any other Power dare to assist them, we are prepared, and don’t at all fear but we shall be able to give them a proper reception. It is resolved to attack Washington directly. Proper dispositions are making for that purpose; and I hope by the next letter to give you an account of an end being put to a government that have dared to call themselves the Independent States of America. Almost all the New Yorkers have returned to their allegiance, and there is not a doubt but the other Colonies will do the same when they dare declare themselves, and be properly supported by government.
“There is a broad R put upon every door in New York that is disaffected to government, and examples will be made of its inhabitants; on the other hand, every person that is well affected to government finds protection.”
Letter From White Plains
“The following Letter is from an officer of eminence, who was present at the engagement at White Plains, to his friend in Edinburgh:
“Camp at White Plains, 31 Miles from New York, N.E. within six Miles of Hudson’s River, Nov. 2, 1776.
“Our whole army, except about 2000 men, left New York Island, and on the 12th of Oct. passed Hell-gates in our flat boats, and landed on a part called Frogs-neck, in Westchester county; here we halted a few days, until provisions were brought to us; and on the 18th we again took to our boats, and passed a creek, in order to move this way, and to cut the rebels off from King’s-Bridge. On our march the 18th, we had two pretty smart skirmishes, but made the provincials give way as fast as we advanced. After marching about three miles, we halted to get cannon, provisions, &c. brought forward. On the 26th we marched again by New Rochelle, about four miles without opposition, where we halted till the 28th; and finding that the rebels had moved to this place from King’s-bridge, we followed them, and drove them from hill to hill, until we came within three quarters of a mile of their entrenched camp, where they made a shew of disputing a commanding ground. A brisk Cannonade ensued, and we attacked them on the top of a rugged hill, where, though covered behind stone walls and fences, we drove them off. We had about 200 killed and wounded. The rebels left about 50 killed, besides what they carried off. We then encamped on the ground, with an intent to drive them from their entrenchments; but yesterday at day-break they went off of themselves and took post on another hill, about three-quarters of a mile further on where they are now. They have left a post behind them in New York Island, near King’s-bridge of about 1500 men, [Fort Washington] which, I think, we shall give a very good account of. We have taken in their abandoned works 74 pieces of cannon. Their whole force is now opposed to us. They burn all the country as they retreat; they are a set of base fellows. I do not imagine we shall go much further this campaign, but just force them to go towards New England. I heard from Col. Campbell the other day. He is well and anxious to be relieved. I write on my knee very cramped, and have lain in a waggon for three nights past, one of which was very wet.”
[No. 43.] — Extract From the Memoirs of Colonel Rufus Putnam Written by Himself243
The 31st of March 1776, I received General Washington’s orders “to march to New York by the way of Providence, to afford Governor Cooke my best advice and assistance in the construction of the work there.” In this tour I went to visit Newport again, where I laid out some additional works; on my return from Newport to Providence I met with General Washington there, I believe the 6th of April, and obtained leave to go by Brookfield to New York. I believe I tarried with my family part of two days and then pushed for New York where I arrived about the 20th. On my arrival at New York I was charged as chief engineer with laying out and overseeing the works which were erected during the campaign at New York, Long Island and their dependencies with Fort Washington, Fort Lee, King’s Bridge, etc., most of which, but not all, appear in a plan of New York island etc., and obstructions in the river, which accompanies Marshall’s Life of Washington. This was a service of much fatigue, for my whole time was taken up from daylight in the morning until night in the business, besides sometimes going in the night by water from New York to Fort Washington.
September 8th 1776, a council of general officers had determined on holding the City of New York. See General Washington’s letter of that date. On the 12th of September having been out with General Miflin, by order of General Washington, to reconnoiter the country between Kingsbridge and Morrisania and eastward, on our return we met with General Washington near Harlem Heights, where we made our report to him, in consequence of which a council of general officers was convened, whose advice was the withdrawing the army from the city,—see the General’s letter of the 14th of September,—and this measure was the salvation of the army, and which probably would not have been but for the discoveries made by Miflin and myself.
My being appointed engineer by Congress was wholly unexpected. I had begun to act in that capacity through pure necessity, and had continued to conduct the business more from necessity and respect for the General than from any opinion I had of my own abilities, or knowledge of that art; true it is that after my arrival at New York I had read some books on fortification, and I knew much more than when I began at Roxbury, but I had not the vanity to suppose that my knowledge was such as to give me a claim to the first rank in a corps of engineers, yet my experience convinced me that such a corps was necessary to be established, therefore near the last of September, I drew up a plan for such an establishment and presented it to General Washington, and which he transmitted to Congress—see his letter to that body of the 5th of November 1776. In my letter to General Washington on the subject I disclaimed all pretension of being placed at the head of the proposed corps, and signified it would be my choice to serve in the line of the army.
October 19th 1776, the British landed on Pell’s point and some skirmishing took place in the afternoon between part of Glover’s brigade and some advance parties of the enemy near East Chester, the next morning by order of the General I set out from Kingsbridge to reconnoiter their position etc. I set out in company with Colo Reed, the adjutant-general and a foot guard of about twenty men, when we arrived on the heights of East Chester we saw a small body of British near the church, but we could obtain no intelligence; the houses were deserted. Colo Reed now told me he must return to attend to issuing general orders. I observed that we had made no discovery yet of any consequence, that if he went back I wished him to take the guard back for I chose to go alone. I then disguised my appearance as an officer as far as I could, and set out on the road to White-plains; however, I did not then know where White-plains was, nor where the road I had taken would carry me. I had gone about two and a half miles when a road turned off to the right, I followed it perhaps half a mile and came to a house where I learned from the woman that this road led to New Rochelle, that the British were there and that they had a guard at a house in sight; On this information I turned and pursued my route toward White-plains (the houses on the way all deserted) until I came within three or four miles of the place; here I discovered a house a little ahead with men about it. By my glass I found they were not British soldiers; however I approached them with caution. I called for some oats for my horse, sat down and heard them chat some little time, when I found they were friends to the cause of America, and then I began to make the necessary enquiries, and on the whole I found that the main body of the British lay near New Rochelle, from thence to White-plains about nine miles, good roads and in general level open country, that at Whiteplains was a large quantity of stores, with only about three hundred militia to guard them, that the British had a detachment at Mamaraneck only six miles from White-plains, and from Whiteplains only five miles to the North river, where lay five or six of the enemies ships and sloops, tenders, etc. Having made these discoveries I set out on my return. The road from Ward’s across the Brunx was my intended route unless I found the British there, which haply they were not, but I saw Americans on the heights west of the Brunx who had arrived there after I passed up. I found them to be Lord Sterling’s division; it was now after sunset. I gave my Lord a short account of my discoveries, took some refreshment, and set off for headquarters by the way of Philip’s at the mouth of Sawmill river, a road I had never travelled, among tory inhabitants and in the night. I dare not enquire the way, but Providence conducted me. I arrived at headquarters near Kingsbridge (a distance of about ten miles) about nine o’clock at night. I found the General alone. I reported to him the discoveries I had made, with a sketch of the country; he complained very feelingly of the gentlemen from New York from whom he had never been able to obtain a plan of the country, that from their information he had ordered the stores to Whiteplains as a place of security. The General sent for General Greene and Genl George Clinton, since Vice-President of the United States. As soon as General Clinton came in my sketch and statement was shown to him and he was asked if the situation of those places was as I had reported. Genl Clinton said it was.
I had but a short time to refresh myself and horse when I received a letter from the General with orders to proceed immediately to Lord Sterling’s, and I arrived at his quarters about two o’clock in the morning October 21st 1776. Lord Sterling’s division marched before daylight and we arrived at Whiteplains about 9 o’clock a.m. and thus was the American army saved (by an interposing providence from a probable total destruction.). I may be asked wherein this particular interposition of providence appears, I answer, first, in the stupidity of the British general, in that he did not early on the morning of the 20th send a detachment and take possession of the post and stores at Whiteplains, for had he done this we must then have fought him on his own terms, and such disadvantageous terms on our part, as humanly speaking must have proved our overthrow; again when I parted with Colo Reed on the 20th as before mentioned, I have always thought that I was moved to so hazardous an undertaking by foreign influence. On my route I was liable to meet with some British or tory parties, who probably would have made me a prisoner (as I had no knowledge of any way of escape across the Brunx but the one I came out). Hence I was induced to disguise myself by taking out my cockade, loping my hat and secreting my sword and pistols under my loose coat, and then had I been taken under this disguise, the probability is that I should have been hanged for a spy.
October 29th, the British advanced in front of our lines at White-plains about 10 o’clock a.m., I had just arrived on Chatterton hill in order to throw up some works when they hove in sight, as soon as they discovered us they commenced a severe cannonade but without any effect of consequence. General McDougal about this time arriving with his brigade from Burtis’s and observing the British to be crossing the Brunx below in large bodies in order to attack us, our troops were posted to receive them in a very advantageous position. The British in their advance were twice repulsed; at length however their numbers were increased so that they were able to turn our right flank. We lost many men but from information afterwards received there was reason to believe they lost many more than we. The rail and stone fence behind which our troops were posted proved as fatal to the British as the rail fence and grass hung on it did at Charlestown the 17th of June 1775.
After the affair of the 29th of October my time was employed in examining the nature of the country in a military point of view in our rear towards North Castle, Croton river, etc., until about the 5th of November when I received the following order from the General which I shall take the liberty to transcribe.
Headquarters Whiteplains, November 5th 1776.
Sir:—You are directed to repair to Wright’s mills and lay out any work there you conceive to be necessary, in case it is not already done, from thence you are to proceed towards Croton bridge, and post the two regiments of militia in the most advantageous manner, so as to obstruct the enemies passage to that quarter, you are also to give what directions you think are proper to those regiments, respecting the breaking up the roads leading from the North river eastward, after this you are to go up to Peekskill and direct Lasher’s detachment to break up the roads there. You are likewise to lay out what works will be advisable there and order them to be set about.
Given under my hand—
Go. Washington.
To Colo Putnam, Engineer.
November 11th 1776, Genl Washington came to Peekskill and I went with him to visit Fort Montgomery, on the same day or the next he crossed the North river, leaving instructions with me to ascertain the geography of the country with the roads and passes through and about the highlands, a report of which I afterwards made with a sketch of a plan.
December 8th 1776, I wrote to Genl Washington informing him that I had accepted of a regiment in the Massachusetts line of the Continental army, with my reasons for so doing, assuring him at the same time of my attachment to him and readiness to execute any service.
[Original in the archives of Marietta College, Marietta, Ohio.]
[No. 44.] — Scattering Orders by Generals Lee, Spencer, Greene and Nixon — [Colonel Little’s Order Book]
General Spencer’s Orders
New York, Sept. 8th.
All the guards in the posts are to be continued as large as at any time, & be very vigilant & alert. All the Regts are to lie on their arms this night & be ready to turn out at the shortest notice, as it is not improbable we may be speedily attacked. Gen. Wadsworth to send an adjutant to Head Quarters tomorrow for orders.
Sept. 9th.
Guard same as this day & fatigues. The several Brigades in this Division are to lodge on their arms this night & be ready to turn out on the shortest notice. Cols. &c. are to take particular care of the arms & ammunition. Col. Chester to send an adjutant to Head Quarters for orders.
General Nixon’s Orders
New York Sept 9th.
A serjeant, Corporal & 12 men daily to mount as a guard at Gen. Nixon’s quarters. Officers of guard in the night are to send visiting rounds between every relief. Complaints are made that orders are not made known to soldiers. The General expressly enjoins that the adjutant see that the orders are daily read to the several regiments, that the soldiers may not plead ignorance thereof.
Sept. 10th.
The Gen. desires officers not to suffer their men to straggle as we may expect a sudden attack, when one is made. The Genl desires all the officers to lodge in camp, as in the critical situation of affairs, much depends on their vigilance.
General Greene’s Orders
Fort Constitution Sept. 30th.
Major Box is appointed & requested in conjunction with the Engineers of this Department & Col. Bull to oversee & forward the fortifications at Fort Constitution. Lt. Col. Cornell is appointed Dep. Assistant Adj. Genl. for this Division. The Qr. Mr. Genl is directed to provide tools of all kinds necessary for a Blacksmith’s & Armorer’s shop, large enough to do the business of this part of the army. Many trangressions of genl orders happen for want of their being read & explained to the men. The Genl directs that all orders issued be read to the men in Regts or Companies, & that every Captain provide himself with an orderly book that the men may be fully informed of their duty. The adjts of regiments are to report any neglect.
Oct. 2d.
The Brigrs. or officers commanding Brigades are requested to send the Brigde Majors or some other proper officers to fetch the new regulations of the army, & distribute them among the Regts of their Brigades & the C. officers of each regt or corps are directed to have them read—to have the rules & regulations read first to the whole regiment drawn up for that purpose & then order the Captains to read them again to each of their companies the day after they have been read to the regts—to be continued the first Monday in every month. Lt. Mills of Col. Hitchcock’s Regt is requested to collect a party of carpenters from either of the Brigades, regts or corps in this Division of the army, that are willing to enter the work for the same pay, that was allowed last campaign. Officers for the day. Major Bailey—for fatigue Major Bartholomew.
Oct 4th.
A guard to mount to-morrow at 8 a.m. to relieve the guard over Hackensack River—to take 3 days provision with them. Officers for the Day Lt Col. Crary—for fatigue Lt Col. Culbertson.
Oct. 6th.
The Post to be carried out at any time when he arrives, night or day. No person under guard in the main guard to be released without permission from the guard. A fatigue party of 400 to complete the fortifications at Fort Constitution—Cols. Durkee’s, Bradley’s, Rolling’s & William’s Regts. to form a brigade under Genl Roberdeau, until his Excellency’s pleasure be further known. The D. Adjt. Genl is directed to appoint a grand parade, where all guards for different posts are to parade.
Oct. 7th.
A guard of 50 men to relieve the guard at Hoebuck’s Ferry immediately, to take 4 days provisions. The commanding officers of Regts—in the English neighborhood are to take care that none of the rails are burnt in their Regts for fire wood. Regts are to be furnished with firewood daily, apply to Q.M. Genl for teams. A sub. & 30 men to go immediately for the stock brought from Bergen.
Oct. 8th.
Application for leave of absence from camp for a short time on the occasional business of the regt. is to be made to the Brigr Genl or the commanding officers of Brigade—Brigrs are desired not to grant liberty of absence unless on real business. The houses upon the waterside, near the ferry are to be cleared of the present inhabitants for the use of the guards & ferrymen. A cap. & 40 men well acquainted with rowing to be drawn for the management of the ferryboats. This party to be excused from other duty & to be continued in that employ. All the Axes in the different regts are to be delivered to the Q.M. Genl Col. Biddle, & he is to deliver an equal proportion to the Regts retaining enough for the Public works. Cap. Olney of Col. Hitchcock’s Regt & Cap. Warner of Col. Little’s are appointed to assist in overseeing the fortifications & are to be excused from all other duty. Commanding officers of Regts are requested to fix upon proper places for Barracks, none to be nearer the fort than 50 rods. The Genl desires comg officers to divide the regts into messes of 8 men. The men must build timber huts, as boards are not to be had. Boards are to be had only for the roof. The huts are to be 12 feet long by 9 wide, to have stone chimneys & to be ranged in proper streets. The guard at the Bridge to be relieved immediately. The Cap. of the Artillery is directed to examine the state of the amunition in the magazine & report to the D. At. Qr. The Genl directs that none of the troops go out of drum call, without liberty from the Comg officer of the regt. The rolls of companies are to be called 4 times a day. Men not to be found when the regts are called to parade may expect to be severely punished & the officers if negligent of their duty are to be arrested—Adjutant Colman is appointed to do the duty of Brigade Major for Genl Nixon’s Brigade while Major Box is employed on the Fortifications.
Oct. 13th.
Gen. Nixon’s & Gen. Roberdeau’s Brigade are to draw & cook themselves 3 days provisions immediately. The guard to be relieved from Col. Ewing’s Brigade, the guards at Bergen to be excepted. The other two Brigades to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment’s warning. Cap. Spurr from Col. Hitchcock’s regt is to oversee fatigue parties employed on Fortifications. The Comy is desired to kill all the fat cattle brought from Bergen, that the inhabitants don’t claim—take an account of all the marks & numbers & have their value estimated by 2 or 3 good men. The sheep that are fit are to be killed for the use of the Army. An exact account of their number & marks and value is to be kept. The Qr. M. Gen. is directed to take all horses brought from Bergen & not claimed & to employ such as are fit in the service; the rest to be disposed of at Public Vendue. Lest any should be injured that cannot claim his property, a record is to be kept describing the natural & artificial marks & the value of each.
General Nixon’s Orders
Fort Constitution Oct. 13th.
It is Gen. Greene’s orders that my Brigade move over the Ferry immediately. The regiments to leave a careful officer & 12 men each to bring forward their baggage to King’s Bridge, who is to take care that none of it be left behind or lost. When the Regts are over the ferry, they will march to Mt Washington & remain there till further orders—You will hurry the march as fast as possible, as they must cross the ferry this night—
Jno Nixon B.G.
To Dudley Colman, A.B.M.
East Chester Oct. 16th.
The several regts in this Brigade are to draw 4 days provision & have it cooked immediately. The Q.M. will apply to the assistant Q.M. Genl for carriages to transport their provisions. Col. Varnum’s Regt to relieve Col. Nixon’s at Froggs Point this p.m.
Oct. 16th.
Sir—You are to order Col. Varnum’s regt to march immediately to Froggs Neck to relieve Col. Ritzema’s or Col. Malcolm’s regt (which of the two you find there not relieved). You will get a pilot from Col. Nixon’s regt to direct them thither.
Jno. Nixon B.G.
To Dudly Colman, Brigade Major.
Miles Square, East Chester Oct. 18th.
Sir—You will have a working party of 300 men & officers ready to go to work as soon as the tools arrive, which I have sent for & you will see that suitable guards are mounted by each regiment.
Jno. Nixon, B. Gen.
To D. Colman, B. Major.
General Lee’s Orders
Miles Square, Oct. 19th.
Gen. Lee returns his warmest thanks to Col. Glover, and the Brigade under his command, not only for his gallant behavior yesterday, but for their prudent, cool, orderly & soldier like conduct in all respects. He assures these brave men that he shall omit no opportunity of showing his gratitude. The wounded are to be immediately sent to Valentines Hill at the second Liberty pole where surgeons should at once repair to dress their wounds. They are afterwards to be forwarded to Fort Washington.
[No. 45.] — General Lee to Colonel Chester
Camp [Morristown?] Decr: 7th 1776.
Sir—
You are to proceed from hence to a certain mill about 8 miles distant where you are to take Post in the most advantageous manner possible, with half your Party, and remain yourself: The other half you are to detach under the most understanding, cool officer you can select. He is to proceed to Harrington Township, where they are to collect, all the serviceable horses, all the spare Blankets (that is to leave a sufficient number to cover the People) they are to collect any spare shoes, great Coats, to serve as Watch Coats—The People from whom they are taken are not to be insulted; either by actions or language; but told that the urgent necessity of the Troop, obliges us to the Measure—That unless we adopt it, their liberties must Perish—That they must make an Estimate, of what is taken and the Publick shall pay them—The officer who commands the Party detach’d, above all, must take care to advance a Party, to look out, on the Road of Hackinsack in the Front of the Party who are collecting, that they may not be surprised, whilst they are thus occupied—A Canadian and Monsr. Vernajou will conduct you; when the whole is finished, you are to march by another Road to Morristown: By a Road which will be indicated: you are not to suffer any Country People to pass by you, who might inform the Enemy of your motions—if the Collecting Party should be attacked, they will naturally return but in good order to your Post—the horses and necessaries collected are to be brought up to Morris Town and then be disposed of by the General—
Charles Lee, Major-General.
Colonel Chester.
[Original in possession of Rev. Dr. John Chester, Washington, D.C.]
[No. 46.] — Captain Bradford’s Account of the Capture of General Lee244
“Gen. Lee had advanced with his Division to Baskenridge, about twenty-two miles from the Enemy’s advanced Guards, where they lodged the night of Dec. 12th, Gen. Sullivan being with the body of the Division, & Gen. Lee in the Rear, or on the flank of the rear about 2 Miles from the body, having with him only his aid-de-camp, Mr. Bradford, a Major with an express from Gen. Gates, a French Colonel, a French Captain, the latter in our service, the former just from Paris by the way of Dartmouth in Mass. with dispatches for Congress, & perhaps a dozen guards. The house was surrounded on one side with a wood, on the other an orchard. The Gen. had just sent forward Gen. Sullivan, who marched with the Division about 8 o’clock in the morning, tarrying himself to finish dispatches to Gen. Gates, which having just done, dressed & sent for his horses, was ready to mount, & would have been gone in 5 or 10 minutes, when about 10 o’clock they were surprised with about 50 horse, which came on the house from the wood & orchard at once & surrounding fired upon it. The French Col. escaped & was pursued & overtaken. Gen. Lee looked out of the window to see how the guards behaved, & saw the enemy twice with his hanger cut off the arm of one of the Guards crying for quarter—the guard behaved well, fired at first, but were rushed upon & subdued. The Gen. sees then that they must submit, & after walking the chamber perhaps 10 or 15 minutes, told his aid-de-camp to go down & tell them Gen. Lee submitted. Mr. Bradford went to the door & on opening it a whole volley of shot came in the door—he spoke loud & opened again & delivered his orders. Gen. Lee came forward & surrendered himself a prisoner of war, saying he trusted they would use him like a gentleman. Of this one of them gave assurance & ordered him instantly to mount. He requested His Hat & Cloke and Mr. Bradford went in to fetch it, but changing his clothes on his return they did not know him from a servant & laying down the General’s Hat and Cloke he escaped back into the house. They immediately rode back in triumph with the Genl.”
[From the Stiles MS. Diary, Yale College Library.]
[No. 47.] — General Oliver Wolcott to His Wife Litchfield, Conn
Philadelphia245 December 13 1776
My dear Spouse
The 11th in the Evening a Detachment of the Enemy took possession of Burlington, about 20 miles from this City on the Jersey shore. The Rest of their Army are at Trenton, and upon the Banks of the River above it; their numbers are uncertain, but are computed about twelve thousand, and as their Designs, are undoubtedly to gain Possession of this City, the Congress, upon the advice of Genls Putnam and Mifflin (who are now here to provide for the Protection of the Place,) as well as the Result of their own Opinion, have adjourned themselves to Baltimore in Maryland, about 110 miles from this City, as it was judged, that the Council of America, ought not to sit in a Place liable to be interrupted by the rude Disorder of Arms, so that I am at this moment, going forward for that place. Whether the Army will succeed in their cruel Designs against this City, must be left to time to discover. Congress have ordered the General to defend it to the last extremity, and God grant that he may be successful in his Exertions.
Whatever Event may take place, the American Cause will be supported to the last, and I trust in God that it will succeed. The Grecian, Roman and Dutch States were in their Infancy reduced to the greatest Distress, infinitely beyond what we have yet experienced. The God who governs the Universe and who holds Empires in His Hand, can with the least Effort of His Will, grant us all that Security Opulence and Power which they have enjoyed.
The present scene it is true appears somewhat gloomy, but the natural or more obvious cause seems to be owing to the term of enlistment of the Army having expired. I hope we may have a most respectable one before long established. The business of war is the result of Experience.
It is probable that France before long will involve Great Britain in a war who by unhappy Experience may learn the Folly of attempting to enslave a People who by the ties of Consanguinity and Affection ever were desirous of promoting her truest Happiness.
Gen. Howe has lately published a Proclamation abusing the Congress as having sinister Designs upon the People and has offered to such as will accept of Pardon upon an unlimited Submission, “Royal Forgiveness.” But who is base enough to wish to have a precarious Care dependent upon the caprice of Power, unrestrained by any Law and governed by the dangerous thirst of Avarice and Ambition?
My best love to my children and friends. May the Almighty ever have you and them in his protection
yours with the most
Inviolable affection
Oliver Wolcott.
To Mrs. Laura Wolcott
Litchfield
Connecticut.
[Original in possession of Frederick H. Wolcott, Esq., Astoria, L.I.]
Battles of Trenton and Princeton
[No. 48.] — Captain William Hull to Andrew Adams Litchfield, Conn
Trenton, Jany 1st, 1777.
Dear Sir:
Have but a moment which shall embrace with Pleasure to inform you of the present State of our Army and our late Success. After we had recruited a few days of a fatiguing March of more than 250 Miles (thro’ all our Windings) Genl. Washington gave orders for us to be every way equiped for Action. On the Evening of the 25th Ult. we were ordered to March to a ferry [McConkey’s] about twelve Miles from Trenton, where was stationed near two Thousand Hessians. As violent a Storm ensued of Hail & Snow as I ever felt. The Artillery and Infantry all were across the Ferry about twelve O’clock, consisting of only twenty one hundred principally New England Troops. In this Violent Storm we marched on for Trenton. Before Light in the Morning we gained all the Roads leading from Trenton. The Genl. gave orders that every Officer’s Watch should be set by his, and the Moment of Attack was fixed. Just after Light, we came to their out Guard, which fired upon us and retreated. The first Sound of the Musquetry and Retreat of the Guards animated the Men and they pushed on with Resolution and Firmness. Happily the fire begun on every Side at the same instant, their Main body had just Time to form when there ensued a heavy Cannonade from our Field Pieces and a fine brisk and lively fire from our Infantry. This continued but a Short Time before the Enemy finding themselves flanked on every Side laid down their Arms. The Resolution and Bravery of our Men, their Order and Regulariety gave me the highest Sensation of Pleasure. Genl. Washington highly congratulated the Men on next day in Genl. Orders, and with Pleasure observed, that he had been in Many Actions before, but always perceived some Misbehaviour in some individuals, but in that Action he saw none. Pennsylvania itself is obliged to acknowledge the Bravery of New Eng’d Troops. I have a List from Head Quarters of the Killed and taken, which was taken the day after the Action, since which many more have been brought in: 1 Col. wounded since dead, 2 Lieut. Cols. taken, 3 Majors, 4 Capts. 8 Lieuts., 12 Ens’ns, 92 Serj’ts, 9 Musicians, 12 Drums, 25 Servants, 842 Privates, 2 Capt’s Killed, 2 Lieuts. killed 50 privates Six Brass Field Pieces, One Mortar, and about 1500 Stand of Arms. A large Number of Horses and a vast Quantity of Plunder of every kind. And this, Sir, I will assure you with only the Loss of six or seven on our side, this is no Exaggeration but simple fact, ’tis impossible to describe the scene to you as it appeared. We immediately retreated across the River and did not get to our Tents till next Morning—two Nights and one day in as violent a Storm as I ever felt. What can’t Men do when engaged in so noble a Cause. Our Men’s Time Expired Yesterday, they have generally engaged to tarry six weeks longer. My company almost to a man. Orders have now come for us to march for Princetown. We have a Rumor that it was burned last night by the Enemy, who we suppose are about retreating. Compliments to Miss Adams & Children. Adieu and believe me to be sincerely yours,
Wm. Hull.
[Legacy of Historical Gleanings. By Mrs. C.V.R. Bonney. Vol. I., p. 57. Munsell, Albany. 1875.]
[No. 49.] — Colonel Knox to His Wife
Delaware River, near Trenton,
Dec. 28, 1776, near 12 o’clock.
... Trenton is an open town, situated nearly on the banks of the Delaware, accessible on all sides. Our army was scattered along the river for nearly twenty-five miles. Our intelligence agreed that the force of the enemy in Trenton was from two to three thousand, with about six field cannon, and that they were pretty secure in their situation, and that they were Hessians—no British troops. A hardy design was formed of attacking the town by storm. Accordingly a part of the army, consisting of about 2,500 or 3,000, passed the river on Christmas night, with almost infinite difficulty, with eighteen field-pieces. The floating ice in the river made the labor almost incredible. However, perseverance accomplished what at first seemed impossible. About two o’clock the troops were all on the Jersey side; we then were about nine miles from the object. The night was cold and stormy; it hailed with great violence; the troops marched with the most profound silence and good order. They arrived by two routes at the same time, about half an hour after daylight, within one mile of the town. The storm continued with great violence, but was in our backs, and consequently in the faces of our enemy. About half a mile from the town was an advanced guard on each road, consisting of a captains guard. These we forced, and entered the town with them pell-mell; and here succeeded a scene of war of which I had often conceived, but never saw before. The hurry, fright, and confusion of the enemy was [not] unlike that which will be when the last trump shall sound. They endeavored to form in streets, the heads of which we had previously the possession of with cannon and howitzers; these, in the twinkling of an eye, cleared the streets. The backs of the houses were resorted to for shelter. These proved ineffectual; the musketry soon dislodged them. Finally they were driven through the town into an open plain beyond. Here they formed in an instant. During the contest in the streets measures were taken for putting an entire stop to their retreat by posting troops and cannon in such passes and roads as it was possible for them to get away by. The poor fellows after they were formed on the plain saw themselves completely surrounded, the only resource left was to force their way through numbers unknown to them. The Hessians lost part of their cannon in the town; they did not relish the project of forcing, and were obliged to surrender upon the spot, with all their artillery, six brass pieces, army colors, &c. A Colonel Rawle commanded, who was wounded. The number of prisoners was above 1,200, including officers,—all Hessians. There were few killed or wounded on either side. After having marched off the prisoners and secured the cannon, stores, &c., we returned to the place, nine miles distant, where we had embarked. Providence seemed to have smiled upon every part of this enterprise. Great advantages may be gained from it if we take the proper steps. At another post we have pushed over the river 2,000 men, to-day another body, and to-morrow the whole army will follow. It must give a sensible pleasure to every friend of the rights of man to think with how much intrepidity our people pushed the enemy, and prevented their forming in the town.
His Excellency the General has done me the unmerited great honor of thanking me in public orders in terms strong and polite. This I should blush to mention to any other than to you, my dear Lucy; and I am fearful that even my Lucy may think her Harry possesses a species of little vanity in doing [it] at all.
Morristown Jan. 7 1777.
I wrote to you from Trenton by a Mr. Furness which I hope you have received. I then informed you that we soon expected another tussle. I was not out in my conjecture. About three o’clock on the second of January, a column of the enemy attacked a party of ours which was stationed one mile above Trenton. Our party was small and did not make much resistance. The enemy, who were Hessians, entered the town pell-mell pretty much in the same manner that we had driven them a few days before.
Nearly on the other side of Trenton, partly in the town, runs a brook [the Assanpink], which in most places is not fordable, and over which through Trenton is a bridge. The ground on the other side is much higher than on this, and may be said to command Trenton completely. Here it was our army drew up with thirty or forty pieces in front. The enemy pushed our small party through the town with vigor, though not with much loss. Their retreat over the bridge was thoroughly secured by the artillery. After they had retired over the bridge, the enemy advanced within reach of our cannon, who saluted them with great vociferation and some execution. This continued till dark when of course it ceased, except a few shells which we now and then chucked into town to prevent their enjoying their new quarters securely. As I before mentioned, the creek was in our front, our left on the Delaware, our right in a wood parallel to the creek. The situation was strong, to be sure; but hazardous on this account, that had our right wing been defeated, the defeat of the left would almost have been an inevitable consequence, and the whole thrown into confusion or pushed into the Delaware, as it was impassable by boats.
From these circumstances the general thought best to attack Princeton, twelve miles in the rear of the enemy’s grand army, and where they had the 17th, 40th, and 55th regiments, with a number of draughts, altogether perhaps twelve hundred men. Accordingly about one o’clock at night we began to march and make this most extra manœvre. Our troops marched with great silence and order, and arrived near Princeton a little after daybreak. We did not surprise them as at Trenton; for they were on their march down to Trenton, on a road about a quarter of a mile distant from that in which we were. You may judge of their surprise when they saw such large columns marching up. They could not possibly suppose it was our army, for that they took for granted was cooped up near Trenton. They could not possibly suppose it was their own array returning by a back road; in short, I believe they were as much astonished as if an army had dropped perpendicularly upon them. However they had not much time for consideration. We pushed a party to attack them. This they repulsed with great spirit, and advanced upon another column just then coming out of a wood, which they likewise put in some disorder; but fresh troops coming up, and the artillery beginning to play, they were after a smart resistance put totally to the rout. The 18th regiment used their bayonets with too much severity upon a party they put to flight; but they were paid for it in proportion, very few escaping. Near sixty were killed on the spot besides the wounded. We have taken between three and four hundred prisoners, all British troops. They must have lost in this affair nearly five hundred killed, wounded, and prisoners. We lost some gallant officers. Brigadier-General Mercer was wounded: he had three separate stabs with a bayonet. A Lieutenant-Colonel Fleming was killed, and Captain Neil of the artillery an excellent officer. Mercer will get better. The enemy took his parole after we left Princeton. We took all their cannon, which consisted of two brass six-pounders, a considerable amount of military stores, blankets, guns, &c. They lost, among a number of other officers, a Captain Leslie, a son of the Earl of Leven and nephew to General Leslie: him we brought oft and buried with honors of war.
After we had been about two hours at Princeton, word was brought that the enemy was advancing from Trenton. This they did, as we have since been informed, in a most infernal sweat,—running, puffing, and blowing, and swearing at being so outwitted. As we had other objects in view, to wit, breaking up their quarters, we pursued our march to Somerset Court House, where there were about thirteen hundred quartered, as we had been informed. They, however, had marched off, and joined the army at Trenton. We at first intended to have made a forced march to Brunswick; but our men having been without rest, rum, or provisions for two nights and days were unequal to the task of marching seventeen miles further. If we could have secured one thousand fresh men at Princeton to have pushed for Brunswick, we should have struck one of the most brilliant strokes in all history. However the advantages are very great: already they have collected their whole force, and drawn themselves to one point, to wit, Brunswick.
The enemy were within nineteen miles of Philadelphia, they are now sixty miles. We have driven them from almost the whole of West Jersey. The panic is still kept up. We had a battle two days ago with a party of ours and sixty Waldeckers, who were all killed or taken, in Monmouth County in the lower part of the Jerseys. It is not our interest to fight a general battle, nor can I think, under all circumstances, it is the enemy’s. They have sent their baggage to Staten Island from the Jerseys, and we are very well informed they are doing the same from New York. Heath will have orders to march there and endeavor to storm it from that side. ‘There is a tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood leads on to victory.’
[Life, etc. of General Knox. By Francis S. Drake. Boston, 1873.]
[No. 50.] — Col. Haslet to Cæsar Rodney
Allentown January 2nd 1777.
This morning we were called up at 2 o’clock under a pretended alarm that we were to be attacked by the enemy but by daylight we were ordered to march for Trenton, and when we reached Crosswicks found that the brigade had gone. We reached Trenton about 11 o’clock and found all the troops from our different posts in Jersey, collected and collecting there under General Washington himself; and the regular troops were already properly disposed to receive the enemy, whose main body was then within a few miles and determined to dispossess us.
Trenton stands upon the River Delaware, with a creek called the Assanpink passing through the town across which there is a bridge.
The enemy came down on the upper side of this creek, through the town, and a number of our troops were posted with Riflemen and artillery to oppose their approach.
The main body of our army was drawn up on a plain below, or on the lower side of the Assanpink, near the bridge, and the main force of our Artillery was posted on the banks and high ground along the creek in front of them.
Gen. Mercer’s brigade was posted about 2 miles up the creek, and the troops under Gen. Cadwallader were stationed in a field on the right about a mile from the town, on the main road, to prevent the enemy from flanking. We had five pieces of Artillery with our division and about 20 more in the field, near, and at the town. Our numbers were about five thousand, and the enemy’s about seven thousand. The attack began about 2 o’clock and a heavy fire upon both sides, chiefly from the artillery continued untill dark.
At this time the enemy were left in possession of the upper part of the town, but we kept possession of the bridge, altho’ the enemy attempted several times to carry it but were repulsed each time with great slaughter. After sunset this afternoon the enemy came down in a very heavy column to force the bridge. The fire was very heavy and the Light troops were ordered to fly to the support of that important post, and as we drew near, I stepped out of the front to order my men to close up; at this time Martinas Sipple was about 10 sets behind the man next in front of him; I at once drew my sword and threatened to cut his head off if he did not keep close, he then sprang forward and I returned to the front. The enemy were soon defeated and retired and the American army also retired to the woods, where they encamped and built up fires. I then had the roll called to see if any of our men were missing and Martinas was not to be found, but Leut. Mark McCall informed me that immediately upon my returning to the head of the column, after making him close up, he fled out of the field.246 We lost but few men; the enemy considerably more. It is thought Gen. Washington did not intend to hold the upper part of the town.
[Original in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq.]
[No. 51.] — Journal of Captain Thomas Rodney247
January 3rd 1777.
... At two o’clock this morning, the ground having been frozen firm by a keen N. West wind, secret orders were issued to each department and the whole army was at once put in motion, but no one knew what the Gen. meant to do. Some thought that we were going to attack the enemy in the rear; some that we were going to Princeton; the latter proved to be right. We went by a bye road on the right hand which made it about 16 miles. During this nocturnal march I with the Dover Company and the Red Feather Company of Philadelphia Light Infantry led the van of the army and Capt. Henry with the other three companies of Philadelphia Light Infantry brought up the rear. The van moved on all night in the most cool and determined order, but on the march great confusion happened in the rear. There was a cry that they were surrounded by the Hessians, and several corps of Militia broke and fled towards Bordentown, but the rest of the column remained firm and pursued their march without disorder, but those who were frightened and fled did not recover from their panic until they reached Burlington.
When we had proceeded to within a mile and a half of Princeton and the van had crossed Stony Brook, Gen. Washington ordered our Infantry to file off to one side of the road and halt. Gen. Sullivan was ordered to wheel to the right and flank the town on that side, and two Brigades were ordered to wheel to the left, to make a circuit and surround the town on that side and as they went to break down the Bridge and post a party at the mill on the main road, to oppose the enemy’s main army if they should pursue us from Trenton.
The third Division was composed of Gen. Mercer’s Brigade of Continental troops, about 300 men, and Cadwalader’s brigade of Philadelphia Militia to which brigade the whole of our light Infantry Regiment was again annexed.
Mercer’s brigade marched in front and another corp of infantry brought up the rear. My company flanked the whole brigade on the right in an Indian file so that my men were very much extended and distant from each other; I marched in front and was followed by Sargeant McKnatt and next to him was Nehemiah Tilton. Mercer’s brigade which was headed by Col. Haslet of Delaware on foot and Gen. Mercer on horseback was to march straight on to Princeton without turning to the right or left.
It so happened that two Regiments of British troops that were on their march to Trenton to reinforce their army there, received intelligence of the movements of the American Army (for the sun rose as we passed over Stony Brook) and about a mile from Princeton they turned off from the main road and posted themselves behind a long string of buildings and an orchard on the straight road to Princeton.
The two first Divisions of our army therefore passed wide to the right and left, and leaving them undiscovered went into Princeton. Gen. Mercer’s Brigade, owing to some delay in arranging Cadwallader’s men had advanced several hundred yards ahead and never discovered the enemy until he was turning the buildings they were posted behind, and then they were not more than fifty yards off.
He immediately formed his men, with great courage, and poured a heavy fire in upon the enemy. But they being greatly superior in number returned the fire and charged bayonets, and their onset was so fierce that Gen. Mercer fell mortally wounded and many of his officers were killed, and the brigade being effectually broken up, began a disorderly flight. Col. Haslet retired some small distance behind the buildings and endeavored to rally them, but receiving a bullet through his head, dropt dead on the spot and the whole brigade fled in confusion. At this instant Gen. Cadwallader’s Philadelphia Brigade came up and the enemy checked by their appearance took post behind a fence, and a ditch in front of the buildings before mentioned, and so extended themselves that every man could load and fire incessantly; the fence stood on low ground between two hills; on the hill behind the British line they had eight pieces of artillery which played incessantly with round and grape shot on our brigade, and the fire was extremely hot. Yet Gen. Cadwalader led up the head of the column with the greatest bravery to within 50 yards of the enemy, but this was rashly done, for he was obliged to recoil; and leaving one piece of his artillery, he fell back about 40 yards and endeavored to form the brigade, and some companies did form and gave a few vollies, but the fire of the enemy was so hot, that, at the sight of the Regular troops running to the rear, the militia gave way and the whole brigade broke and most of them retired to a woods about 150 yards in the rear; but two pieces of artillery stood their ground and were served with great skill and bravery.
At this time a field officer was sent to order me to take post on the left of the artillery, until the brigade should form again, and, with the Philadelphia Infantry keep up a fire from some stacks and buildings, and to assist the artillery in preventing the enemy from advancing. We now crossed the enemy’s fire from right to Left and took position behind some stacks just on the left of the artillery; and about 30 of the Philadelphia Infantry were under cover of a house on our left and a little in the rear.
About 150 of my men came to this post, but I could not keep them all there, for the enemies fire was dreadful and three balls, for they were very thick, had grazed me; one passed within my elbow nicking my great coat and carried away the breech of Sargeant McKnatts gun, he being close behind me, another carried away the inside edge of one of my shoe soles, another had nicked my hat and indeed they seemed as thick as hail. From these stacks and buildings we, with the two pieces of Artillery kept up a continuous fire on the enemy, and in all probability it was this circumstance that prevented the enemy from advancing, for they could not tell the number we had posted behind these covers and were afraid to attempt passing them; but if they had known how few they were they might easily have advanced while the two brigades were in confusion and routed the whole body, for it was a long time before they could be reorganized again and indeed many, that were panic struck, ran quite off. Gen. Washington having rallied both Gen. Mercer’s and Gen. Cadwallader’s brigade, they moved forward and when they came to where the Artillery stood began a very heavy platoon fire on the march. This the enemy bore but a few minutes and then threw down their arms and ran. We then pushed forwards towards the town spreading over the fields and through the woods to enclose the enemy and take prisoners. The fields were covered with baggage which the Gen. ordered to be taken care of. Our whole force met at the Court House and took there about 200 prisoners and about 200 others pushed off and were pursued by advanced parties who took about 50 more. In this engagement we lost about 20 killed, the enemy about 100 men killed and lost the field. This is a very pretty little town on the York road 12 miles from Trenton; the houses are built of brick and are very elegant especially the College which has 52 rooms in it; but the whole town has been ravaged and ruined by the enemy.
As soon as the enemy’s main army heard our cannon at Princeton (and not ’til then) they discovered our manouvre and pushed after us with all speed and we had not been above an hour in possession of the town before the enemy’s light horse and advanced parties attacked our party at the bridge, but our people by a very heavy fire kept the pass until our whole army left the town. Just as our army began our march through Princetown with all their prisoners and spoils the van of the British army we had left at Trenton came in sight, and entered the town about an hour after we left it, but made no stay and pushed on towards Brunswick for fear we should get there before him, which was indeed the course our General intended to pursue had he not been detained too long in collecting the Baggage and Artillery which the enemy had left behind him. Our army marched on to Kingston then wheeled to the left and went down the Millstone, keeping that River on our left; the main body of the British army followed, but kept on through Kingston to Brunswick; but one division or a strong party of horse took the road to the left of the Millstone and arrived on the hill, at the bridge on that road just as the van of the American Army arrived on the opposite side. I was again commanding the van of our army, and General Washington seeing the enemy, rode forward and ordered me to halt and take down a number of carpenters which he had ordered forward and break up the bridge, which was done and the enemy were obliged to return. We then marched on to a little village called Stone brook or Summerset Court House about 15 miles from Princeton where we arrived just at dusk. About an hour before we arrived here 150 of the enemy from Princeton and 50 which were stationed in this town went off with 20 wagons laden with Clothing and Linen, and 400 of the Jersey militia who surrounded them were afraid to fire on them and let them go off unmolested and there were no troops in our army fresh enough to pursue them, or the whole might have been taken in a few hours. Our army now was extremely fatigued not having had any refreshment since yesterday morning, and our baggage had all been sent away the morning of the action at Trenton; yet they are in good health and in high spirits....
Morristown January 6th 1777.
We left Pluckemin this morning and arrived at Morristown just before sunset. The order of march, was first a small advance guard, next the officers who were prisoners, next my Light Infantry Regiment, in columns of four deep; next the prisoners flanked by the riflemen, next the head of the main column, with the artillery in front. Our whole Light Infantry are quartered in a very large house belonging to Col. Ford having 4 Rooms on a floor and Two stories high. This town is situated among the mountains of Morris County, about 18 miles from Elizabethtown, 28 from Brunswick and 20 from Carroll’s Ferry.
[Originals in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq.]
[No. 52.] — Position of the British at the Close of the Campaign
“The following were the exact stations of Gen. Howe’s army on the 6th of January, 1777, from an authentic account.
At New York.—The first brigade of British consisting of the 4th, 15th, 27th, and 45th regiments; a squadron of light dragoons of the 17th; and three Hessian regiments, viz. Hereditary Prince, Cassel and Donop.
At Harlem.—The sixth brigade, British, consisting of the 23d, 44th, and 6th regiments, and a brigade of Hessians.
At Amboy.—33d and 71st Regiments, and remains of 7th and 16th [?] regiments; a detachment of dragoons, and the Waldeck regiment.
At Brunswick.—The guards, grenadiers, and light infantry. Second brigade, British, consisting of the 5th, 28th, 35th, and 49th regiments. Fourth brigade, British, consisting of the 17th, 40th, 46th, and 55th regiments, and the 42 regiment, which is not brigaded. Also Donop’s corps, Hessian grenadiers, and chasseurs.
At Bergen.—The 57th regiment, ordered to Amboy, and preparing to embark.
At Rhode Island.—Third and fifth brigades of British, consisting of the 10th, 37th, 38th, and 52d; of the 22d, 43d, 54th, and 63d regiments; a battalion of grenadiers, and one of light infantry; a troop of light dragoons; a detachment of artillery, and two brigades of Hessians.
This account shews clearly what places Gen. Howe is in possession of, and what he is not; that in Jersey he has only Brunswick and Amboy, and in New York only York city and Harlem. All other places are in possession of the Americans, who seem by the last accounts to be endeavoring to cut off the troops at Brunswick.”
[London Chronicle, March 1-4, 1777.]
Returns and Statements of Prisoners
1776.
[No. 53.] — Narrative of Lieut. Jabez Fitch — Taken Prisoner on Long Island248
... “I myself was so happy as to fall at first into ye hands... of ye 57th Regt who used me with some degree of Civility, altho, some perticular Offrs were very liberal of their favourite Term (Rebels) & now & then did not forget to Remind me of a halter, &c; they did not Rob or Strip me of any of my Clothing, only took my Arms & Amunition, & after keeping me in ye Field sometime, in Confinment with several others under a Strong Guard, was sent off to Genll Grants Quarters, at Gowaynes. In this March we passd through ye Front of several Brigades of Hessians who were peraded on several Emininences in order of Battle; they Indeed made a very Warlike appearance, & as no power appear’d at yt [that] time to oppose them, their whole attention seemed to be fixed on us, nor were they by any means, sparing of their Insults; But their Offrs Esspacially, Represented to ye life (as far as their Capacitys would admit) ye conduct of Infernal Spirits, under Certain Restrictions; Having pas’d through those Savage Insults, we at length came to a hill nigh to the place where we at first engaged ye Enimy ye morning; we were here met by a number of Insolent Soldiers among whom was one Woman who appeared remarkably Malicious and attempted several times, to throw Stones at us, when one of our Guard Informed me yt her husband had been killed in this Day’s Action; we were then conducted down to a barn near ye water side, where we were drove into a Yard among a great number of Offrs & men who had been taken before us; soon after we came here, Capt. Jewett with a number of others were brought in, & Confin’d with us; Capt. Jewett had Recd two Wounds with a Bayonet after he was taken & Strip’d of his Arms, & part of his Cloths, one in ye Brest & ye other in ye Belly, of wich he Languished with great pain untill ye Thirdsday following when he Died; Sargt Graves was also Stab’d in ye Thigh with a Bayonet, after he was taken with Capt Jewett, of wich wound he recovered altho’ he afterward perrish’d in Prison with many hundred others at N. York.... After being some time confined in this Yard, Capt Jewett & some others who were wounded were ordered to some other place in order to have their Wounds dress’d, & I see no more of them this Night.... Early next morning Capt Jewett came to us in excessive pain with his wounds already dress’d, but yet notwithstanding ye applications of several of ye Enimy’s Cirgions, Especially one Docr Howe (a young Scotch Gent) who treated him with great civility & tenderness, he Languished untill ye Thirdsday following (viz: ye 29th of Augt at about 5 oClock in ye Morning) when he Expired, & was Buried in an Orchard nigh sd House, at about 8 ye same morning, with as much Deacence as our present Situation would Admit; I myself [was] Indulg’d by Gnll Grant, at ye application of Majr Brown, who Attended us in this place, to Attend ye Captains Funeral; The aforesaid Majr Brown treated us with ye greatest Civility & Complesance, during our confinment in this place, & Endeavour’d to make our Accomodations, as agreable as possable; Genll Grant also was so good as to send us (with his Compliments,) two Quarters of Mutton well Cook’d, & several Loves of Bread, which were Acceptable to us, as most of us had eat nothing since ye Monday before.”
[From copy of original in possession of Mr. Chas. I. Bushnell, New York.]
[No. 54.] — Extract From the Journal of Lieut. William McPherson — Taken Prisoner on Long Island249
“Wm McPherson, Lieut. was taken Prisoner the 27th Day of August by the Hathians [Hessians] and was taken to Flatbush, that evening and staid there five days and then they marched us down to the river and sent us aboard of one of their transports. Sept. the 15th. I am as hearty as the time will admit. The Generals who were taken on Long Island are Genl Sullivan, Lord Sterling. They were taken the 27th of Augt. 1776. That day there were twenty-three thousand of the King’s troops on Long Island and about twenty-six hundred of the Continental troops against them which was suffered very much. Sept. 22d. We sailed from below the Narrows up near New York and there we —— the 23d day. There was some firing from the Rowbuck & another small vessel against our work on Paulus Hook which continued about half an hour. Col. Miles got leave to go to Philadelphia this 26th of November 1776, from New York where he was prisoner. The 7th of October we all left the Snow Mentor and were taken into New York and was put into a close house there. All the officers signed their parole this day & got a small bound to walk round to stretch their legs, which we found grateful. Nov. 20, 1776, all the officers got leave to walk in the bounds of the City of New York.”
[Original in the possession of Hon. Edward McPherson, Gettysburg, Penn.]
[No. 55.] — Deposition of Private Foster — Taken Prisoner on Long Island
Thomas Foster of full age being duly sworn, deposeth and saith that he was a soldier in the first battalion of the Pennsylvania Riflemen, commanded by Colo. Miles; that he was made a prisoner on Long Island; that immediately after he was made prisoner he was stripped by the Hessians of all his clothes, except his frock and a pair of drawers; that after they had stripped him, they put a cord about his neck and hanged him up to the limb of a tree, where they suffered him to remain until he was almost strangled; that they then cut him down and gave him a little rum to recover his spirits; that they repeated this cruel sport three times successively; that he has frequently heard it said among the British troops that the Hessians hanged several of our prisoners, and further this deponent says not.
| his | ||
| THOMAS | X | FOSTER, |
| mark |
examined and sworn in the presence of
Genl McDougall
John Sloss Hobart
Nathl. Sacket
William Duer
[Journal of the New York Provincial Congress, Vol. II.]
[No. 56.] — Letters From Capt. Nathaniel Fitz Randolph, of New Jersey Written While Prisoner250
My Dear Spouse—these with my Love to you and Children may informe you of my present situation, which is that I am wounded in the head and arm but not dangerous. Should be glad that you will send me some necessary Clothing as I now remain in close confinement. I would not have you make yourself uneasy about me as I have been treated with the greatest kindness by Col. Prescott who commanded the party of King’s Troops whose hands it was my misfortune to fall into. Likewise by most of the officers of the 28th and 35th Ridgements. I have been before Lord Cornwallace, who I believe looks upon my conduct nothing more than becoming a soldier—and Major Generl. Grant has for my conduct in taking his steward and stores kindly sent me word that I may send to him for any necessarys which I may want and shall be wellcome to. I would request to procure some person to bring what necessarys you may send to me and believe they will not be molested or detained if received protection. I now conclude wishing you every happyness these times can afford and remain your ever affectionate Husband,
Nathl. Fitz Randolph.
On board Gaurd House at New Brunswick Jan. 26th, 1777.
P.S. Joseph Combes is well and hearty, and desires that his brother Stephen may send him some clothes, but in particular to send a pair of Buckskin Breeches.
To Mrs. Experience Fitz Randolph—
to the care of
John Hampton
at
Woodbridge.
I make no doubt but every intelligence you have had concerning me has been favorable and wish it was in my power to send you such intelligence now—But must informe you in as few words as possible that the wound in my head is verry painfull and dangerous and am now close confined in the Provost Goal, By a positive order from Generl. Howe. I would not have you make yourself uneasy about me as it will be of But Little Service to either of us—But wish you every Happyness the world can afford and remain your ever affectionate Husband,
Nath’l. Fitz Randolph.
New York Feb. 25th 1777.
P.S. Our men who are prisoners here is verry sickly and are Dying Dayly—John Parker an Indian Israel dyed here a few days ago—Please to send enclosed by some safe hand.
To Mrs. Experience Fitz Randolph
in
East Jersey.
These with my love to you and Children may informe you that I remain close Confined in the Provost Goal but in vain might attempt to discribe in a particular manner the misserys that attend the Poor Prisoners Confined in this Horrid place, they are dying dayly with (what is called here) the Goal fever but may more properly be called the Hungry fever which rages among the prisoners here confined in goals they being deprived of allmost every necessary of Life. As to the treatment I have received since a prisoner has been varrious Sometimes like a Gentleman other times like a Ruffin, have been for a week without a Surgeon to attend me. At other times have been attended by eight or ten different Surgeons in one day, But have for three weeks past had verry regular attendance. My wounds is in a fair way of doing well and am in prety good Health. Being in great haste must conclude, desireing you to make your self as happy as possible in your present Situation and wait with patience until time brings a change. I remain with sincere affection, ever your affectionate Husband,
Nathl. Fitz Randolph.
New York, March 10, 1777.
P.S. David Tappin is confined in a Room where the Small Pox is and Reuben Potter has been unwell for some days past.
[Originals in possession of Captain John Coddington Kinney, Hartford, Conn.]
[No. 57.] — Extract From the Journal of Capt. James Morris, Prisoner at Flatbush, L.I.251
“I was put on board with the other prisoners of war [at Philadelphia] and sailed down the river Delaware, and went to New York. We were 12 days on our passage. I was then put on my parole of honour and boarded with a plain Dutch family in Kings County, at the west end of Long Island. We were confined within the limits of said County.
At Flat Bush I became acquainted with a Mr Clarkson a man of science and of a large property, he owned the most extensive private Library that I had ever known in the United States, his wife had a capacious mind and she was remarkably distinguished for her piety. Mr. Clarkson made me a welcome visitor at his house and gave me access to his library. He allowed me to take as many books as I chose and carry them to my lodgings. I there lived two years and six months devoting my time to reading. I read through a course of ancient and modern history. My exercise was hand labour and walking. I tended a garden one summer upon shares and my net profits were about twelve dollars. The next summer I obtained the use of a small piece of Land and planted it with potatoes from which my net profits were 30 dollars. I was treated with great kindness by the family with which I lived. I endeavored to be always on the pleasant side with them and to be sure, not to be wanting in my attentions to my landlady. Here I learned that the little nameless civilities and attentions were worth a great deal more than they cost me. Here I was peculiarily situated to learn the human character: for the inhabitants in this county were all attached to the British Government and said the officers paroled there were all rebels, and that they would finally be hung for their rebellion, so that if any of us received any injury or met with any abuse from the inhabitants we could have no redress we must patiently bear it. The Dutch inhabitants were uncultivated yet many of them possessed strength of mind and were intelligent. They were mostly strangers to the sympathies and tender sensibilities which so much rejoiced the heart of friends with friends and promote the happiness of society. But notwithstanding I was thus secluded from my particular friends and acquaintances yet I enjoyed my share of comfort and worldly felicity. I felt no disposition to murmer and repine in my then condition. Every day afforded me its enjoyments excepting a time when I had a pretty severe attack with the ague and fever which reduced me low. The whole term of my Captivity was three years and three months lacking one day. I was exchanged on the 3rd day of Jany 1781. I was taken from Flat Bush to New York and from thence conveyed to Elizabethtown in New Jersey and set at liberty.”
[Original in possession of Hon. Dwight Morris, Bridgeport, Conn.]
[No. 58.] — British Prisoners Taken by the Americans on Long Island
Kings Bridge, August 29, 1776.
Gentlemen: I send to your care and safe keeping the following prisoners of war, taken on Long Island, on the 27th instant viz: Lieutenant John Ragg, of the Marines, Sergeant David Wallace, Corporal Thomas Pike and Edward Gibbon, William Smith, Isaac Hughs, Thomas Haraman, John Woodard, Edward Cavil, William Williams, William Coortney, Stephen Weber, John Smith, Samuel Morral, Thomas Sarral, Joseph Distant, Benjamin Jones, William Jones, William Pearce, John Hopkins, Henry Weston, Evan Evans, and John Morten, Privates.
You will please to secure them in such manner as to prevent their escape, observing the order of Congress in this respect.
I am, gentlemen, with Esteem,
Your humble Servant
W. Heath, Major General.
To the Committee of the Town of Fairfield [Conn.]
[Force, 5th Series, vol. i, p. 1215.]
[No. 59.] — A Return of the Prisoners Taken in York During the Campaign 1776
Gn—Generals
Co—Colonels
LC—Lt. Colonels
Mj—Majors
Ca—Captains
Lt—Lieutenants
En—Ensigns
Ch—Chaplains
QM—Q. Masters
Ad—Adjutants
Su—Surgeons
Cm—Comissaries
Eg—Engineers
WM—Wagon Masters
Vo—Volunteers
Pr—Privates
| When taken | Where | Commissioned officers Staff officers & Privates. | ||||||||||||||||
| Gn | Co | LC | Mj | Ca | Lt | En | Ch | QM | Ad | Su | Cm | Eg | WM | Vo | Pr | Wounded | ||
| Augt. 27th | Long Island | 2 | 3 | 4 | 2 | 18 | 43 | 11 | 3 | — | 1 | 3 | — | — | — | 3 | 1006 | 9 Officers, 56 Privates |
| Sept. 15 & 16th | York Island | — | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 7 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 354 | |
| Octr. 12th | White Plains | — | — | — | — | 1 | 2 | — | — | 1 | — | — | — | — | — | — | 35 | |
| Novr. 16th | Fort Washington | — | 4 | 4 | 5 | 56 | 107 | 31 | 1 | 2 | 2 | 5 | 2 | 1 | 1 | — | 2637 | 6 Officers, 53 Privates. |
| Novr. 18th | Fort Lee | — | — | — | — | — | 1 | 1 | — | 1 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | 99 | |
| Total | 2 | 8 | 10 | 10 | 79 | 160 | 43 | 4 | 4 | 3 | 11 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 3 | 4131 | ||
| Copy Chatham Jany 30th 1777 P.S. The original taken in New Jersey sent to Govr. Brooks. | A true copy taken from the Commissary General’s, & brought from York by Major Wells. | |||||||||||||||||
[Original among Lieut.-Col. Henshaw’s papers.]
[No. 60.]
List of American Officers Taken Prisoners at the Battle of Long Island252
Three Generals
Major General John Sullivan,
Brigadier General Lord Stirling,
Brigadier General Nathaniel Woodhull.253
Three Colonels
| Penn. Rifle Reg’t | 1 | Col. Samuel Miles, |
| Penn. Musketeers | 1 | Col. Sam. John Atlee, |
| New Jersey Militia | 1 | Col. Phillip Johnston. |
Four Lieut.-Colonels
| Penn. Rifle Reg’t | 1 [Miles’] | Lt. Col. James Piper, |
| Penn. Militia | 2 | Lt. Col. Nicholas Lutz, Lt. Col Peter Kachlein, |
| 17th Continental Regt. | 1 [Huntington’s] | Lt. Col. Joel Clark. |
Three Majors
| Penn. Militia | 1 [Lutz’s] | Maj. Edward Burd, |
| 17th Continental Reg’t | 1 | Maj. Browne,255 |
| 22d Continental Reg’t | 1 [Wyllys’s] | Maj. Levi Wells. |
Eighteen Captains
| Penn. Rifle Reg’t | 2 | Capt. Richard Brown, 1st Batt., " Wm. Peebles, 2d Batt. |
| Penn. Musketeers | 4 [Atlee’s] | Capt. Thomas Herbert, " Joseph Howell,* " Francis Murray,* " John Nice.* |
| Penn. Militia | 5 | Lutz’ Battalion. Capt. Jacob Crowle, " Joseph Heister,* " Jacob Mauser.* Kachlein’s Battalion. Capt. Garret Graff,* " Henry Hogenbach,* " Timothy Jayne.* |
| The officers designated by the asterisk were exchanged Dec. 9, 1776. See list in Penn. Archives, Second Series, vol. i., p. 426. | ||
| 17th Continental | 4 | Capt. Joseph Jewett,256 " Ozias Bissell, " Jonathan Brewster, " Caleb Trowbridge, " Timothy Percival, " Eben. F. Bissell. |
| Train of Artillery | 1 | Capt.-Lieut. John Johnston.257 |
| Maryland Provincials | 2 [Smallwood’s] | Capt. Daniel Bowie.258 |
Forty-three Lieutenants
| Provincial Rifle Reg’ts | 11 | 1st Battalion. 1st Lieut. William Gray,* " John Spear, " John Davis, " George Wert, 2d Lieut. Joseph Triesbach, " Wm. McPherson, " Luke Broadhead.* 2d Battalion. 1st Lieut. Matthew Scott,* " Daniel Topham, Lieut. Brownlee. Cunningham’s Regiment. Lieut. Patterson. |
| Penn. Musketeers | 1 | Lieut. Walter Finney. |
| Penn. Militia | 6 | Lutz’ Battalion. Lieut. Stephen Baldy.259 Kachlein’s Battalion. Lieut. Lewis, " Medow [Middagh], " Shoemaker. |
| 17th Continental Reg’t | 6 | Lieut. Solomon Orcutt, " Jabez Fitch, Jr., " Thomas Fanning, " Solomon Makepeace, " Nathaniel Gove, " Jonathan Gillet. |
| Delaware Battalion | 2 | Lieut. Jonathan Harney, " Alex. Stewart. |
| 1st Battalion N.Y. Continental | 5 [Lasher’s] | Lieut. Edward Dunscomb, " Robert Troup,* Adj. Jeronimus Hoogland, Lieut. Gerrit Van Wagenen,260 " Wm. Gilliland. |
| 11th Battalion Continental | 1 [Hitchcock’s] | Lieut. John Blunt. |
| New Jersey Militia | 1 [Johnston’s] | 1st Lieut. John Toms. |
| 1st Batt. Maryland Independents | 2 [Veazey’s Co.] | Lieut. Samuel Wright, " Edward De Courcy. |
| Long Island Militia | 2 | Lieut. Coe,261 " ——. |
| Train of Artillery | 1 | Cadet John Callender.262 |
| Maryland Provincials | 5 | 1st Lieut. Wm. Sterret, " Joseph Butler, Lieut. Hatch Dent, " Walter Ridgely, " Walter Muse, " Edward Praul. |
Eleven Ensigns
| Penn Musketeers | 4 | Ensign W. Henderson, " Alexander Huston,* " Michael App,* " Septimus Davis.* |
| 17th Continental Reg’t | 5 | Ensign Anthony Bradford, " Joseph Chapman, " Cornelius Higgins, “John Kinsman, " Elihu Lyman, " Joel Gillet. |
| Maryland Provincials | 2 | Ensign Wm. Courts, " James Fernandez. |
Staff
| Adjutant | 1 [Huntington’s] | Adj. Elisha Hopkins. |
| Surgeons | 3 | Miles’ Battalion. Dr. John Davis, Dr. Joseph Davis.* Huntington’s Regt. Dr. Silas Holmes. |
| Volunteers | 2 | Lieut. David Duncan, " —— Young.263 |
Document 61
[No. 61.]
LIST OF AMERICAN NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS TAKEN PRISONERS, KILLED, OR MISSING, AT THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND
Col. Tyler’s Regt — Tenth Continental [Conn.]
Killed.—Antony Wolf.
Missing.—Samuel Everett, Amasa Pebody.
Col. Hitchcock’s Reg’t — Eleventh Continental [R.I.]
Captain Kimball’s Company.
Missing.—Richard Wallen.
Captain Symond’s Company.
Killed.—John Elliott.
Missing.—Nath. Ramson, John Patten.
Captain C. Olney’s Company.
Missing.—Caleb Herenden, Benjamin Foster, Daniel Williams, London Citizen [a negro].
Captain Bowen’s Company.
Missing.—William Deputrin.
Col. Little’s Reg’t — Twelfth Continental [Mass.]
Captain Parker’s Company.
Killed.—Peter Barthrick.
Captain Wade’s Company.
Missing.—Archelaus Puleifer.
Captain Dodge’s Company.
Missing.—Elijah Lewis.
Col. Huntington’s Reg’t — Seventeenth Continental [Conn.]
Captain Tyler’s Company.
Missing.—Bartlet Lewis, Elisha Benton, Sergeants; Reuben Bates, Olive Jennings, Joseph White, Jesse Swaddle, Corporals; Joseph Arnold, Joel Ballard, Azariah Benton, Lemuel Lewis, Seth Rider, John Smith, Jeremiah Sparks, Jonathan Witherd, Josiah Benton, Luke Kimball, Jonathan Barnard, James Lindsey, Privates.
Captain Jewett’s Company.
Missing.—Stephen Otis, Rufus Tracy, Roswel Graves, Sergeants; Nathan Raymond, Peleg Edwards, Corporals; Joshua Blake, Billa Dyer, Theophilus Emerson, Jaspar Griffin, Elisha Miller, Adam Mitchel, Charles Phelps, Silas Phelps, Oliver Rude, Ebenezer Smith, Jacob Sterling, Timothy Tiffany, Peter Way, Lebbeus Wheeler, Nathan Wood, David Yarrington, Duron Whittlesey, William Eluther, Zadock Pratt, Eliphalet Reynolds, Rufus Cone, Privates.
Captain Trowbridge’s Company.
Missing.—Daniel Ingalls, Daniel Farnham, Moses Smith, Sergeants; George Gordon, Levi Farnham, Corporals; Silas Bottom, Drum-Major; William Bedlock, Alexander Brine, Joseph Clarke, John Colegrove, Luke Durfee, George Forster, Caleb Green, John Gardner, Ebenezer Keyes, John Kingsbury; Robert Lithgow, Benjamin Lounsbury, Ishmael Moffit, Joseph Munsur, Daniel Malone, Solomon Mears, John Pollard, Stephen Potter, Joseph Russell, Allen Richards, Monday Smith, David Saunders, John Talmage, William Turner, John Thomas, Samuel White, John Winter, Privates.
Captain Ozias Bissell’s Company.
Missing.—Ebenezer Wright, Howard Moulton, Sergeants; Freegrace Billings, Nathan Barney, Abner Belding, Seth Belding, Daniel Church, Lemuel Deming, George Edwards, Thomas Green, Jesse Judson, David Lindsey, Michael Mitchel, Samuel Moulton, Joseph A. Minot, Giles Nott, James Price, Jonathan Price, Benjamin Ripnor, Timothy Risley, Joel Skinner, Daniel Thomas, Robert Wallas, Privates.
Captain Brewster’s Company.
Missing.—Theophilus Huntington, Sergeant; Jabez Avery, William Button, Corporals; Simon Armstrong, Jesse Barnet, Joseph Ellis, Asa Fox, Samuel Fuller, Elijah Hammond, Solomon Huntley, Sanford Herrick, Luther Japhet, John Lewis, Thomas Matterson, Rufus Parke, Amasa Pride, Jehiel Pettis, Roger Packard, Samuel Tallman, John Vandeusen, Calvin Waterman, John Williams, Privates.
Captain Percival’s Company.
Missing.—Roger Coit, Uriah Hungerford, Rous Bly, [killed,] Sergeants. Samuel Agard, Daniel Bartholomew, Silas Bates, John Bray, David Brown, Solomon Carrington, John Curtis, John Dutton, Daniel Freeman, Gad Fuller, Abel Hart, Jason Hart, Timothy Isham, Azariah Lothrop, John Moody, Timothy Percival, Isaac Potter, Elijah Rose, Elijah Stanton, Benjamin Tubbs, Abraham Yarrington, Jesse Roberts, Privates.
Captain Fitch Bissel’s Company.
Missing.—Cornelius Russell, Eleazer House, Hezekiah Haydon, Sergeants; Samuel Bordman, Aaron Porter, Elisha Boardman, Corporals; Robert Newcomb, Drummer; John Atwood, Orias Atwood, William Craddock, Ira Clark, Roderick Clark, Lemuel Fuller, Abner Fuller, Roger Tyler, Carmi Higley, Erastus Humphy, Jonathan Halladay, John Willson, John White, John Fletcher, Privates.
Captain Hubbard’s Company.
Missing.—William Talmage, Samuel Skinner, William Parsons, Ebenezer Coe, Sergeants; Eleazer Brooks, Samuel Buck, Jr., Cornelius Coverling, Aaron Drake, Benjamin Hills, Alexander Ingham, Elias Leet, Levi Loveland, Elijah Roberts, Reuben Shipman, Samuel Strictland, Seth Turner, Nathan Whiting, Job Wetmore, Privates.
Col. Jonathan Ward’s Reg’t — Twenty-First Continental [Mass.]
Captain King’s Company.
Missing.—Moses Whitney, James Barker, Privates.
Captain Bartlet’s Company.
Missing.—Cornelius Warren, Private.
Col. Wyllys’ Reg’t — Twenty-Second Continental [Conn.]
Captain Pettibone’s Company.
Missing.—William Gaylord, Private.
Captain Scott’s Company.
Missing.—Eliezur Loveland, Private.
Captain Wright’s Company.
Missing.—Joel Taylor, Private.
Major Holdridge’s Company.
Missing.—Abner Rider, Sherman Shadduck, Elijah Smith, Joseph Watrous, Privates.
Captain Mills’ Company.
Missing.—Robert Lusk, Jonathan Ingham, Privates.
Col. Miles’ Reg’t — [Penn.]264
(Two Battalions.)
First Battalion.—Captain Farmer’s Company.
Missing.—Robert Garrett, Drummer; Alexander Anderson, John Barger, Henry Cordier, Creewas Bastian, Cornelius Dauel, George Dillman, George Edwards, Jacob Engelhart, Chushan Foy, Philip Feese, George Garling, Benjamin Hackett, Lawrence Homan, Nicholas Hause, Martin Haynes, Jonathan Hager, Jacob Koppinger, Adam Kydle, Conrad Meserly, George Miller, Jr., Adam Swager, Jacob Shifle [wounded], Francis Shitz, Jacob Shutt, Jacob Slottner, Goodlip Voolever, Henry Wise, John Young, Privates.
Captain Brown’s Company.
Missing.—James Anderson, Sergeant; William Lever, Drummer; Hugh Barkley, Hezekiah Biddle, William Bradley, Peter Carmichael, Samuel Crosson, Peter Develin, Timothy Driskil, Adam Growss, Alexander Holmes, Robert Huston, John McGriggor, Christy McMichael, William Moore, Jonathan Nesbit, Richard Roberts, Nathanael Scott, Degory Sparks, Robert Stokes, Privates.
Captain Long’s Company.
Missing.—Thomas Higginbottom, Sergeant; Henry Donely, Drummer; James Nelson, Fifer; John Beatty, Thomas Christopher, Abraham Dunlap, John Elliot, Jr., John Elliot, Sen., Benjamin Harverd, Patrick Kelly, Daniel McLean, Hugh Mulhalon [wounded], John Williams, Privates.
Captain Albright’s Company.
Missing.—Thomas Wilson, Robert Tate, James Geddes, Sergeants; Andrew Boned, Alexander Boyd, Edward Carleton, James Cuxel, Thomas Fosler, Hugh Gobin, Jacob Helsley, John Henary, Philip Kennedy, William Kilpatrick, Thomas Knee (or Karee), Conrad Lead, Henry McBroom, Hugh McClughan, John McElnay, James McFarland, Bartholomew McGuire, Jacob Newman, John Rinehart, Henry Shadon, Charles Spangler, Charles Stump [wounded], John Swartz, George Wampler, Edward Wells, Thomas Williams, Privates.
Captain Shade’s Company.
Missing.—Isaac Gruber, Sergeant; Henry Baker, Henry Bollabaker, John Bower, Henry Goodshalk, Jacob Isenhart, Adam Kerchner, George Keibler, John Lee, John McAry, Lorentz Miller, Christopher Neighhast, John Simmins, Elias Schwartz, Frederick Tickard, Henry Weaver, Privates.
Captain Weitzell’s Company.
Missing.—John Gordon, Sergeant-Major; Thomas Price, Sergeant; William Allison, Peter Brady, Andrew Carter, Robert Caruthers, Henry Gass, John Hardy, Dennis Huggins, Martin Kershller, Joseph Madden, William McCormick, Patrick McVey, Robert Morehead, Andrew Ralston, John Rice, Jacob Speiss, James Watt, Privates.
Second Battalion.—Captain Murray’s Company.
Missing.—Thomas Dudgeon, John Galloway, Daniel McCoy, Thomas Plunkett, Privates.
Captain Peebles’ Company.
Missing.—P. Heylands, Sergeant; James Carson, Drummer; Edmuad Lee, Fifer; James Atcheson, Samuel Dixon, Samuel Montgomery, David Moore, James Moore, James Mortimore, John Neil, Robert Nugent, Patrick Quigley, Thomas Rogers, William Witherspoon, Privates.
Captain Marshall’s Company.
Missing.—Robert Andrews, Robert Slemen, Privates.
Captain Erwin’s Company.
Missing.—James Dugan, John Justice, William Lindsay, Samuel Roddy, Sergeants;265 Daniel Brownspeld, Jeremiah Gunnon, John Guthry, William Guthry, John Henry, Philip Kelly, Andy McKenzie [a volunteer], William Moore, William Mull, James Nelson, William Nelson, Stephen Singlewood, Charles Stamper, John Stoops, William Twifold, Angus Wilkinson, Privates.
Captain Grubb’s Company.
Missing.—George Brown, John Hehm, Robert Henderson, Joseph McFarland, Privates.
Captain Christ’s Company.
Missing.—Matthew Whitlow, Jeremiah Geiss, Sergeants; Paul Frederick, Yost Fuchs, Privates.
Col. Atlee’s Reg’t — [Penn.]
Captain Anderson’s Company.
Missing.—Francis Ferguson, William Harper, John Madden, William McCormick, Hector McGowan, John Moore, Benjamin Nain, Hosea Rigg, Edward Wood, Privates.
Captain Lloyd’s Company.
Missing.—William Nemrich, Sergeant [wounded]; Jesse Moore, Fifer; Michael Clary, Michael Derry, Folk Matthias, Archibald Graham, James Hidden, Robert Kinen, Adam Kingfield, Patrick McCullough, James Moore, Edward Murphy, William Powel, James Tyrer, Richard Wallace, William Watson, Privates.
Captain Murray’s Company.
Missing.—Joseph Atkinson, James Davis, William Gillespie, John Guthrie, Thomas Logan, Thomas McConnell, John McEnrae, John Moody, Patrick Mullan, David Robinson, Privates.
Captain McClellan’s Company.
Missing.—James Mitchell, Sergeant [wounded]; Joseph Moor, Corporal [killed]; John Calhoon, James Elder, Michael Kenaday, Robert Love, Justin McCarty, James McClure, Daniel McElroy, James McElvay, William McIlvain, Thomas Mitchel, Thomas Moore [wounded], William Murray [wounded], O’Trail Morris, Privates.
Captain Herbert’s Company.
Missing.—Eleazer Crain, John Everhart, John Ingram, George Ridge, Boston Wagoner, Michael Weaver, Privates.
Captain De Huff’s Company.
Missing.—Michael Loy, Jacob Marks, Christian Mentzer, Patrick Mulrang, Peter Wile, Godlip Wiseman, Privates.
Captain Nice’s Company.
Missing.—Edward Barnhouse, Edward Baxter, Michael Domiller, John Gee, John Huston, Robert Jones, Edward Justice, Richard Robeson, Michael Stucke, Privates.
Captain Howell’s Company.
Missing.—Michael Carmodey, John Ervine [killed], John Gilkey, James Gallagher, William Jones, William McMaunagel, William Tweedy, Privates.
Lieut.-Col. Kachlein’s Reg’t — [Penn.]
Captain John Arndt’s Company.
Missing.—Andrew Hessher, Andrew Reefer, Sergeants; Thomas Sybert, Martin Derr, George Fry, Lawrence Gob, Anthony Frutches, Peter Froes, John Harpel, Jacob Dufford, Joseph Stout, Mathias Stidinger, Peter Beyer, Peter Lohr, Bernhard Miller, Richard Overfeld, Jacob Weid Knecht, Henry Bush, Sr., Peter Kern, Philip Bush, Abraham Peter.
Col. Gay’s Reg’t — [Conn.]
Captain Goodwin’s Company.
Missing.—Clement Maxfield, Martin Nash, Privates.
Captain Wells’ Company.
Missing.—Joseph Bidwell, Private.
Captain Wilson’s Company.
Missing.—Benjamin Frisby, Private.
Col. Chester’s Reg’t — [Conn.]
Missing.—Maygot, Cheney, Marret, Upham, Fling, Alderman, Humphry, Gillet, Martin, Shawn, Sasanan, Tassett, Privates.
Biographical Sketches
In the few following sketches the writer has simply incorporated such facts of personal interest as have come to his knowledge while preparing the work.
As for the generals who took part in this campaign, Washington, Stephen, and Mercer were from Virginia; General Beall, of Maryland, commanded part of the Flying Camp from that State; Generals Mifflin and St. Clair were from Pennsylvania—also Generals Cadwallader, Roberdeau, and Ewing, who commanded Pennsylvania “Associators” for a short time (Roberdeau also having a brigade under Greene at Fort Lee); Generals Stirling and Heard, from New Jersey; Generals James and George Clinton, McDougall, Scott, and Woodhull, from New York; Generals Putnam, Spencer, Wadsworth, Wolcott, and Parsons, from Connecticut; General Greene, from Rhode Island; Generals Heath, Nixon, Fellows, and Lincoln, from Massachusetts; and General Sullivan, from New Hampshire. General Lee was born in Wales, had served in the British army, and settled in Virginia. General De Fermoy was a Frenchman.
Callender, Captain John.—This officer, who behaved so well on Long Island, was the son of Eliezer Callender, of Boston. At the close of the war he became a merchant in Virginia, and died at Alexandria, in October, 1797.
Clark, Lieutenant-Colonel Joel.—Lieutenant Fitch states that Clark, who commanded Huntington’s regiment at the battle of Long Island, and was taken prisoner, died about one o’clock on the morning of December 19th, after a long sickness, and was buried in the New Brick Church-yard [now Park Row], in New York. Officers followed his remains to the grave.
Douglas, Colonel William.—Born in Plainfield, Conn., January 17th, 1742. Afterwards lived in Northford. Served as Putnam’s orderly-sergeant in the French and Indian War. In 1775 joined Montgomery, who put him in charge of the flotilla on Lake Champlain, in view of his nautical experience. In 1776 he raised a regiment for the army at New York, where, as appears in the narrative, he proved himself a thorough soldier. In 1777 he raised a Continental regiment, but his health broke down, and he died May 28th of that year. His death was a loss to the service, as he was a man of faith, character, and personal courage. The regiment he raised was given to the famous Colonel Return Jonathan Meigs.
Dunscomb, Lieutenant Edward.—Born May 23d, 1754, in New York. Died November 12th, 1814. Graduate of Columbia College in 1774. He was son of Daniel Dunscomb, a firm friend of the colonial cause. After his capture at the Jamaica Pass, August 27th, he was confined on a prison ship and fell sick, but recovered, and on his exchange rejoined the army, where, in 1780, he appears as Captain of the Fourth New York Line. After the war he became clerk of the United States Courts. He was also a vestryman of Trinity Church, and a trustee of Columbia College. The tradition in his family is that he was asked to be Hamilton’s second in the duel with Burr, but declined in disapproval of the practice.
Fish, Major Nicholas.—Born in New York, August 28th, 1758; died June 20th, 1833. He was at Princeton a short time, but leaving college, studied law with John Morin Scott, whose brigade-major he became in 1776. Fish afterwards served with the New York Line through the war, and as major of light infantry under Hamilton at Yorktown. In 1786 he became adjutant-general of New York, was afterwards an alderman of the city and president of the Cincinnati. He was the father of the Hon. Hamilton Fish, ex-Secretary of State.
Gay, Colonel Fisher.—Of Wadsworth’s brigade. He came from Farmington, Conn., having served also at the siege of Boston. His regiment was for some time on Long Island, but the colonel had been sick, and either died or was buried on the day of the battle, August 27th.
Hale, Captain Nathan.—The most authoritative account of his capture and death is given by Hull, who was captain with him in Webb’s regiment. Lossing states that he was hanged from an apple-tree in Rutgers’ orchard. Hale was a young graduate of Yale; came from Ashford, Conn. The sketch of his life by I.W. Stuart, Hartford, 1856, contains the particulars of his career. See page 262, Part I.
Hamilton, Captain Alexander.—See chapter on “The Two Armies.” Hamilton was stationed in New York at the Grand Battery and Fort George, and doubtless participated in the firing on the ships whenever they passed up either river. At White Plains his guns did good execution, also in the subsequent actions in New Jersey. In March, 1777, he became aid to Washington with rank of lieutenant-colonel, and particularly distinguished himself at Monmouth, and afterwards as commander of a light infantry battalion at Yorktown. He had few if any superiors among the younger officers of the Revolutionary army.
Henshaw, Lieutenant-Colonel William.—Born at Boston February 20th, 1735, and removed to Leicester in 1745. He served in the French war under Amherst. The Lexington alarm he answered promptly, and marched to Boston at the head of his militia regiment. The Massachusetts Provincial Congress appointed him adjutant-general of the army mustered around Boston, and he held that position until relieved by General Gates in July. He was actively engaged through the entire campaign in 1776, being in the midst of the fighting on Long Island, at Harlem Heights, and at Princeton. At the close of the campaign he retired from the service. A full and interesting sketch of him, together with his Order Book of 1775, has lately been published by the Massachusetts Historical Society. Colonel Henshaw died February 20th, 1820.
Hughes, Colonel Hugh.—Of Welsh extraction. Taught a select grammar school, in 1765, in the French Church Consistory Rooms in Nassau Street, New York. He served most efficiently in the quartermaster’s department during much of the war, and died in 1802, seventy-five years of age.
Johnston, Captain John.—After partially recovering from his severe wounds received at the battle of Long Island, Captain Johnston took up the artist’s profession, and painted several historical portraits, among them that of Samuel Adams and his wife. He also painted his own, which is in possession of his grandson, Mr. J.J. Soren, of Boston.
Knowlton, Lieutenant-Colonel.—Born in West Boxford, Mass., November, 1740, and removed to Ashford, Conn. He served in the French war as private in Captain Durkee’s company. A full and accurate sketch of him may be found in the New England Historical and Gen. Register for January, 1861, by Ashbel Woodward, M.D., of Franklin, Conn.
Lasher, Colonel John.—Born March 3d, 1724, probably in New York. A merchant of some wealth. He lost four houses in the fire of September 21st, 1776. On the expiration of the term of service of his battalion, he was elected a lieutenant-colonel of one of the New York Continental regiments, but declined. He died in New York at an advanced age. See references to him in the chapter on “The Two Armies.”
Little, Colonel Moses.—Frequently mentioned in the account of the campaign. He was one of the “Descendants of George Little, who came to Newbury, Mass., in 1640”—the title of a handsome little work compiled by Mr. George T. Little, and printed in 1877. During the retreat through New Jersey, Colonel Little was sick at Peekskill, and could not participate with his men at Trenton and Princeton. He rendered further service at various times during the war.
McDougall, General Alexander.—Born in Scotland in 1731; died in New York, June 8th, 1786. It is understood that a biography of this officer is in the course of preparation. As he was so closely identified with the Revolutionary struggle, it could be made a valuable work, if his papers are all preserved. He was a leader of New York’s “Liberty” party before 1776, and served continuously through the war.
Miles, Colonel Samuel.—Born March 22d, 1739, probably in Philadelphia. Served in the French war. After the Revolution, held positions as Judge of the High Court of Errors, member of the Governor’s Council, and Mayor of Philadelphia. He died at Cheltenham, Montgomery County, Pa., December 29th, 1805.
Parry, Lieutenant-Colonel Caleb.—Killed on Long Island. See notice of him on page 196, Part I. A genealogy recently prepared by Richard Randolph Parry, Esq., of Philadelphia, contains much interesting personal history of the family.
Piper, Lieutenant-Colonel James.—He was lieutenant-colonel of Miles’ First Battalion, and “a very worthy gentleman.” Taken on Long Island, and died in New York not long after the battle. Captain Peebles, of Miles’, Captain Bowie and Lieutenant Butler, of Smallwood’s, and Lieutenant Makepeace, of Huntington’s, who were all wounded and taken prisoners, died afterwards in New York, says Fitch.
Rutgers, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry.—Of New York City. Brother of Harmanus Rutgers, killed on Long Island. He was connected with the army much of the time in the Commissary of Musters Department. Rutgers College takes its name from him. He left many Revolutionary papers, which have been unfortunately lost.
Scott, General John M.—Born in New York in 1730; died September 14th, 1784. He was the only child of John and Marian Morin Scott, and fourth in the line of descent from Sir John Scott, Baronet of Ancram, County Roxburgh, Scotland, who died in 1712. At the age of sixteen he graduated at Yale College in the class of 1746, and took up the profession of law in New York, where he rose steadily in practice and reputation. With Wm. Smith, the historian of New York, and Wm. Livingston, he became identified with the Whig element in the colony, and at an early date advocated principles which paved the way for the final opposition to ministerial measures. These three—Smith, Livingston, and Scott—became leaders at the bar, and the two latter also in politics. Scott’s residence stood at about the corner of Thirty-third Street and Ninth Avenue, as appears from Ratzer’s official map of the city and island in 1766-67, and contained 123 acres. At that date it was some three miles out of town. From papers still preserved it appears that, very soon after the Revolution, this fine estate, which had become embarrassed, was sold for $8250, and that as early as 1813 it was worth $100,000. Scott associated himself with enterprises that contributed to the progress and social advancement of the city, becoming in 1754 one of the founders of the Society for the Promotion of the Arts, and also of a City Library. From 1757 to 1762 he was alderman of the Out-ward of New York. He contributed to the Watch Tower and Reflector, and was the author of several official and literary papers and reports during his lifetime. When the Revolutionary troubles opened, he was made one of the committee of one hundred citizens in 1775, took a foremost part against England’s designs, and, as a powerful public speaker in favor of the colonial cause, might be called the Samuel Adams or James Otis of New York. As stated in the text, he became a member of the provincial committee and Congress in 1775-76, and brigadier-general of State troops in March, 1776, taking active part in the campaign around his native city. At the close of the year he offered his last month’s salary to those of his troops who would remain in the service a few weeks longer, and served himself a month without pay. In 1777 he was appointed secretary of the State, and continued in the public service in that capacity and as State senator and member of Congress until his death. His remains lie buried in Trinity Church-yard, near the line of Broadway, north of the church.
Selden, Colonel Samuel.—Of Hadlyme, Conn. Son of Samuel and Deborah Dudley Selden. Born January 11th, 1723. His grandfather was Thomas Selden, one of the original founders of Hartford. A genealogy of the family is in the course of preparation by Mr. Henry M. Selden, of Haddam Neck. Colonel Selden was taken prisoner in the Kip’s Bay retreat, being prostrated by the exertions of the day. He was confined in the present Register’s building, in the City Hall Park, where he died of fever, “on Friday p.m., October 11th, about three o’clock.” In the latter part of his sickness he was attended by Dr. Thacher, a British surgeon, who paid him every attention. He was buried in the Brick Church-yard. See chapter on “The Two Armies” for further reference. Among this officer’s great-grandsons are Chief-Justice Waite, Hon. Lyman Trumbull, General McDowell, Judge Selden of Rochester, Colonel Joseph Selden of Norwich, and many others, the descendants being numerous.
Smith, Captain Robert.—Born in New York in 1752; of Scotch ancestry. Entered the counting-house of his brother, Alex. Robertson Smith, a wealthy merchant. In 1776 he raised a company of Scotsmen and sons of Scotsmen, and joined Malcom’s New York Regiment. He was on Long Island with Scott’s brigade, and at White Plains received a severe contusion from a spent shot. Obliged by ill-health to retire from the service for a time, he appeared again as a volunteer at Monmouth, and fought on foot, having given up his horse to a general officer. After the war he settled in Philadelphia, where he was a bank director for forty-eight years, holding also other offices of trust. He was a man of liberal disposition, a Presbyterian elder, and gave freely for all charitable purposes.
Stirling, General Lord.—This officer’s name was properly William Alexander. His father claimed the title of the Earl of Stirling, and he himself continued it. There is this description of the general in Surgeon Waldo’s diary, kept at Valley Forge (Historical Magazine, vol. v.):
“Major-General Lord Stirling is a man of a very noble presence, and the most martial Appearance of any General in the Service; he much resembles the Marquis of Granby—by his bald head—the make of his face, and figure of his Body. He is mild in his private conversation, and vociferous in the Field.”
Tilghman, Captain Tench.—Aid to Washington. Born near Easton, Talbot County, Md., December 25, 1744; died April 18th, 1786. From Maryland, Tilghman went to Philadelphia, became captain of a city military organization, and joined Washington as volunteer secretary and aid in August, 1776. He served with his chief through the war, participating in many battles, and having Washington’s closest confidence. His rank as lieutenant-colonel was dated from April, 1777, by his own desire, that he might not outrank Hamilton and Meade, who had been appointed aids earlier in the year. His descendants preserve many relics of his Revolutionary service.
Troup, Lieutenant Robert.—His father was an officer in the British Navy, and died before the Revolution. Troup graduated from Columbia (old King’s) College in 1774, and after his capture on Long Island as one of the patrol at the Jamaica Pass was exchanged in December following, with a few others. In March, 1777, he accepted a captain-lieutenancy in the artillery, offered by Knox, but soon after joined General Gates’ staff. In May, 1778, Gates wrote to Laurens, President of Congress:
“Having neglected when I left York to recommend a proper person for D.A. General [deputy adjutant-general] to the army under my command, I beg to mention Lieut Col: Robert Troup, and desire the Favor you will propose him to Congress for that office; my knowledge of his Honor, Merit, Integrity induces me apart from any personal regard, thus earnestly to wish his promotion.”—MS. Letter.
After the war, Troup studied law in New York, became intimate with Hamilton and Burr, and was one of the very few who retained his friendship for the latter after the duel. Colonel Troup was appointed the first United States District Judge for New York.
Van Wagenen, Lieutenant Gerrit H.—Son of Huybert Van Wagenen and Angenietje Vredenburg, was born in New York at No. 5 Beekman Slip (now Fulton Street), 1753, January 21st. He went to Canada in August, 1775, as second lieutenant in the Eighth Company of the First Regiment of New York State troops under Colonel McDougall. Was at the storming of Quebec, in the columns of General Montgomery. In May, 1776, he was sent to New York, and then to Philadelphia, in charge of some prisoners. On returning to New York and finding that the British were landing on Long Island, he offered his services to General Sullivan, and was sent by him with four other officers to the Jamaica Pass, as described in the chapter on the battle. The party were all taken prisoners, and he continued a prisoner twenty-two months, when he was exchanged. He then received an appointment in the Commissary of Prisoners Department, and continued in that office about three years. (For a full account of his services, see the “Gen. and Biog. Record,” vol. viii., page 44). In 1783, March 11th, he married Sarah, daughter of Derrick Brinckerhoff and Rachel Van Ranst. He now engaged in the hardware business with his father at No. 5 Beekman Slip, where the business had been carried on by his father since about 1760. The volume entitled “New York during the Revolution” says, under date of 1767, “In Beekman Slip, near Queen Street, was the extensive hardware store of Huybert Van Wagenen, whose sign of the golden broad axe was so often referred to in the annals of the period.” He lived at Beekman Slip till 1811, when he removed to 69 Gold Street, near Beekman, and in 1821 removed with his family to Oxford, Chenango County, where he died, 1835, November 20th.
Webb, Lieutenant-Colonel S.B.—Born in Wethersfield, Conn., December, 1753. He went to Boston on the Lexington alarm, and was at Bunker Hill as Captain Chester’s lieutenant. He became aid to General Putnam and then to Washington in 1776. In 1777 he raised a Continental regiment in Connecticut, and served as its colonel to the end of the war, though for two years he was a prisoner on parole. His lieutenant-colonel was Ebenezer Huntington, and major, John P. Wyllys, both young officers in this campaign. Colonel Webb resided in New York until 1789, and then removed to Claverack, where he died December 3d, 1807.
Woodhull, General.—There is a good sketch of General Woodhull in “Thompson’s History of Long Island,” vol. ii. In regard to his capture, Lieutenant Jabez Fitch, of Huntington’s regiment, says in his narrative: “On ye 6th [of Sept.] Genll Woodhull, of ye Long Island malitia, was sent from ye Mentor to ye Hospital at Newatrect [New Utrecht]; he was an aged Gentleman, & was taken by a party of ye Enemy’s light Horse at Jameca, & altho he was not taken in arms, yet those Bloodthirsty Savages cut & wounded him in ye head & other parts of ye body, with their Swords, in a most Inhuman manner of which wounds he Died at ye Hospital; and altho ye Director of their affairs took but little care to preserve his Life yet they were so generous to his Lady, as to endulge her with liberty to carry home ye General’s corpse and bury it with Deacence.”
The Maps
Plan of the Battle of Long Island and the Brooklyn Defences
The outlines and topography of this “Plan” have been compiled from Ratzer’s and United States Coast Survey maps. Bernard Ratzer was a British Engineer, ranking as lieutenant in the Sixtieth Royal American Regiment of Foot in 1756. In 1767-8, he made an official survey of New York and part of Long Island with many details, the accuracy of which is beyond question. There is an advertisement in the Connecticut Gazette for October 25th, 1776, in which Samuel Loudon (late printer and bookseller in New York, but now in Norwich) offers for sale “Ratzer’s elegant map of New York and its Invirons from Actual Surveys, showing the present unhappy seat of War.” This survey on Long Island extends nearly to the line of the hills. All beyond is reproduced from maps of the coast survey, farm lines, and Brooklyn maps. The whole represents the ground almost exactly as it lay in 1776. One correction should be made at the Jamaica Pass. The name belongs to the dotted roundabout line which represents the original pass, the straight road having been cut afterwards.
The Stiles Sketch of the Brooklyn Works
Now published for the first time, and quite important as confirming the Hessian map in vol. ii. of the Society’s “Memoirs.” The fortifications at Red Hook are undoubtedly exactly reproduced. Taken in connection with General Greene’s orders, the sketch is valuable, enabling us to locate the works. The drawing, of course, is not precise, but the names and relative positions are enough as long as we have Ratzer to follow in the matter of outline and topography. The writer is indebted to the librarians of Yale College, Profs. Van Name and Dexter, for the favor of tracing the sketch from the original.
Ewing’s Draught
This is a one-half reduction from the original in the possession of Mr. Stauffler, of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, who has kindly furnished the writer with a tracing. It was drawn by John Ewing, Colonel Hand’s brother-in-law, but in topography is far out the way. It contains, however, several important items in the references, which are noticed in the text.
Map of New York City and of Manhattan Island, With the American Defences in 1776
So far as known, no contemporary map exists showing the whole of Manhattan Island, except the very small and inaccurate sketches in Stedman, Sparks, and some other works. The one presented in this volume is believed to be the first to give the entire island, with its roads, settlements, and topographical features, as it lay in 1776. In the compilation, Ratzer and Montressor have been followed as far as they go—namely, from the Battery to about Fiftieth Street. From this point to King’s Bridge the map of the commissioners who first laid out the island into streets in 1814 has been adopted. This is official, and gives the old roads as they existed during the Revolution. The Bloomingdale and King’s Bridge roads are laid down in the present map as the commissioners have them, the surveys being made by Randall. The fortifications at Harlem Heights are from Sauthier’s English map as given in New York Hist. MS. and Stedman.
Field of the Harlem Heights Affair
Reference has been made to the topography of this battle-field in a note in Chapter VI. The outlines are taken from Randall’s city map, and the ground has been frequently visited by the writer. Point of Rocks has been partly cut away, but the main features in the vicinity remain.
In this outline map, a bird’s-eye view is presented of the entire position in this vicinity. Details will be found in the larger maps. Care has been taken to give the outlines, roads, and relative distances with accuracy. The plan is a photographic reduction of Ratzer’s, Randall’s, and Coast Survey charts.
The Portraits
[The portraits are those of representative officers—men who rendered good service, not only during the campaign, but, in the case of three of them, during the war. Lasher’s and Hand’s have never been published; and the other two are not found in any general work. They are given here (two of them, at least) as contributions to the list of Revolutionary portraits. All have been specially photographed and transferred to steel by Mr. Egloffstein’s process, for the present volume.]
Colonel Lasher’s portrait is enlarged from a finely-painted and well-preserved miniature in the possession of Mrs. Kernochan, of New York.
Colonel Hand’s portrait is in the possession of his granddaughter, Mrs. S.B. Rogers, of Lancaster, Pennsylvania.
Colonel Glover’s portrait appeared first in the publications of the Essex Institute at Salem, Massachusetts.
Colonel Huntington’s portrait appears in the Huntington family Memoir. The original is a miniature by Trumbull, in possession of General Huntington’s descendants at Norwich.
A.
Adams, Abigail, on the Long Island defeat, 201.
Adams, John, describes New York, 38;
on Long Island defeat, 201.
America, success assured for, 292.
Amsterdam, rise of stocks at, on news from Long Island, 200.
Angell, Maj., at Princeton, 295.
Apthorpe, Charles W., 43;
British at house of, 244.
Army, American, described, 104-132;
roster of, 126-131;
on Long Island, 154, 208;
reorganized at New York, 228;
at Trenton, 289.
Assanpink Creek, Washington outgenerals Cornwallis at, 293, 294.
Atlee, Col., sketch of, 113, 129;
crosses to Long Island, 144;
at the battle, 163, 164;
near “Battle Hill” in Greenwood, 170, 171;
taken prisoner, 190;
loss in regiment, 204.
B.
Badlam’s Redoubt, 55, 87.
Badlam, Capt., examines Hamilton, 110.
Bailey, Col., 117, 127.
Baldwin, Col. L., 117, 127;
of Connecticut, 131.
Baltimore, 115;
Congress removes to, 287.
Bancroft, George, historian, quoted, 188, n.;
blames Putnam for defeat on Long Island, 192, n., 292.
Bartlett, of New Hampshire, on Long Island defeat, 200.
Battle Hill, Greenwood, 170, 196.
Baurmeister, Maj., describes Brooklyn, 46;
narrative of, Part II., 95.
Bayard, William, 40.
Bayard’s Hill Redoubt, 88.
Baxter, Col., at Fort Washington, 277;
killed, 280.
Bedford, Col., 126.
Bedford Pass, 143;
guard at, 146, 155;
British at, 180.
Blockje’s Bergh, location, 164.
Blodgett, Maj., 130.
Bloomingdale, described, 43;
British at, 244.
Boerum, Lieut., on Long Island, 65.
Boscawen, Mrs., letter from, on Long Island battle, 178.
Boston, evacuated, 61.
Bowling Green, 56.
Box, Fort, 68, 69.
Box, Maj., 70, 130.
Bradford, Capt., account of Lee’s capture, Part II., 146.
Bradley, Col., 120, 129.
Breukelen, ancient name, 45.
Brewer, Col., 130.
British, plan of campaign, 31-33;
arrive at New York, 93;
on Staten Island, 94;
army, strength of, 132;
list of generals, 133;
order of battle, 134-137;
land on Long Island, 139-140;
at Bedford, 180;
attack New York, 231;
occupy New York, 245;
position at close of campaign, Part II, 162. See Howe.
Brodhead, Lieut.-Col., 113, 185, 191;
letter from, Part II., 63.
Broadway in 1776, 35, 38.
Bronx River, 273.
Brooklyn in 1776, 44-48;
work, 67, 69, n., 78;
alarm posts fixed, 82;
to be held, 82;
prepared for siege, 83;
situation at, 209-213;
retreat from, 213, 214.
Brown, Capt., on fall of Knowlton, 255.
Burd, Maj., captured near Red Lion, 161;
letter from, Part II., 48.
Burgoyne, Gen., suggests plan of campaign, 32.
Burr, Maj. Aaron, 126;
at retreat from New York, 238.
C
Cadwallader, Lieut.-Col., at Fort Washington, 277;
at Trenton, 290.
Callendar, John, record at Long Island, 198;
sketch of, Part II., 187.
Canada, Sullivan ordered to, 63.
Carpenter, Capt., at battle of Long Island, 167;
killed, 169, 198.
Carrington, Gen., quoted, 133, 203, n.
Cary, Lieut.-Col., aide, 126;
Colonel S., 127.
Catherine, Queen, declines to lend England troops, 29, 30.
Chapman, Col., 131.
Chatterton’s Hill, location, 273;
battle at, 274, 275.
Chester, Col., 120, 129;
at Brooklyn, 144;
at White Plains, 273;
orders to, Part II., 145;
letter from, Part II., 98.
Citadel, on Long Island, 77 n.
Clark, Lieut.-Col. Joel;
on Long Island, 163;
sketch of, Part II., 187.
Clinton, Sir H., Southern expedition, 49;
leads flanking column on Long Island, 161;
interrogates prisoners, 178;
at New York, 233.
Clinton, Gen. Geo., sketch of, 109;
brigade, 128;
at Harlem Heights, 256.
Clinton, Gen. J., 109, 127.
Cobble Hill, Fort, 74;
orders de, 75.
Coenties Battery, 55.
Columbia Heights, in 1776, 44, 55.
Congress, Continental, Committee confers with Lee and New York Congress, 54;
votes not to injure New York, 230;
on river obstructions, 265;
retires to Baltimore, 287.
Connecticut, troops from, 105, 119, 125.
Continental Troops, 18, 105, 116, 122.
Cooke, Gov., of Rhode Island, receives Washington, 61, 62.
Cornell, Lieut.-Col., 79, 155, 185.
Cornwallis, Gen., 136;
on Long Island, 140, 141;
in flanking column on Long Island, 161;
fights Stirling, 187;
attack on New York, 233;
at Fort Washington, 278-280;
at Trenton, 293.
Cortelyou House, fight around, 187.
Cowenhoven, Lieut.-Col., of Long Island, 111.
Crary, Lieut.-Col., 119;
at battle of Harlem Heights, 252;
Princeton, 295.
Cuyler, Maj., of Howe’s staff, carries news of Long Island battle to England, 199.
D
Dawson, H.B., quoted, 193, n.
Deane, Silas, on Long Island battle, 200.
Defiance, Fort, 75.
Delaware, troops from, 105, 114, 123, 125.
Delaware River, retreat to, 288;
Washington crosses on Christmas eve, 291.
De Lancey, O., captures General Woodhull, 199.
Demont, Adj., deserts to British, 281 n.
De Nyse Ferry, 140.
Donop, Col., 136;
on Long Island, 184;
at Harlem Heights, 257;
in New Jersey, 288, 299.
Douglas, Col., 77, 120, 121, 129;
on Long Island, 189;
attacked at Kip’s Bay, 232-234;
retreat from, 234;
at Harlem Heights, 256;
at White Plains, 273;
letters from, Part II., 66;
sketch of, Part II., 187.
Drake, Col. S., regiment, 57, 58, 109, 127.
Duer, Hon. Wm., correspondence with Tilghman, 266-271, 298.
Dunscomb, Lieut. Edward, captured on Long Island, 177;
replies to Clinton, 178;
sketch of, Part II., 188.
Durkee, Col., 116, 119, 129, 154, 289.
Dyer, Maj., 128.
E.
East River, fortified, 54-55;
obstructions in, 300.
Eustis, Surgeon, letter from, Part II., 129.
Evelyn, Capt., captures American patrol on Long Island, 177, 179;
mortally wounded, 271, n.
Ewing, Gen., at Trenton, 290.
Ewing, Lieut., letter from, Part II., 49;
John E., letter from, Part II., 50.
F.
Fellows, Gen., 117, 127;
at Kip’s Bay, 235;
brigade in a panic, 236.
Field, T.H., quoted, 72, 188, 192, 203, 211, n., 223.
Fish, Maj., quoted, 78, 110, 127;
letter from, Part II., 127;
sketch of, Part II., 188.
Fitch, Lieut., narrative, Part II., 167.
Flatbush, 141, 142;
guard at, 146;
skirmishes at, 146, 152;
troops at, 155;
retreat from, 183, 184.
Flatlands, British march from, 180.
Fleming, Capt., killed at Princeton, 294.
Flying Camp, 105.
Forman, Col., regiment of, 112, 130.
Fort George, described, 36, 55, 56, 87.
Fort Putnam, 72;
firing in front of, 212.
Fort Washington, see Washington.
Foster, Private, deposition, Part II., 169.
Frederick the Great, on America, 28.
Fulton Ferry, 44.
G.
Gay, Col., on Long Island, 102, 120, 129;
sketch of, Part II., 188.
Gist, Maj., 115;
on Long Island, 187, 188.
George, King, speech on the American revolt, 19;
applies to Russia for aid, 29;
obtains Hessians, 30, 31;
statue pulled down, 93;
on news of battle of Long Island, 199.
Gleason, Capt., killed at Harlem Heights, 260.
Glover, Col., 117, 127;
on Long Island, 208;
at the Long Island retreat, 218, 221;
brigade fights light infantry, 271;
at Trenton, 289;
letter from, Part II., 99.
Gooch, Capt., letter from, Part II., 88.
Gordon, historian, blames Sullivan for the Long Island defeat, 194;
on the retreat from Long Island, 215, 216, n.
Gordon, Maj., 130.
Governor’s Island, occupied, 66;
works, 89;
evacuated, 300; Part II., 38, 41, 70, 116.
Gowanus, 44;
marsh, retreat across, 187.
Graham, Col., 128.
Grand Battery, 55, 56.
Grant, Gen., 160, 161;
opposite Stirling on Long Island, 166.
Grant, Lieut.-Col., British officer, killed on Long Island, 171.
Gravesend Bay, British land at, 140.
Graydon, Capt., quoted, 210.
Grayson, Col., aide, 126;
at Long Island retreat, 222.
Greene, Fort, 68, 71;
Col. Little at, 82.
Greene, Gen., ordered to New York, 62;
brigade, 63, 64;
ordered to Long Island, 64;
orders to, 78;
orders from, 80, 82;
promoted, 102;
taken ill, 102;
relieved on Long Island, 103;
division of, 130;
on Long Island defeat, 200;
division on Long Island, 208;
on burning New York, 229;
at Harlem Heights battle, 251;
Duer’s opinion of, 267;
at Fort Washington, 278;
and the loss of, 281-285;
at Trenton, 289;
orders on Long Island, Part II., 5;
letter from, Part II., 100.
Greene, Maj., of Virginia, mortally wounded, 273.
Greenwich, described, 43.
Greenwood Cemetery, mentioned, 143, 166, 170, 173, 196, 197.
Grenadier Battery, 85.
Griffith, Col., regiment at Harlem Heights battle, 256.
H.
Hale, Capt., executed as spy, 262;
letter from, Part II., 131;
sketch of, Part II., 188.
Hamilton, Alexander, appointed Captain, 110;
at White Plains, 274;
sketch of, Part II., 188.
Hancock, John, on the importance of the campaign, 13;
appeal for troops, 106.
Hand, Col., on Long Island, 65;
regiment of, 112, 113, 130;
falls back before British on Long Island, 141;
on picket on Long Island, 159;
at Throg’s Neck, 266;
skirmish near Mamaroneck, 273;
at Trenton, 290;
at Princeton, 295;
letter from, Part II., 48.
Harlem, described, 42.
Harlem Heights, American retreat to, 243, 244;
battle of, 246-262;
battle-field described, 258, n.;
losses at battle of, 259-261;
works at, 263, 264;
Americans evacuate, 271.
Harrison, Col., Secretary to Washington, 126.
Haslet, Col., sketch of, 114, 129;
regiment at battle of Long Island, 163, 166, 168, 203;
on the situation at New York, 226;
surprises Rogers, 273;
killed at Princeton, 294;
letters from, Part II., 51, 156.
Hay, Maj., 114, 129, 204, 205.
Heard, Gen., arrests tories, 81;
brigade on Long Island, 102, 112, 130.
Heath, Gen., at New York, 61, 63, 64;
division of, 127;
on the Long Island retreat, 218;
Washington to, 226;
at White Plains, 273.
Heister, Gen., arrives at Staten Island, 95;
crosses to Long Island with Hessians, 160;
in Long Island battle, 184;
Stirling surrenders to, 189.
Henley, Maj., 127;
killed, 261.
Henshaw, Lieut.-Col., 117;
on Long Island, 185, 186;
at Harlem Heights battle, 261;
at Princeton, 295;
letters from, Part II., 44, 47;
sketch of, Part II., 188.
Hessians, 31;
arrive at Staten Island, 95;
number in Howe’s army, 133;
brigades, 136;
march into battle on Long Island, 184, 185;
not closely engaged, 185, n.;
in attack on New York, 233;
captured at Trenton, 292.
Heyer, Col., 58, 108.
Hinman, Col., 131.
Hickey Plot, 92.
Hitchcock, Col., regiment escorts Washington, 62;
on Long Island, 65;
alarm post, 82, 118, 130;
regiment at Harlem Heights battle, 261;
at Trenton, 290;
at Princeton, 295;
thanked by Washington, 296;
death of, 296;
letters from, Part II., 75.
Hogeland, A., farm, 43;
battle on farm of, 248.
Hogeland, Lieut., on Long Island, 177.
Holman, Col., 127.
Hopkins, Maj., 127.
Horn’s Hook, fort, 55;
troops at, 228.
Howe, Admiral, arrives at the Narrows, 94, 300.
Howe, Gen., arrives at New York, 94;
as civil commissioner, 96;
letter to Mr. Washington, 97;
plan of attack on Long Island, 160, 161;
report of Long Island losses, 202;
red riband to be sent to, 199;
at White Plains, 273-276;
demands surrender of Fort Washington, 277;
campaign plans baffled, 296.
Hudson River, indefensible, 56;
defences, 298.
Hughes, Col., quartermaster, 110;
ordered to collect craft for Long Island retreat, 218, 219, n.;
sketch of, Part II., 189.
Hull, Capt., at Trenton, 291, 292;
letter from, Part II., 151.
Humphrey, Col., 127.
Humphreys, Col., on retreat from New York, 239, 244;
extract from writings of, 89.
Huntington, Col., 119, 120, 128, 163, n.;
regiment at battle of Long Island, 163, 166, 171;
loss of, 190, 203.
Huntington, Capt., letter from, Part II., 84.
Hutchinson, Col., 117, 128;
and the Long Island retreat, 218, 221.
I
Independence, 34;
Declaration of, read, 93;
established, 298.
Independence, Fort, location, 264.
Independents, New York, battalions of, 107, 108.
J.
Jacquet, Lieut., killed on Long Island, 198.
Jamaica Pass, 142;
British at, 176;
American patrol captured at, 177;
surprise at, 182, 191, 193.
Jay, John, appointed colonel, 110;
on destroying New York, 229.
Jay, Hon. John, centennial address, 246, n.
Jersey Battery, 85.
Jewett, Capt., mortally wounded, 197;
sketch of, 197.
Johnston, Capt. J., wounded, 198;
sketch of, Part II., 189.
Johnston, Col., regiment of, 112, 130;
mortally wounded on Long Island, 196;
sketch of, 196.
Jones Hill Redoubt, 88.
K.
Kachlein, Lieut.-Col., 114, 129;
at battle of Long Island, 163, 166.
Keith, Maj., 127.
Kennedy House, headquarters, 86, n.
King’s Bridge, location, 41;
troops at, 228.
King’s Bridge Road, described, 41.
King’s County, inhabitants work on forts, 60.
Kip’s Bay, 231, 232;
Colonel Douglas at, 232;
ships cannonade, 232-234;
troops panic-struck, 234-236;
criticism on, 240.
Knowlton, Lieut.-Col., crosses to Long Island, 154;
at Harlem Heights, 247;
reconnoitres the enemy’s position, 247, 248;
mortally wounded, 254;
where buried, 261;
sketch of, Part II., 189.
Knox, Col., 67, 98;
regiment of, 117, 131;
at Trenton, 290, 293;
letters from, Part II., 152.
Knyphausen, Gen., arrives, 276;
attacks Fort Washington, 278.
L
Lasher, Col. J., 58;
regiment at Bayard’s Hill redoubt, 88, 107, 108;
on Long Island, 144;
sketch of, Part II., 189.
Lawrence, Maj., 131.
Lee, Gen. Chas., sent to New York, 49;
sketch of, 50;
letter to from New York committee, 51;
enters New York, 53;
inspects, 54, 57;
goes South, 58;
plan of defence, 66;
Long Island tories, 81;
Duer’s opinion of, 269, n.;
captured by British, 288, n.
Lee, Fort, 264;
evacuated, 287.
Leeds, celebrating Long Island victory, 200.
Leitch, Maj. Andrew, at battle of Harlem Heights, 251;
wounded, 254;
where buried, 261.
Lewis, Col., 131.
Limerick, celebrating Long Island battle at, 200.
Lippett, Col., 118;
at Princeton, 295.
Little, Col., regiment escorts Washington, 62;
on Long Island, 65;
alarm post, 82, 117, 130;
describes skirmish on Long Island, 212;
order-book, Part II., 5;
letters from, Part II., 42;
sketch of, Part II., 189.
Livingston, P., mansion, 47;
council held at house of, 213.
Livingston, R.R., correspondence, 268.
Livingston, Gov. William, announces movements of enemy, 143.
Livingston. Maj. W.S., 129, 130.
London Chronicle, extracts from, Part II., 133.
Long Island, Dutch population, 44;
works on, 55;
attack expected, 101;
troops from, 110;
topography, 142;
battle of, 137-206;
regiments on, 154, n.;
news of the battle in England, 199;
American and British loss on, 195, 202-206;
brigades at, 208;
retreat from, 207, 213;
origin of, 215, n.;
orders for retreat, 219, 220;
fog on, 223, n.;
298.
Lossing, B.F., quoted, 86, 89.
Lott, A.P., appointed Colonel, 110.
Lutz, Lieut.-Col., 114, 200;
loss in regiment of, 204, 206.
M
McConkey’s Ferry, 289.
McDonough, Maj., on Long Island, 166;
wounded, 169.
McDougall’s Battery, 86.
McDougall, Gen., 107, 130;
superintends retreat from Long Island, 221;
at White Plains, 274, 275;
regiment at Trenton, 289; Part II., 189.
McGowan’s Pass, location, 41.
McPherson, Lieut., Journal, Part II., 168.
Magaw, Col., 113, 128;
on Long Island, 208;
at Fort Washington, 277;
refuses to surrender, 278;
surrenders, 280.
Malcom, Col. W., 60, 108, 127.
Mamaroneck, British near, 272.
Manhattan Island, described, 40.
Mansfield, Lord, made Earl on news from Long Island, 199.
Marritje Davids Fly, locality, 260.
Martin, Col., 112, 130;
wounded on Long Island, 152.
Martin, Private, narrative of, Part II., 81.
Maryland, troops from, 105, 114, 125;
engaged on Long Island, 187;
conduct of, 188, n.;
captured, 188, 189.
Massachusetts, troops from, 105, 125.
Matthews, Gen., at Fort Washington, 278.
Mawhood, Lieut.-Col., at Princeton, 294, 295.
Mead, Lieut.-Col., 131.
Mercer, Gen., sketch of, 116;
troops ordered to Powle’s Hook, 208;
at Fort Washington, 278;
at Trenton, 289;
mortally wounded at Princeton, 294.
Mifflin, Gen., 128;
on Long Island, 208;
and the Long Island retreat, 216, 217, n., 218;
commands covering party, 222.
Mill, burned at Long Island battle, 188, n.
Miles, Col., 113, 123, 129;
crosses to Long Island, 144;
surprised, 180, 181;
fight in woods, 182;
retreats, 185;
taken prisoner, 186;
loss of regiment, 204;
sketch of, Part II., 189.
Miles Square, 271.
Monroe, Lieut. James, at Trenton, 292.
Montressor, Capt., on Brooklyn works, 73, n.;
Long Island retreat, 224, n.
Morgan, Dr., 126.
Morris, Capt., Journal, Part II., 172.
Morris, Lewis, appointed Brigadier-General, 110, n.
Morris, Maj., 129.
Morris Mansion, headquarters, 86, 230.
Morristown, Americans encamp at, 296.
Mortier House, headquarters, 86.
Moultrie, Col., 95.
Moylan, Col., 126.
Murray, Mrs., entertains British generals and aids Putnam’s escape from New York, 239, 240.
Murray, Robert, residence, 235.
Murphy, Hon. H.C., on name of Brooklyn, 45.
N.
Narrows, Colonel Hand at, 65;
British at, 94, 95.
Neal, Capt., killed at Princeton, 294.
Newberry, Maj., 131.
Newcomb, Col., 112, 130.
New England, troops from, 105, 116;
New England men criticised, 240-243.
New Jersey, troops from, 105, 111, 130;
retreat through, 287.
New Rochelle, British near, 271, 272.
New York, war brought to, 33, 34;
in 1776, 35-40;
in 1876, 48;
occupation of, 48;
Committee of Safety and Lee, 51-53;
Lee occupies, 53;
works at, 84-90;
barricades, 90;
troops from, 105, 106, 125;
can it be held, 225;
British attack, 231;
position of army at, 232;
retreat from, 234-240;
loss of, 245;
great fire at, 262;
American losses in and around, 285, 286.
Nichol, Col., 128.
Nixon, Gen., on Long Island, 102;
brigade of, 130;
posts troops on Long Island, 148;
brigade at battle of Harlem Heights, 251, 260.
North Castle, heights of, Washington retreats to, 275.
North River, indefensible, 56;
obstructions in, 298.
O.
Oblong Redoubt, 68, 71.
Olney, Lieut., 119, 185, n.
Onderdonk, H., mentioned, 179.
Orders, Greene’s, Part II., 5;
Sullivan’s, Part II., 27;
Washington’s, Part II., 30;
scattering orders by Lee, Spencer, Greene, and Nixon, Part II., 141.
Out-ward of New York, described, 41.
Oyster Battery, 86.
P.
Palfrey, Col., Paymaster-General, 126.
Parliament, proceedings in, on American affairs, 19-33;
votes to suppress the rebellion, 24.
Parry, Lieut.-Col., 114;
killed on Long Island, 171, 196;
sketch of, 196; Part II., 190.
Parsons, Gen., 119, 128;
brigade crosses to Long Island, 148;
on duty, 155;
at battle of Long Island, 163, 165;
covers Stirling’s left, 170, 171, 189;
escapes, 190;
quoted, 200;
in Kip’s Bay affair, 235;
panic in brigade of, 236;
letters from, Part II., 33.
Patterson, Lieut.-Col., British Adjutant-General, interview with Washington, 98.
Paulding, Col., 128.
Pawling, Maj., 128.
Peck, Maj., 128.
Pell’s Point, British land at, 271.
Pennsylvania, troops from, 105, 112, 125.
Percy, Earl, at Long Island, 176;
at Fort Washington, 278-280.
Pettibone, Col., 131.
Philadelphia, Howe’s designs upon, frustrated, 296.
Phœnix, British ship, runs the batteries, 99, 100.
Piper, Lieut.-Col. J., sketch of, Part II., 190.
Platt, Maj., 130.
Popham, Lieut. Wm., captures British prisoners on Long Island, 300.
Powle’s Hook, 89;
panic at, 242, n.
Prescott, Col., on Governor’s Island, 67, 116, 117, 130;
at Kip’s Bay, 236;
at Throg’s Neck, 266.
Price. Maj., Maryland troops under, at Harlem Heights, 256.
Princeton, battle of, 294-296;
effect of, 296, 297.
Prisoners, list of, Part II., 174, 175, 176, 180.
Prospect Park, Battle Pass in, 156, n.
Putnam, Fort, 68, 72, 296.
Putnam, Gen., ordered to New York, 61, 63;
occupies Governor’s Island, 66;
division of, 126;
takes command on Long Island, 148-150;
instructions to, 151;
orders Stirling to meet Grant on Long Island, 162;
responsibility for Long Island defeat, 191-195, n.;
at Kip’s Bay, 235;
exertions on the retreat, 237-239, 256;
at Fort Washington, 278.
Putnam, Col. R., 72, 118, 126;
reconnoitres White Plains, 272;
at Chatterton’s Hill, 273;
journal of, Part II., 136.
R.
Rall, Col., at Fort Washington, 278-280;
captured at Trenton, 292.
Randolph, Capt., letters from, Part II., 170.
Rangers, noticed, 246, n.;
engaged at Harlem Heights, 246-255.
Rawlings, Col., at Fort Washington, 277-279.
Read, Col., 127.
Red Hook, location, 47;
works, 67, 75;
Varnum at, 76.
Red Lion, location, 143;
skirmish near, 161.
Reed, Adj.-Gen., interview on flag of truce, 97, 126;
on New England troops, 241, n.;
at battle of Harlem Heights, 250-253;
reconnoitres in Westchester, 272.
Reed, W.B., on the retreat from Long Island, 217, n.
Remsen, Maj. A., on Long Island, 111.
Remsen, Col., 102, 110, 131.
Rhinelander, F., letter on New York, 57, n.
Richardson, Col., regiment at Harlem Heights battle, 256.
Ritzema, Col., 107, 130;
at White Plains, 274, 275.
Rhode Island, troops from, 118, 125.
Rodney, Cæsar, 114.
Rodney, Capt. Thomas, 296;
journal of, Part II., 158.
Rose, British ship runs the batteries, 99, 100, 230.
Rush, Dr., on Long Island defeat, 200.
Rutgers Farm, 42.
Rutgers, H., of New York, killed on Long Island, 198.
Rutgers, Col. H., sketch of, Part. II., 190.
S.
Sage, Col., 129.
St. Clair, Gen., at Trenton, 289.
Sandy Hook, light destroyed, 60.
Sargent, Col., 117, 128;
brigade at battle of Harlem Heights, 251;
at Trenton, 289.
Scammell, Maj., 129;
at the Long Island retreat, 222.
Scott, Gen. J.M., mansion, 43;
noticed, 108;
brigade of, 127;
crosses to Long Island, 189, n.;
on the situation at Brooklyn, 210;
at the council to retreat, 213, 214;
brigade at Kip’s Bay affair, 237;
letter from, Part II., 36;
sketch of, Part II., 190.
Selden, Col., 121, 129;
regiment on Long Island, 189, n.;
taken prisoner at Kip’s Bay, 244, n.;
sketch of, Part II., 191.
Shee, Col., 113, 128;
on Long Island, 208.
Shewkirk, Pastor, excitement in New York, 53;
diary of, Part II., 101.
Silliman, Col. G.S., 59;
letter on Governor’s Island, 60, 120, 121, 129;
crosses to Long Island, 144;
describes skirmish, 152;
on American loss at Long Island, 205;
on the skirmishing at Brooklyn, 211;
in retreat from New York, 237;
at White Plains, 273;
letters from, Part II., 57.
Sloan, Lieut., killed on Long Island, 198.
Smallwood, Col., 115, 123, 129;
regiment at battle of Long Island, 163, 166, 168, 187;
loss of, 203;
at White Plains, 275.
Smith, Col. J., 127.
Smith, Col. Josiah, on Long Island, 102, 110, 131.
Smith, Capt. R., 108;
sketch of, Part II., 191.
Smith, William, Lee’s engineer, 54, 75.
Smith, William, historian, quoted, 36.
Smyth, J.F.D., traveler, describes New York, 39;
on Long Island population, 45;
describes Hell Gate, 47, n.
Spencer, Gen., ordered to New York, 62;
brigade, 63, 64;
division 128, 208;
at White Plains, 273.
Spencer’s Redoubt, 87.
Stark, Col., at Trenton, 289.
Stephen, Gen., at Trenton, 289.
Sterling, Lieut.-Col., at Fort Washington, 280.
Stiles, Dr., History of Brooklyn quoted, 45.
Stiles, Pres., map, 69.
Stirling, Fort, 56, 76.
Stirling, Gen., at New York, 58;
orders, 60;
brigade, 63;
to grenadier company, 85;
crosses to Long Island, 148, 149;
takes position on Long Island, 162, 164, 165, 172, 183;
retreats, 186, 187;
fights Cornwallis, 187;
at White Plains, 273;
at Trenton, 289;
sketch of, Part II., 191.
Strong, Maj., 131.
Stuyvesants, 42.
Sullivan, Gen., ordered to New York, 61;
brigade, 63;
ordered to Canada, 63;
at Long Island, 103;
thanks his troops on Long Island, 147;
superseded by Putnam, 148-150;
sends out patrol, 159;
goes out to the Flatbush Pass, 173, 183;
retreats from, 184;
taken prisoner on Long Island, 186;
question of the Long Island defeat, 194;
division on Long Island, 208;
at Trenton, 289;
at Princeton, 296;
orders on Long Island, Part II., 27.
Suydam, Capt., on Long Island, 111.
Swartwout, Col., 128.
T.
Talcott, Col., 131.
Tallmadge, Maj., account of Long Island battle and White Plains, Part II., 77.
Tappan Bay, ships at, 100.
Taylor, Lieut., killed on Long Island, 198.
Thomas, Col., 128.
Thompson’s Battery, 89;
Gracie’s Point, 89.
Thompson, Col., 131.
Thompson, Gen., at New York, 61.
Thorne, Maj., 71, 111.
Throg’s Neck, British land at, 265.
Tilghman, Capt., aide, 126;
at Harlem Heights battle, 258;
correspondence with Duer, 266;
letters from, Part II., 85;
sketch of, Part II., 192.
Tories, on Long Island, 80;
Lee’s course, 81;
Greene’s, 81;
Tory-riding, 92;
enlist in New York, 267, 268.
Trenton, Rall stationed at, 288;
battle of, 287-292;
effect of, 296, 297.
Troup, Lieut. Robert, captured on Long Island, 177;
sketch of, Part II., 192.
Trumbull, Col., 126;
orders for Long Island retreat, 218;
letters from, Part II., 40, 41.
Trumbull, Gov., 50, 119.
Tryon, Gov., 51.
Tupper, Lieut.-Col., commands American fleet, 91;
attacks British ships, 100.
Tyler, Col., 129.
V
Valentine’s Hill, 271.
Vandewater, B., farm, 43;
battle on farm of, 248.
Van Cortland, Col., 130.
Van Dyck, Capt., and grenadier battery, 85.
Van Wagenen, Lieut. G.H., on Long Island, 177;
sketch of, Part II., 192.
Varnum, Col., on Long Island, 65;
at Red Hook, 76;
alarm post, 82, 118, 130.
Veazey, Capt., 115;
killed on Long Island, 169, 197.
Virginia, troops from, 116;
at Trenton, 289.
W.
Wadsworth, Gen., brigade, 129;
on Long Island, 189, n.;
at Kip’s Bay, 237.
Waldron, Capt., on Long Island, 65, 111.
Wallabout, settlement, 44;
bay, 47.
Walpole, Horace, on Long Island defeat, 199;
on Washington, 297.
Ward, Col. A., 51, 57, 58, 59, 128.
Ward, Col. J., 117, 129;
at Long Island battle, 188, n.
Washington, Gen. George, sends Lee to New York, 49;
to Stirling, 58;
at Providence, 62;
Lady Washington, 63;
Gen. Washington at New York, 63;
headquarters in New York, 86;
orders to troops on enemy’s arrival, 95;
Howe’s letter to Mr. Washington, 97;
inspects position on Long Island, 152, 153;
on Long Island during battle, 189;
at Brooklyn, takes no rest, 212;
council for retreat, 213;
decides to retreat from Long Island, 215, n., 219, n.;
orders for the retreat, 219, 220;
anxiety at New York, 226;
letter to Heath, 226;
at battle of Harlem Heights, 250;
at White Plains, 273;
at fall of Fort Washington, 278;
responsibility for fall of, 281-285;
orders at Trenton, 290, 292;
at Assanpink Creek, 293;
at Princeton, 293;
Walpole on his generalship, 297.
Washington, Fort, location, 263;
British march to, 276;
attack upon, 279;
fall of, 280;
loss at, 281.
Washington, Capt. William, at Trenton, 290, 292.
Waterbury, Col. D., 51, 57, 59.
Waterbury’s battery, 55, 87.
Webb, Col. C., 119, 120, 130;
at White Plains, 27;
at Trenton, 289.
Webb, Lieut.-Col., aide, 126;
at White Plains, 275;
at Trenton, 291;
sketch of, Part II., 193.
Weedon, Col., regiment engaged at Harlem Heights, 251.
Westchester County, operations in, 265-276.
Whitehall Battery, 87.
White Plains, battle of, 273-275.
Whiting, Maj., 128.
Wolcott, Gen., king’s statue and bullets, 93, 121, 131;
writes from Congress on the war, 297;
letter from, Part II., 147.
Wolverton, Capt., on Long Island, 82.
Woodhull, Gen., on Long Island, 111, 131;
captured and wounded, 199;
prisoner, 206;
letters from, Part II., 73;
sketch of, Part II., 193.
Wyllys, Col., 119, 120, 128;
on Long Island, 156, 181-185.
Wyllys, Maj., 129;
prisoner at Kip’s Bay, 243, n.
Y.
York, corporation of, votes address on news from Long Island, 199.
Footnotes
1 Outside of Parliament, all shades of opinion found expression through the papers, pamphlets, and private correspondence. Hume, the historian, wrote, October 27th, 1775: “I am an American in my principles, and wish we could let them alone, to govern or misgovern themselves as they think proper. The affair is of no consequence, or of little consequence to us.” But he wanted those “insolent rascals in London and Middlesex” punished for inciting opposition at home. This would be more to the point than “mauling the poor infatuated Americans in the other hemisphere.” William Strahan, the eminent printer, replied to Hume: “I differ from you toto cœlo with regard to America. I am entirely for coercive methods with those obstinate madmen.” Dr. Robertson, author of The History of America, wrote: “If our leaders do not exert the power of the British Empire in its full force, the struggle will be long, dubious, and disgraceful. We are past the hour of lenitives and half exertions.” Early in 1776, Dr. Richard Price, the Dissenting preacher, issued his famous pamphlet on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, and the Justice and Policy of the War, which had a great run. Taking sides with the colonists, he said: “It is madness to resolve to butcher them. Freemen are not to be governed by force, or dragooned into compliance. If capable of bearing to be so treated, it is a disgrace to be connected with them.”
2 “Correspondence with Lord North.” Donne.
3 Upon this point Dr. Price said: “Let it be granted, though probably far from true, that the majority of the kingdom favor the present measures. No good argument could be drawn from thence against receding.”
4 “A View of Society and Manners in France, Switzerland, and Germany.” By John Moore, M.D. Lond., 1786. Vol. V., Letter 75.
5 Respecting sentiment in Europe on American affairs, the English traveller Moore wrote as follows from Vienna in 1775: “Our disputes with the colonies have been a prevailing topic of conversation wherever we have been since we left England. The warmth with which this subject is handled increases every day. At present the inhabitants of the Continent seem as impatient as those of Great Britain for news from the other side of the Atlantic; but with this difference, that here they are all of one mind—all praying for success to the Americans, and rejoicing in every piece of bad fortune which happens to our army.”—Moore’s View, etc. Letter 96.
6 “History of England from the Accession of George III. to 1783.” By J. Adolphus. Vol. II., p. 326.
7 Two views have been expressed in regard to this. The English historian Adolphus charges Frederick of Prussia and secret French agents with having changed Catherine’s mind, and he gives apparently good authority for the statement. The secret seems to have been known in English circles very soon after Catherine’s refusal. On November 10th Shelburne said in the House of Lords: “There are Powers in Europe who will not suffer such a body of Russians to be transported to America. I speak from information. The Ministers know what I mean. Some power has already interfered to stop the success of the Russian negotiation.” Mr. Bancroft, on the other hand, concludes (Vol. V., Chap. L., Rev. Ed.) that “no foreign influence whatever, not even that of the King of Prussia, had any share in determining the empress;” and Vergennes is quoted as saying that he could not reconcile Catherine’s “elevation of soul with the dishonorable idea of trafficking in the blood of her subjects.” But since Catherine, four years later, in 1779, proposed to offer to give England effective assistance in America in order to be assured of her aid in return against the Turks, it may be questioned how far “elevation of soul” prompted the decision in 1775. (See Eaton’s “Turkish Empire,” p. 409.) In view of England’s relations with most of the Continental Powers at that time, Shelburne and Adolphus have probably given the correct explanation of the matter.
8 Fonblanque’s Life of Burgoyne, p. 152.
9 The site of Fort George is now covered in part by the buildings at the west corner of the Bowling Green block, where the steamship companies have their offices. South and west of this point the Battery is almost entirely made-land. (Compare Ratzer’s map of 1767 with the maps recently compiled by the New York Dock Department.) As to other old defences of the city, Wm. Smith, the historian, writing about 1766, says: “During the late war a line of palisadoes was run from Hudson’s to the East River, at the other end of the city [near the line of Chambers street], with block-houses at small distances. The greater part of these still remain as a monument of our folly, which cost the province about £8000.”
10 The last census before the Revolution was taken in 1771, when the population of the city and county of New York was returned at 21,863. (Doc. Hist. of N.Y., Vol. I.) At the time of the war alarm, in 1775, this total must have risen to full 25,000. Philadelphia’s population was somewhat larger; Boston’s, less.
11 “A Tour in the United States,” etc. By J.F.D. Smyth. London, 1784.
12 “Letters from America, 1769-1777.” By Wm. Eddis. London.
13 “King’s Bridge, which joins the northern extremity of this island to the continent, is only a small wooden bridge, and the country around is mountainous, rocky, broken, and disagreeable, but very strong.”—Smyth’s Tour, etc., vol. ii., p. 376.
14 Laws and Ordinances of New Netherlands.
15 The caption to the act in the case passed 1751, and remaining unchanged in 1773, reads: “An Act for mending and keeping in Repair the publick Road or Highway, from the House of John Horne, in the Bowry Division of the Out-ward of the City of New York, through the Bloomendale Division in the said ward, to the house of Adrian Hoogelandt.”
16 The Hon. Henry C. Murphy, who visited this place in 1859, says of it: “The town lies in the midst of a marshy district, and hence its name; for Breukelen—pronounced Brurkeler—means marsh land.” “There are some curious points of coincidence,” continues Mr. Murphy, “both as regards the name and situation of the Dutch Breukelen and our Brooklyn. The name with us was originally applied exclusively to the hamlet which grew up along the main road now embraced within Fulton Avenue, and between Smith Street and Jackson Street; and we must, therefore, not confound it with the settlements at the Waalebought, Gowanus, and the Ferry, now Fulton Ferry, which were entirely distinct, and were not embraced within the general name of Brooklyn, until after the organization of the township of that name by the British Colonial Government. Those of our citizens who remember the lands on Fulton Avenue near Nevins Street and De Kalb Avenue before the changes which were produced by the filling-in of those streets, will recollect that their original character was marshy and springy, being in fact the bed of the valley which received the drain of the hills extending on either side of it from the Waalebought to Gowanus Bay. This would lead to the conclusion that the name was given on account of the locality; but though we have very imperfect accounts as to who were the first settlers of Brooklyn proper, still, reasoning from analogy in the cases of New Utrecht and New Amersfoort, we cannot probably err in supposing that Brooklyn owes its name to the circumstance that its first settlers wished to preserve in it a memento of their homes in Fatherland. After the English conquest, there was a continual struggle between the Dutch and English orthography.... Thus it is spelled Breucklyn, Breuckland, Brucklyn, Broucklyn, Brookland, Brookline, and several other ways. At the end of the last century it settled down into the present Brooklyn. In this form it still retains sufficiently its original signification of the marsh or brook land.”—Stiles’ History of Brooklyn, vol. i., App. 4.
17 Part II., Document 33. On the other hand, some later English descriptions are not as pleasant; but the wretchedness the writers saw during the war was what the war had caused.
18 In describing some of the characteristic features of Long Island, Smyth, the traveler already quoted, mentions what seemed to him “two very extraordinary places.” “The first,” he says, “is a very dangerous and dreadful strait or passage, called Hell-Gates, between the East River and the Sound; where the two tides meeting cause a horrible whirlpool, the vortex of which is called the Pot, and drawing in and swallowing up every thing that approaches near it, dashes them to pieces upon the rocks at the bottom.... Before the late war, a top-sail vessel was seldom ever known to pass through Hell-Gates; but since the commencement of it, fleets of transports, with frigates for their convoy, have frequently ventured and accomplished it; the Niger, indeed, a very fine frigate of thirty-two guns, generally struck on some hidden rock, every time she attempted this passage. But what is still more extraordinary, that daring veteran, Sir James Wallace, to the astonishment of every person who ever saw or heard of it, carried his Majesty’s ship, the Experiment, of fifty guns, safe through Hell-Gates, from the east end of the Sound to New York; when the French fleet under D’Estaing lay off Sandy Hook, and blocked up the harbor and city of New York, some ships of the line being also sent by D’Estaing round the east end of Long Island to cruise in the Sound for the same purpose, so that the Experiment must inevitably have fallen into their hands, had it not been for this bold and successful attempt of her gallant commander.” The other spot was Hempstead Plains, which presented the “singular phenomenon,” for America, of having no trees.
19 Washington had some misgivings as to his authority to assume military control of New York, and he sought the advice of John Adams, who was then at Watertown. The latter replied without hesitation that under his commission as commander-in-chief he had full authority. To President Hancock, Washington wrote: “I hope the Congress will approve of my conduct in sending General Lee upon this expedition. I am sure I mean it well, as experience teaches us that it is much easier to prevent an enemy from posting themselves, than it is to dislodge them after they have got possession.”
20 “New York in the Revolution.” Published by the New York Mercantile Library Association.
22 Lee wrote to Washington, February 19th: “I wait for some more force to prepare a post or retrenched encampment on Long Island, opposite to the city, for 3000 men. This is, I think, a capital object; for, should the enemy take possession of New York, when Long Island is in our hands, they will find it almost impossible to subsist.”
23 The location and strength of Fort Stirling, the citadel, and the other works on Long Island, are noted more in detail further along in this chapter.
[24] “Feb. 23d, 1776.—... General Lee is taking every necessary step to fortify and defend this city. The men-of-war are gone out of our harbor; the Phœnix is at the Hook; the Asia lays near Beedlow’s Island; so that we are now in a state of perfect peace and security, was it not for our apprehensions of future danger. To see the vast number of houses shut up, one would think the city almost evacuated. Women and children are scarcely to be seen in the streets. Troops are daily coming in; they break open and quarter themselves in any houses they find shut up. Necessity knows no law.”—Letter from F. Rhinelander. “Life of Peter Van Schaack.”
25 Privates present fit for duty: Stirling’s regiment, 407; Waterbury’s, 457; Ward’s, 489; Drake’s, 104; Swartwout’s, 186; Van Ness’, 110; Captain Ledyard’s company, N.Y., 64.
26 In the chapter on “The Two Armies,” some further account is given of the troops furnished during the campaign by New York and the Brooklyn villages.
27 The committee humored Governor Tryon, however, with a few civilities as late as April 4th, when they provided his fleet with “the following articles, viz.: 1300 lbs. beef for the ‘Asia’; 1000 lbs. beef for the ‘Phœnix,’ with 18s. worth vegetables; 2 qrs. beef, 1 doz. dishes, 2 doz. plates, 1 doz. spoons, 2 mugs, 2 barrels ale, for the packet; 6 barrels of beer, 2 quarters of beef for the governor’s ship, ‘Duchess of Gordon.’”—Journal of the Provincial Congress.
28 Stirling’s orders, March 13th, 1776: “It is intended to employ one half of the inhabitants every other day, changing, at the works for the defence of this city; and the whole of the slaves every day, until this place is put in a proper posture of defence. The Town Major is immediately to disperse these orders.”—Force, 4th series, vol. v., p. 219.
The citizens were divided off into reliefs or “beats.” In the “N.Y. Hist. Manuscripts,” vol. i., p. 267, may be found the “Amount of officers and Privates of ye 22d Beat at work 17 March”—59 men under Captain Benj. Egbert. Negroes belonging to the 22d Beat—“Pomp, Cæsar, Peter, Sam, Jo, Cubitt, Simms, John, Cato,” etc., 11 in all.
29 MS. Order Book of Colonel Moses Little.
30 R.I. Hist. Coll. Vol. VI.
31 Ward’s, we have seen, was the first regiment stationed on Long Island. It was there from February 24th until about the end of March. The N.Y. Packet of February 29th, 1776, says: “Saturday last Col. Ward’s regiment arrived here from Connecticut, and embarked in boats and landed on Nassau [Long] Island.” Lee gave orders that a Pennsylvania battalion, supposed to be on its way to New York, should encamp from the Wallabout to Gowanus, but no Pennsylvania troops are included in Stirling’s return, and certainly none were on Long Island until Hand’s riflemen came from Boston. It is probable that Colonel Chas. Webb’s Connecticut Continentals relieved Ward, as Captain Hale writes that it had been there three weeks, sometime before May 20th. Greene’s brigade were the next troops to cross over.
32 Force, Fourth Series, vol. v., p. 811.
33 MS. letter from Colonel Silliman to his wife, in possession of Mrs. O.P. Hubbard, New York City.
34 General Orders, April 16th, 1776:... “Colonel Prescott’s Regiment is to encamp on Governour’s Island as soon as the weather clears. They are to give every assistance in their power to the works erecting thereon.”...
35 “Monday night 1000 Continental troops stationed here went over and took possession of Governor’s Island and began to fortify it; the same night a regiment went over to Red Hook and fortified that place likewise.” New York Packet, April 11, 1776.
36 General Orders, April 25th, 1776: “The encampment of the Third Brigade to be marked out in like manner, upon Long Island, on Saturday morning. The chief engineers, with the quartermasters, etc., from each regiment, to assist the quartermaster-general in that service. As soon as the general has approved of the encampments marked out, the troops will be ordered to encamp....”
37 Consult map accompanying this work, entitled “Plan of the Battle of Long Island, and of the Brooklyn Defences in 1776;” also the note in regard to it under the title “Maps,” in Part II.
38 “Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society,” vol. ii., p. 494. “Battle of Long Island.” By Thomas W. Field.
39 As the British demolished all the Brooklyn works very soon after their capture, it would be difficult to fix the exact site of some of them, but for data which have been preserved. That they were destroyed is certain. Baurmeister, the Hessian major, states that Howe directed the Hessian division to level the “Brocklands-Leinen,” but recalled the order when General De Heister represented that “this could not be done by soldiers without compensation, especially as it would be the work of four weeks.” According to tradition, the inhabitants levelled them by Howe’s orders. General Robertson testified in 1779 that “there were no vestiges of the lines soon after they were taken.” Cornwallis on the same occasion said that, being detached to Newtown after the battle, he had “no opportunity of going to Brooklyn till the lines were nearly demolished.” But with the assistance of Lieutenant Ratzer’s accurate topographical map of New York and Brooklyn of 1766-7, the Hessian map published in vol. ii. of the Society’s Memoirs, the plan of the lines thrown up in the 1812 war, and other documents, the forts of 1776 can readily be located. Ratzer’s map shows all the elevations where works would naturally be put; and the Hessian map, which is a reduction of Ratzer’s, adds the works. The accuracy of the latter, which heretofore could not be proved, is now established by the fact that the position of the forts corresponds to the location assigned them relatively in Greene’s orders. There can be little doubt that this map was made from actual surveys soon after the battle, and that the shape as well as the site of the works and lines is preserved in it. Another guide is the 1812 line as marked out by Lieutenant Gadsden, of the Engineer Corps. A copy of the original plan of this line, furnished by the War Department, shows a close correspondence with the Hessian draft. The same points are fortified in each case. Fort “Fireman” of 1812 occupies the site, or very nearly the site, of Fort Box; Fort “Masonic,” that of Fort Greene; Redoubt “Cummings,” that of the Oblong Redoubt; and “Fort Greene,” that of Fort Putnam. The site of the “redoubt on the left” was inclosed, in 1812, in the outer intrenchment which was carried around the brow of the hill. Although the British obliterated all marks of the Brooklyn defences of 1776, we thus find nature and the records enabling us to re-establish them to-day.
40 MS. letter of General Greene to Colonel Pickering, August 24, 1779, in possession of Prof. Geo. Washington Greene, East Greenwich, L.I.
41 “Force,” Fifth Series, vol. ii., p. 202.
42 Mr. Field states that the site of Fort Putnam was unfortunately overlooked by the high ground east of it, Greene and his engineers probably not noticing the fact until after the woods were cut down. The official surveys of the ground, made before it was levelled, show no such commanding elevation, the Fort Putnam Hill being as high as any within range; nor can we credit Greene or his officers with fortifying a point which was untenable, or with not observing that it was untenable. As the engineers of 1812 occupied the same site, it could be safely concluded, were no surveys preserved, that it was entirely defensible.
43 Some important and interesting information relative to the main line at Brooklyn was brought out in 1779 at the examination of Captain John Montressor, before the Parliamentary Committee which investigated Howe’s conduct of the war. Montressor was a British army engineer, acting as Howe’s aid on Long Island. Being one of the general’s witnesses, he naturally made out the American position as strong as possible, but the main facts of his testimony are to be accepted. The examination was in part as follows:
“Q. Can you give a particular account of the state of those [Brooklyn] lines?
A. Yes—the lines were constructed from Wallabout Bay, on one side to a swamp that intersects the land between the main land and Read Hook, which terminates the lines. The lines were about a mile and a half in extent, including the angles, cannon proof, with a chain of five redoubts, or rather fortresses, with ditches, as had also the lines that formed the intervals, raised on the parapet and the counterscarp, and the whole surrounded with the most formidable abbaties.
Q. Were those lines finished on every part, from the swamp formed by the Wallabout on the left, to the swamp on the right?
A. Yes.
Q. Do you know the particulars of the left part of the line towards the Wallabout? Have you any reason for knowing that?
A. The line runs straight from the rising ground where Fort Putnam was constructed, in a straight line to the swamp that terminates itself at the bottom of Wallabout Bay.
Q. Was there a possibility of a single man’s passing round the left part of the line?
A. There was not. After entering the lines, Sir William Howe, on the enemy’s evacuating, followed the road to the point, to examine and see if he could get out at that part, which he could not do, and we were obliged to return and go out of a sally port of the lines....
Q. Can you say of your own knowledge, that the right redoubt of the lines at Brooklyn had an abattis before it?
A. I have already said that the whole had an abattis before it.
[He produces an actual survey of the lines.]...
Q. If any one of these redoubts were taken, did not they flank the line in such a manner to the right and left that the enemy could not remain in the lines?
A. I have already said, that they could not be taken by assault, but by approaches, as they were rather fortresses than redoubts.”—A View of the Evidence Relative to the Conduct of the American War under Sir William Howe, etc.; second edition; London, 1779. Manual of the Corporation of the City of New York, 1870, p. 884.
The maps in the early London editions of Gordon’s and Stedman’s histories of the war, each put five fortifications on the line from the Wallabout to Gowanus Creek.
44 One of Greene’s orders refers to this fort as follows: “Camp on Long Island, July 19, 1776.—The works on Cobble Hill being greatly retarded for want of men to lay turf, few being acquainted with that service, all those in Colonel Hitchcock’s and Colonel Little’s regiments, that understand that business, are desired to voluntarily turn out every day, and they shall be excused from all other duty, and allowed one half a pint of rum a day.” Two guns fired from Cobble Hill were to be the signal that the enemy had landed on Long Island.
45 “Our fort [Defiance] is much strengthened by new works and more troops, and it is in so good a posture of defence, that it would be almost impossible to take it either by attack or surprise. To guard against the latter, each man is every other night on duty.”—Memoir of Samuel Shaw, p. 17.
46 Documents, Col. Hist. of New York, vol. viii., p. 792.
47 The recollections and incidents preserved by Stiles and Furman go to show that this was not an American-built fort.—Stiles’ Brooklyn, vol. i., pp. 314, 315.
48 A return of the batteries around New York, March 24th, describes Fort Stirling as opposite the “Fly Market” in Maiden Lane [Force, Fourth Series, vol. v., p. 480]. Clark, Pineapple, and Orange streets, Brooklyn, can all be called “opposite” Maiden Lane in New York. The Hessian map puts the fort nearest the line of Clark.
49 The work, which was to be known as the Citadel, was in all probability the “redoubte commencé,” or unfinished fort, indicated on the Hessian map in the rear and to the south of Fort Stirling. The site corresponds with that of the British fort of 1780, corner of Henry and Pierrepont streets, which was then, as it still is, the highest point on Brooklyn Heights, and hence the natural position for a citadel or commanding fortification. Stirling, in his letter to the President of Congress of March 14, says: “The work [Fort Stirling] first begun on Long Island opposite to this city is almost completed, and the cannon carried over. The grand citadel there will be marked out to-morrow, and will be begun by the inhabitants of King’s County and Colonel Ward’s Regiment.”
The list of batteries, March 24th, contains a note to the effect that a citadel covering five acres, called the Congress, was to be built in the rear of Fort Stirling. Major Fish writes, April 9th: “There are two fortifications on Long Island opposite this city, to command the shipping.” One of these was Fort Stirling—the other, undoubtedly, the citadel then in process of construction. The latter, though not in as favorable a position for the purpose as the former, could still fire on ships entering the river.
The position of these two works, taken in connection with Lee’s plan of forming an intrenched camp on Long Island, fortified with a chain of redoubts, which, according to one of his letters, were to be three in number, indicates quite clearly that this general intended to hold simply the heights along the river. The facts fail to bear out the supposition that the lines, as finally adopted on Long Island, were of Lee’s planning. Work on the citadel was probably discontinued, because his plan was so much enlarged as to make that fortification unavailable.
50 Letter from General Greene written at Fort Lee. Mrs. Williams’ Life of Olney.
51 A history of the Tories on Long Island and in New York—the trouble they gave in the present campaign, and the measures taken for their suppression—properly forms a subject by itself. The scope of the present work admits of but brief allusions to them. However honest this class of the population may have been in taking sides with the British, and whatever sympathy may be expressed for them in their trials, losses, and enforced dispersion during and at the end of the war, there was obviously no course left to the Americans, then in the midst of a deadly struggle, but to treat them as a dangerous and obstructive set. The New York Provincial Congress, in the fall of the year and later, dealt with them unsparingly; and no man wished to see the element rooted out more than John Jay—a fact to be borne in mind by those who condemn Lee and other American officers for attempting to banish the Long Island Tories, as a military precaution, in the early part of the year.
52 What General Greene thought of the Tories, and what treatment he proposed in certain cases, appears from a report on the subject signed by Generals Heath, Spencer, Greene, and Stirling, and submitted to Washington towards the close of June: “With regard to the disaffected inhabitants who have lately been apprehended,” say these officers, “we think that the method at present adopted by the County Committee, of discharging them on their giving bonds as a security for their good behavior, is very improper and ineffectual, and therefore recommend it to your Excellency to apply to the Congress of this province to take some more effectual method of securing the good behavior of those people, and in the mean time that your Excellency will order the officers in whose custody they are to discharge no more of them until the sense of the Congress be had thereon.”—Journals of the N.Y. Prov. Congress, vol. ii.
On this subject Colonel Huntington wrote to Governor Trumbull, June 6th, as follows: “Long Island has the greatest proportion of Tories, both of its own growth and of adventitious ones, of any part of this colony; from whence some conjecture that the attack is to be made by that way. It is more likely to be so than not. Notwithstanding the vigilance of our outposts, we are sure there is frequent intercourse between the Asia and the shore, and that they have been supplied with fresh meat. New guards have lately been set in suspected places, which I hope will prevent any further communication.”—Force, 4th Series, vol. vi., p. 725.
53 This was a company of New Jersey Minute-men from Essex County, which had been sent over to Long Island on May 17th.
54 Colonel Little to his son. Doc. No. 9.
55 It is a somewhat singular fact, indicating perhaps the scantiness of our material heretofore, that none of the local accounts of operations on Long Island mention either Hitchcock’s, Varnum’s, or Little’s regiments in any connection, whereas these, with Hand’s, formed the permanent garrison on that side and threw up the greater part of the works.
56 In locating the works in New York City, the writer follows the list of batteries reported March 24th, 1776 (Force, 4th Series, vol. v., p. 480); Putnam’s order of May 22d, naming the several works; Knox’s artillery returns of June 10th, giving the number of guns in each; and Hills’ map of the fortifications, drawn at the close of the war. The first list shows the works as they stood at about the time the Boston troops came down, and which Lee had planned. There are alterations and additions in Putnam’s and Knox’s lists, which are to be followed where they differ from the list of March 24th. Although many other works were erected, no names appear to have been attached to them, those only being designated which occupied the most important points and were provided with guns and garrisons.
The Hills map is indispensable in this connection. John Hills, formerly a British engineer, surveyed the city and island of New York as far as Thirty-fourth Street in 1782, and in 1785 made a careful map of the same, which John Lozier, Esq., presented to the Common Council in 1847. This is still preserved, and is consulted at times for official purposes. In addition to giving all the streets, blocks, docks, and squares, Hills added all the works thrown up in and around the city during the Revolution, giving their exact location and shape. Part of the lines have a confused appearance, but they become clear on referring to the following memorandum on the map: “All the works colored yellow were erected by the Forces of the United States in 1776. Those works colored Orange were erected by Do and repaired by the British Forces. Those works colored Green were erected by the British Forces during the War.” In the map of New York accompanying the present work, Hills’ “yellow” line has been followed, showing all the American forts. Their location corresponds precisely with that which Putnam gives, so far as he names them; and by projecting the present streets over Hills’ plan, it is possible to ascertain where they stood in the plan of our modern city.
57 Washington’s Headquarters in New York.—This reference creates some uncertainty as to the particular house occupied by Washington in New York during the first part of the campaign. If the site of the Oyster Battery were known exactly the house could be identified. On the other hand, if headquarters, as generally supposed, were at the Kennedy Mansion, No. 1 Broadway, then the battery should have stood still lower down, at the corner of Battery Place and Greenwich Street; but the Grand Battery terminated there, and Hills’ map shows no distinct battery at that point. Mr. Lossing states (“Field Book of the Rev.,” vol. ii., p. 594, n.) that Washington, on his first arrival in the city, took up his quarters at 180 Pearl, opposite Cedar Street, his informant being a survivor of the Revolution, and that, on his return from a visit to Philadelphia, June 6th, he went to the Kennedy House. That Washington, however, spent the greater part of the summer at the “Mortier House,” on Richmond Hill, is well known. He was there on June 22d and probably much earlier, as appears in Force, 4th Series, vol. vi., p. 1157, where one Corbie is described as keeping a tavern “to the south-east of General Washington’s house, to the westward of Bayard’s woods, and north of Lispenard’s meadows.” The house referred to was the Mortier. From Mr. Lossing’s informant, and the reference in the orders of August 8th, which speaks of the “old head-quarters on the Broadway,” we may conclude that Washington first put up at 180 Pearl Street; that if he then went to the Kennedy House at all, it was but for a short time; that it is more likely, from the position of the batteries, that the house he did occupy was one of the two or three next above it; and that in June he moved his quarters to the Mortier House, where he remained until September 14th, when he went to the Morris Mansion at Harlem Heights. The Kennedy House was Colonel Knox’s artillery headquarters during part if not all of the time, his wife being with him there up to July 12th. (Drake’s Life of Knox.)
58 Spencer’s Brigade probably built both works, as it was stationed in the vicinity of both. Colonel John Trumbull, who was then Spencer’s brigade major, and afterwards in the Canada army, says in the “Reminiscences” of his own time: “The brigade to which I was attached was encamped on the (then) beautiful high ground which surrounded Colonel Rutgers’ seat near Corlear’s Hook.”
59 Force, 4th Series, vol. v., p. 492. Compare, also, Documents 38 and 41.
60 This work stood at the foot of East Eighty-eighth Street. See Document 41. Some ten years after the war, Archibald Gracie occupied this site, and it became known as Gracie’s Point. The writer of a city guide-book in 1807, referring to Mr. Gracie, says: “His superb house and gardens stand upon the very spot called Hornshook, upon which a fort erected by the Americans in 1776 stood till about the year 1794, when the present proprietor caused the remains of the military works to be levelled, at great expense, and erected on their rocky base his present elegant mansion and appurtenances.”—The Picture of New York, etc., 1807, New York.
61 The fortifications erected at the upper part of the island are noticed in Chapter V. Mr. Lossing, it should be said, gives a very full list of the Revolutionary works in and around New York (“Field Book of the Rev.,” vol. ii., p. 593), from which the list as given here, based on Hills’ map, differs in several particulars.
62 One side of this barricade ran in front of the Times, and the other in front of the Tribune building.
63 This officer was Lieutenant-Colonel of Jonathan Ward’s Massachusetts Regiment, and subsequently became colonel in the Massachusetts Continental Line.
64 Force, 4th Series, vol. vi., p. 1011.
65 “Thursday, 13th June.—Here in town very unhappy and shocking scenes were exhibited. On Munday night some men called Tories were carried and hauled about through the streets, with candles forced to be held by them, or pushed in their faces, and their heads burned; but on Wednesday, in the open day, the scene was by far worse; several, and among them gentlemen, were carried on rails; some stripped naked and dreadfully abused. Some of the generals, and especially Pudnam and their forces, had enough to do to quell the riot, and make the mob disperse.”—Pastor Shewkirk’s Diary, Doc. 37.
66 The particulars of this plot need hardly be repeated; indeed, they were never fully known. It was discovered that an attempt had been made to enlist American soldiers into the king’s service, who at the proper time should assist the enemy in their plans. They were to spike cannon, blow up magazines, and, as at first reported, assassinate our generals; but the latter design seems not to have been proved, though universally believed. Governor Tryon and Mayor Matthews, of the city, were suspected of furthering the plot and furnishing the funds. Matthews was arrested at Flatbush by a party of officers under Colonel Varnum, but the evidence against him was insufficient. Among the soldiers implicated was Thomas Hickey, of Washington’s guard, who was tried by court-martial, found guilty of sedition, mutiny, and correspondence with the enemy, and executed in the presence of the army on June 28th. Something of the feeling excited by the discovery of the plot is exhibited in the letter from Surgeon Eustis of Colonel Knox’s regiment (Document 39). This is better known as the “Hickey Plot.”
67 The following memorandum, preserved among Governor Wolcott’s papers, is of interest in this connection:
“An Equestrian Statue of George the Third of Great Britain was erected in the City of New York on the Bowling Green at the lower end of Broadway. Most of the materials were lead but richly gilded to resemble gold. At the beginning of the Revolution this statue was overthrown. Lead being then scarce and dear, the statue was broken in pieces and the metal transported to Litchfield a place of safety. The ladies of this village converted the Lead into Cartridges for the Army, of which the following is an account. O.W.
| Mrs. Marvin, | Cartridges | 6,058 | |
| Ruth Marvin, | ″ | 11,592 | |
| Laura Wolcott, | ″ | 8,378 | |
| Mary Ann Wolcott, | ″ | 10,790 | |
| Frederick ″ | ″ | 936 | |
| Mrs. Beach, | ″ | 1,802 | |
| Made by sundry persons | ″ | 2,182 | |
| Gave Litchfield Militia on alarm, | 50 | ||
| Let the Regiment of Col. Wigglesworth have | 300 | ||
| ——— | |||
| 42,088 | Cartridges.” |
68 “For two or three days past three or four ships have been dropping in, and I just now received an express from an officer appointed to keep a lookout on Staten Island, that forty-five arrived at the Hook to-day—some say more; and I suppose the whole fleet will be in within a day or two.”—Washington to Hancock, June 29th.
69 Extract of a letter from an officer in the Thirty-fifth Regiment at Staten Island, July 9th, 1776: “Our army consisted of 6155 effectives, on our embarkation at Halifax; they are now all safe landed here, and our head-quarters are at your late old friend, Will Hick’s Mansion house.”—London Chronicle.
70 The expedition sailed from Cork for the Cape River in North Carolina, where Clinton joined it. It was expected that the loyalists in the State would rise in sufficient numbers to give the expeditionary corps substantial aid; but not over eighteen hundred were mustered, and these under General McDonald were completely defeated by the North Carolina Militia under Colonels Caswell and Lillington at Moore’s Creek Bridge on the 27th of February. The expedition then moved against Charleston, S.C., and there met with the famous repulse from Colonel Moultrie off Charleston Harbor on the 28th of June. Clinton and Cornwallis after this could do nothing but join Howe at New York.
71 Colonel Knox to his wife.—Drake’s Life of Gen. Knox, p. 131.
72 “General Washington was very handsomely dressed, and made a most elegant appearance. Colonel Patterson appeared awe-struck, as if he was before something supernatural. Indeed, I don’t wonder at it. He was before a very great man, indeed.”—Ibid. p. 132.
73 Memorandum of an interview between General Washington and Colonel Patterson.—Sparks’ Washington, vol. iv., p. 510.
74 On August 17th Washington requested the New York Convention to remove the women, children, and infirm persons, as the city was likely soon to be “the scene of a bloody conflict.” He stated that when the Rose and Phœnix sailed past, “the shrieks and cries of these poor creatures, running every way with their children, was truly distressing.” Pastor Shewkirk says: “This affair caused a great fright in the city. Women and children, and some with their bundles, came from the lower parts and walked to the Bowery, which was lined with people.”
75 Captain Nathan Hale, the “Martyr-spy,” says in a letter of the 20th of August: “Our situation has been such this fortnight or more as scarce to admit of writing. We have daily expected an action—by which means, if any one was going, and we had letters written, orders were so strict for our tarrying in camp, that we could rarely get leave to go and deliver them. For about six or eight days the enemy have been expected hourly, whenever the wind and tide in the least favored.”—Document 40.
76 Original in possession of Chas. J. Little, Esq., Cambridge, Mass.
77 Greene’s Life of Greene, vol. i.
78 General Orders, August 20, 1776.—... “General Sullivan is to take command upon Long Island till General Greene’s state of health will permit him to resume it, and Brigadier Lord Stirling is to take charge of General Sullivan’s division till he returns to it again.”
79 In a letter to Peter Van Schaack, dated New York, February 23d, 1776, Fred. Rhinelander says: “We are going to raise a new battalion; Colonel Lasher and Gouverneur Morris are candidates for the command. As both the gentlemen have great merit, it is hard to tell which will succeed.” The reference here is probably to a plan formed by private citizens in New York to raise a battalion of fifteen hundred men for nine months, on condition that the projectors could appoint the officers. This being refused by the Provincial Congress the plan was abandoned.—Life of G. Morris, vol. i. p. 89, n.
80 See Biographical Sketches, Part II.
81 The New York Congress voted that the City and County of New York should furnish twelve hundred men as their quota of the three thousand recently called for, and these were to consist of “the two independent battalions.” They were composed of ten companies each, which, however, never reached their maximum strength. In September Lasher’s total was 510; Malcom’s, 297.
82 Lewis Morris, one of the Signers of the Declaration, was appointed brigadier-general of the Westchester County militia, but he remained in Congress until later in the fall, when he took the field for a short time with New York militia in the Highlands.
83 List of the Officers and Men from New Jersey who served in the Revolution. By Adjutant-General W.S. Stryker.
84 Delaware’s Revolutionary Soldiers. By William G. Whiteley, Esq., 1875.
85 Durkee’s Continentals garrisoned Powle’s Hook, and Bradley’s Connecticut regiment was at Bergen, both being returned on Washington’s rolls, but otherwise under Mercer’s orders.
86 At New York, the artillery was increased by Captain Alexander Hamilton’s company, and soldiers were detached from the several regiments to act as gunners in consequence of Knox’s inability to furnish enough from his own regiment to man all the points.
87 Document 43, Part II., contains interesting and important extracts from Colonel Putnam’s Journal, now published for the first time.
88 On his promotion to a brigadier-generalship in August, Parsons was succeeded by his lieutenant-colonel, John Tyler.
89 This was the same officer who came down with Lee in the spring. When his regiment returned home he was put in command of another raised on the continental basis. He joined the army in August, but did not cross to Long Island.
90 The original letter from Trumbull to Wolcott, among the latter’s papers, informing him of his appointment, states that the fourteen regiments had been called out upon “the most pressing application of General Washington.” The governor adds: “Having formed raised expectations of your disposition and ability to serve your country in this most important crisis, on which the fate of America seems so much to depend, I trust you will cheerfully undertake the service,” etc. General Wolcott proceeded at once to New York, and was with the militia in the city during the fighting on Long Island, and for some time after. As to the number of the regiments that came down, see Colonel Douglas’ letter of August 23d (Document 22), where he says twelve were on the parade the day before.
91 When it was proposed to put the Boston army on the new Continental basis on January 1st, 1776, Washington evidently hoped to have it all uniformed. Thus his orders of December 11th, 1775, read: “As uniformity and decency in dress are essentially necessary in the appearance and regularity of an army, his Excellency recommends it earnestly to the officers to put themselves in a proper uniform.... The general by no means recommends or desires officers to run into costly or expensive regimentals; no matter how plain or coarse, so that they are but uniform in their color, cut, and fashion. The officers belonging to those regiments whose uniforms are not yet fixed upon had better delay making their regimentals until they are.” The orders of January 5th, 1776, say: “The regimentals, which have been made up, and drawn for, may be delivered to the respective Colonels, by the Quartermaster-General, to the order of those Colonels, who drew them at such prices as they have cost the continent, which is much cheaper than could otherwise be obtained. As nothing adds more to the appearance of a man than dress, and a proper degree of cleanliness in his person, the General hopes and expects that each regiment will contend for the most soldierlike appearance.” These “regimentals” were of a brown color. That Little’s and Hitchcock’s men, or most of them, were in uniform when they came to New York, appears from General Greene’s Providence order of April 4th (ante, p. 62). A description of the colors of Colonel Joseph Read’s Massachusetts Continental regiment refers to the “uniform of the regiment;” so doubtless most of the Boston army was in uniform. But whether they were kept supplied with uniforms may be doubted. The men wore out their clothes fast while throwing up the works, and Washington speaks of the “difficulty and expense” of providing new ones. (Orders, July 24th, 1776.) At this date he does not insist on uniforms, but recommends the adoption of the hunting shirt and breeches as a cheap and convenient dress, and as one which might have its terrors for the enemy, who imagined that every rebel so dressed was “a complete marksman.” A valuable article on “The Uniforms of the American Army” may be found in the Magazine of American History, for August, 1877, by Professor Asa Bird Gardner, of the West Point Military Academy.
92 Force, 5th Series, vol. ii., p. 244.
93 The last official return of the army before the battle, published in Force’s Archives, bears date of August 3d; the next about September 12th. The latter is the proper basis for making an estimate of the numbers for August 27th, as it includes all the regiments except Haslet’s known to be then present, and no more. On September 12th the total of rank and file on the rolls, not including the absent sick, was 24,100. To these add 1800 commissioned officers and 2500 sergeants, drums and fifes, and the total strength is 28,400. On the same date, rank and file, fit for duty, numbered 14,700. Add to these 1000 lost on Long Island and 3500 officers, sergeants, drums and fifes fit for duty, and we have, all told, between 19,000 and 20,000 effectives on August 27th; and these figures correspond with Washington’s statement of September 2d: “Our number of men at present fit for duty is under 20,000.” The army suffered greatly from sickness during August and September. General Heath writes in his Memoirs, under date of August 8th: “The number of sick amounted to near 10,000; nor was it possible to find proper hospitals or proper necessaries for them. In almost every farm, stable, shed, and even under the fences and bushes, were the sick to be seen, whose countenances were but an index of the dejection of spirit and the distress they endured.” On the 4th of August, Colonel Parsons wrote to Colonel Little: “My Doctor and Mate are sick. I have near Two Hundred men sick in Camp; my neighbours are in very little better state.” And he asks Little to consent to his surgeon’s mate remaining with him until his own surgeons were better. [MS. letter in possession of Charles J. Little, Esq.]
94 General Clinton being absent all summer in the Highlands, the brigade was commanded first by Colonel Read, and afterwards by Colonel Glover.
95 The figures given here represent the total number of enlisted men on the rolls on September 12, absent sick included. In the case of some of the regiments, especially from the flying camp, under Lutz, Kachlein, and others, only an estimate can be formed. The strength of these is noted in connection with the losses on Long Island in the next chapter. The Connecticut militia regiments are credited with 350 men each, as Washington gives the figures.
96 Glover’s regiment did not join the army at New York until August. It was assigned on the 12th to Stirling’s brigade, and on the 15th to Fellows’.
97 Sargent’s and Ward’s reported on the ground in August. They were probably in Mifflin’s brigade.
98 These regiments were nominally under General Woodhull, but actually under Greene and Sullivan. At the time of the battle of the 27th both were doing duty with Nixon’s brigade. (Sullivan’s orders, August 25th. Document 2.) Their strength can only be estimated, but it is probably correct to say that together they were less than five hundred strong.
99 See Appendix to Drake’s Life of General Knox.
100 The “Highlander” regiments were the Forty-second and Seventy-first. In Stewart’s Highlanders, vol. i., p. 354, as quoted in the Memoir of General Graham, the following passage appears: “On the 10th April, 1776, the Forty-second Regiment being reviewed by Sir Adolphus Oughton, was reported complete, and so unexceptionable that none were rejected. Hostilities having commenced in America, every exertion was made to teach the recruits the use of the firelock, for which purpose they were drilled even by candle-light. New arms and accoutrements were supplied to the men; and the colonel of the regiment, at his own expense, supplied broadswords and pistols.... The pistols were of the old Highland fashion, with iron stocks. These being considered unnecessary except in the field, were not intended, like the swords, to be worn by the men in quarters. When the regiment took the field on Staten and Long Island, it was said that the broadswords retarded the men by getting entangled in the brushwood and they were therefore taken from them and sent on board the transports.”
101 General Clinton, quoting from Howe’s returns on this date, says he had “24,464 effectives fit for duty; a total of 26,980, officers not included, who, when added, amount to 31,625 men.” See General Carrington’s Battles of the Revolution, p. 199. To the British force should be added two or three companies of New York loyalists.
102 The list that follows is copied from what appears to have been the roster-book of Adjutant Gilfillan of the Fifty-fifth Regiment. The book was captured by Captain Nathaniel Fitz Randolph, of New Jersey (see Document 56), and is now in the possession of Captain John C. Kinney, of Hartford, a great-grandson of the latter. There is no date attached to the “Order of Battle,” but from the few dates that follow it was probably made out in the first part of August, 1776. The list gives the full British strength, and is interesting as naming the majors of brigade, represented by the abbreviation M.B.
103 An error, evidently, for Battalion.
104 The arrangement of the Hessian troops, as here given, is compiled from Von Elking’s work, Baurmeister’s Narrative, and the Hessian map in vol. ii. of the Long Island Historical Society’s Memoirs.
105 “Till of late I had no doubt in my own mind of defending this place.”—Washington to Congress, September 2d, 1776.
106 “Before the landing of the enemy in Long Island, the point of attack could not be known, nor any satisfactory judgment formed of their intentions. It might be on Long Island, on Bergen, or directly on the city.”—Washington to Congress, September 9th, 1776.
107 The Tories gave Howe all the information he needed. One Gilbert Forbes testified at the “Hickey Plot” examination that a Sergeant Graham, formerly of the Royal Artillery, had told him that he (the sergeant), at the request of Governor Tryon, had surveyed the works around the city and on Long Island, and had concerted a plan of attack, which he gave to the governor (Force, 4th Series, vol. vi., p. 1178). On his arrival at Staten Island, Howe wrote to Germaine, July 7th: “I met with Governor Tryon, on board of ship at the Hook, and many gentlemen, fast friends to government, attending him, from whom I have had the fullest information of the state of the rebels, who are numerous, and very advantageously posted, with strong intrenchments, both upon Long Island and that of New York, with more than one hundred pieces of cannon for the defence of the town towards the sea,” etc.—Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 105.
108 This storm, which is mentioned by Colonel Douglas, Captain Hale, Chaplain Benedict, and others, hung over the city from seven to ten in the evening, and is described by Pastor Shewkirk as being more terrible than that which “struck into Trinity Church” twenty years before. Captain Van Wyck and two lieutenants of McDougall’s regiment and a Connecticut soldier were killed by the lightning.
109 The landing-place was at the present village of Bath. No opposition by the Americans would have availed and none was attempted. Washington wrote to Hancock, August 20th: “Nor will it be possible to prevent their landing on the island, as its great extent affords a variety of places favorable for that purpose, and the whole of our works on it are at the end opposite to the city. However, we shall attempt to harass them as much as possible, which will be all that we can do.” To the same effect Colonel Reed’s letter of August 23d: “As there were so many landing-places, and the people of the island generally so treacherous, we never expected to prevent the landing.” General Parsons says (Document 5): “The landing of the troops could not be prevented at the distance of six or seven miles from our lines, in a plain under the cannon of the ships, just within the shore.” An American battery had gone down to De Nyse’s, earlier in the summer, to annoy the Asia, but there was none there at this date. The particulars of the debarkation and of subsequent movements of the enemy appear in the reports and letters of the two Howes and Sir George Collier. (Force, 5th Series, vol. i., pp. 1255-6; and Naval Chronicle, 1841.)
110 “On the morning of the 22d of August there were nine thousand British troops on New Utrecht plains. The guard alarmed our small camp, and we assembled at the flagstaff. We marched our forces, about two hundred in number, to New Utrecht, to watch the movements of the enemy. When we came on the hill we discovered a party of them advancing toward us. We prepared to give them a warm reception, when an imprudent fellow fired, and they immediately halted and turned toward Flatbush. The main body also moved along the great road toward the same place.”—Lieutenant-Colonel Chambers, of Hand’s riflemen, to his Wife, September 3d, 1776. Chambersburg in the Colony and the Revolution.
111 Strong’s History of Flatbush.
112 Livingston sent a spy to Staten Island on the night of the 20th, who brought word that the British were embarking, and would attack on Long Island and up the North River. Washington received the information during the storm on the following evening, and immediately sent word to Heath at King’s Bridge that the enemy were upon “the point of striking the long-expected stroke.” The next morning, the 22d, he wrote again instructing Heath to pick out “eight hundred or a thousand, light, active men, and good marksmen,” ready to move rapidly wherever they were most needed; and he promised to send him some artillery, “if,” he continues, “we have not other employment upon hand, which General Putnam, who is this instant come in, seems to think we assuredly shall, this day, as there is a considerable embarkation on board of the enemy’s boats.” (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., volume for 1878. The Heath correspondence.) On the same date Washington wrote to Hancock: “The falling down of several ships yesterday evening to the Narrows, crowded with men, those succeeded by many more this morning, and a great number of boats parading around them, as I was just now informed, with troops, are all circumstances indicating an attack, and it is not improbable it will be made to-day. It could not have happened last night, by reason of a most violent gust.” (Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1110). On the 21st, Colonel Hand at the Narrows reported three times to General Nixon that the British transports were filling with men and moving down, and the reports were sent to Washington. These facts show how closely the enemy were watched. The embarkation was known at headquarters early on the morning of the 22d, before the landing was made on Long Island.
113 Washington wrote to Heath the next day: “Our first accounts were that they intended by a forced march to surprise General Sullivan’s lines, who commands during the illness of General Greene; whereupon I immediately reinforced that post with six regiments.” Miles, Silliman, and Chester’s adjutant, Tallmadge, state that their regiments were among the first to cross after the enemy landed. Sullivan’s orders of the 25th and other records seem to indicate that Atlee’s, Lasher’s, and Drake’s were the other three battalions sent over at the same time.
114 See Sullivan’s orders, Silliman’s letters, Miles’ Journal (Part II.), and Chambers’ letter.
115 Referring evidently to this skirmish, Lieutenant-Colonel Chambers says: “Strong guards were maintained all day on the flanks of the enemy, and our regiment and the Hessian yagers kept up a severe firing, with a loss of but two wounded on our side. We laid a few Hessians low, and made them retreat out of Flatbush. Our people went into the town and brought the goods out of the burning houses. The enemy liked to have lost their field-pieces. Captain Steel acted bravely. We would certainly have had the cannon had it not been for some foolish person calling retreat. The main body of the foe returned to town, and when our lads came back they told of their exploits.”
116 Little’s Order Book, Document 2. But it seems that Remsen’s Long Island militiamen were seized by a panic, either during this skirmish or at a later hour, on the Bedford Road, and ran from their posts. Sullivan rebuked them sharply in his orders of the 24th (Document 2), and confined them thereafter to “fatigue” duty. This proved to be only the first of several militia panics experienced in this campaign.
117 Sullivan’s Orders, August 24th. Document 2.
118 Washington to Congress, January 30th, 1776.
119 In regard to the change in the command, the adjutant-general’s statement in full is this: “On General Greene’s being sick, Sullivan took the command, who was wholly unacquainted with the ground or country. Some movements being made which the general did not approve entirely, and finding a great force going to Long Island, he sent over Putnam, who had been over occasionally; this gave some disgust, so that Putnam was directed to soothe and soften as much as possible.” (Sedgwick’s Life of Livingston, p. 201.) What movements were referred to, unless it was the random firing of the skirmishers and the burning of houses at Flatbush by some of our men, or how Putnam was to reconcile Sullivan to the change, as he was directed (this evidently being the meaning of Reed’s last phrase), does not appear. From subsequent occurrences, the inference is justified that Putnam did not disturb Sullivan’s arrangements, but left the disposition of the troops to him. What Sullivan himself says is given in a note further along in the chapter. That Putnam went over on the 24th, and in the forenoon, is evident from a letter from Reed to his wife of that date, in which he says: “While I am writing, there is a heavy firing and clouds of smoke rising from the wood [on Long Island]. General Putnam was made happy by obtaining leave to go over—the brave old man was quite miserable at being kept here.” (Reed’s Life of Reed.) This firing, as Washington wrote to Schuyler on the same date, occurred in the morning. Putnam had been engaged during the summer, principally, in looking after the defences in the city and the river obstructions. He had charge, also, of the water transportation, boats, pettiaugers, etc. His division was in the city or close to it. Had the enemy, accordingly, attacked the city directly, it would have fallen largely to Putnam to conduct the defence; and this is doubtless the reason why, as Reed says, he was “kept here.” But as it now seemed certain that the British were concentrating on Long Island, he evidently wished to be with the troops there, where that morning there was “a heavy firing” going on, and obtained leave to cross. Finding a change desirable, Washington, probably at the same time, gave Putnam the command and “sent” him over.
120 Mr. Davis, in his Life of Aaron Burr, who was Putnam’s aid at this time, states that after crossing to Long Island and making the round of the outposts, he (Burr) urged his general to beat up the enemy’s camp, but that Putnam declined, on the ground that his orders required him to remain strictly on the defensive.
121 Sullivan’s Orders, August 25th. Document 2.
122 Several writers, Mr. Sparks among them, make the statement that neither Washington nor Putnam went outside of the Brooklyn lines. It would be impossible to credit this without absolute proof of the fact. Washington always reconnoitred the position of the enemy whenever they were near each other; in the last scenes of the war at Yorktown he was among the first at the outposts examining the British works. Undoubtedly he rode out to the Flatbush Pass on the 26th, as stated by the writer of the letter to the South Carolina Gazette (Document 19), who says: “The evening preceding the action, General Washington, with a number of general officers, went down to view the motions of the enemy, who were encamped at Flatbush.” A letter from a survivor of the Revolution, present on Long Island, published in a newspaper several years since, well authenticated, and preserved in one of Mr. Onderdonk’s scrap-books in the Astor Library, New York, confirms this statement. The soldier recollects that he saw Washington and others looking at the enemy with their glasses.
123 Statement of Colonel Thomas Grosvenor to the late David P. Hall, Esq., of New York, who knew Grosvenor well, and preserved many facts in writing in regard to his military career. Knowlton’s captains were Grosvenor and Stephen Brown, of Pomfret, Conn. The detachment was on duty at the outposts on the night of the 26th. The soldier whose letter is referred to in the note preceding this was one of the “Rangers,” and he states that their number was about one hundred. That Smallwood’s and Haslet’s regiments crossed on the 26th, we have from Smallwood himself.—Force, 5th Series, vol. ii., p. 1011.
124 The regiments were Little’s and Ward’s, from Massachusetts; Varnum’s and Hitchcock’s, from Rhode Island; Huntington’s, Wyllys’s, Tyler’s, Chester’s, Silliman’s, and Gay’s, and Knowlton’s “Rangers,” from Connecticut; Lasher’s and Drake’s, from New York; Smith’s and Remsen’s, from Long Island; Martin’s, Forman’s, Johnston’s, Newcomb’s, and Cortland’s, from New Jersey; Hand’s, Miles’, Atlee’s, Lutz’s, Kachlein’s, and Hay’s, detachment from Pennsylvania; Haslet’s, from Delaware; and Smallwood’s, from Maryland. Among other artillery officers on that side were Captains Newell and Treadwell, Captain-Lieutenants John Johnston and Benajah Carpenter; Lieutenants Lillie and “Cadet” John Callender. This list is believed to include all the battalions and detachments on Long Island at the time the British attacked.
125 Parson’s own statement, letter of October 5th: “On the day of the surprise I was on duty.”—Document 5.
126 The site of this breastwork is now within the limits of Prospect Park, and it stood across what is known as “Battle Pass.” Dr. Stiles in his History of Brooklyn, and Mr. Field in vol. ii. of the L.I. Hist. Society’s Memoirs, put a well-constructed redoubt at this point on a hill-top to the left of the road. The account in the South Carolina Gazette says that the Flatbush Pass guards were posted “near a mile from the parting of the road [i.e., a mile from where the Flatbush Road branched from the Jamaica Road] where an abattis was formed across the road, and a breastwork thrown up and defended by two pieces of cannon.” In the original sketch of the “engagement,” made by John Ewing, who was Hand’s brother-in-law, and with him on the spot, there is this reference: “F. Where a considerable Number of our people were stationed with several Field-pieces & Breast-works made with Trees felled across the Road to defend themselves when attacked.” (Document 15.) Colonel Miles speaks of “a small redoubt in front of the village [Flatbush]” (Document 20.) The breastwork across the road was doubtless the principal defence here, and this was merely temporary.
127 The number of men at each of the three passes was about eight hundred, and on the left of these were Miles’ two battalions, with perhaps five hundred men on duty. Sullivan’s orders of August 25th give the detail which was to mount for picket on the following morning. This detail, therefore, was the one on duty on the night of the 26th. The order runs: “Eight hundred [men] properly officered to relieve the troops on Bedford Road to-morrow morning, six field officers to attend with this party. The same number to relieve those on Bush [Flatbush] Road, and an equal number those stationed towards the Narrows. A picket of three hundred men under the command of a Field Officer, six Captains, twelve subalterns to be posted at the wood on the west side of the creek every night till further orders.” (See also Documents 5, 18, 19.) That Miles was on the extreme left, we well know; that Wyllys was at the Bedford Pass, appears from both Miles’ and Brodhead’s accounts; that Chester’s regiment was with him, appears from an extract quoted below—Chester’s lieutenant-colonel being Solomon Wills; that Johnston was at the Flatbush Pass, appears from the same and other authorities; that Henshaw with Little’s regiment was there, he himself states; that Cornell was also there with Hitchcock’s Rhode Islanders, appears from Captain Olney’s narrative as given in Mrs. Williams’ Life of Olney, and from the lists of prisoners; that Hand was at the lower road, until relieved, and Major Burd also, the major himself and Ewing’s sketch both state; the New York detachment there was probably a part of Lasher’s regiment. The extract referred to is from the Connecticut Courant, containing a letter from an officer engaged in the battle, which says: “The night before August 27th, on the west road, were posted Colonel Hand’s regiment, a detachment from Pennsylvania and New York; next east were posted Colonel Johnson, of Jersey, and Lieutenant-Colonel Henshaw, of Massachusetts; next east were posted Colonel Wyllys and Lieutenant-Colonel Wills, of Connecticut. East of all these Colonel Miles, of Pennsylvania, was posted towards Jamaica, to watch the motion of the enemy and give intelligence.”
128 Hand’s letter of August 27th: “I escaped my part by being relieved at 2 o’clock this morning.” (Document 12.) See John Ewing’s letter and sketch.
129 Extract from a British officer’s letter dated, Statton Island, August 4, 1776:... “We are now in expectation of attacking the fellows very soon, and if I may be allowed to judge, there never was an army in better spirits nor in better health, two very important things for our present business.”—Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 69.
130 Stedman, the British historian, who served as an officer under Howe, says: “Sir Henry Clinton and Sir William Erskine, having reconnoitred the position of the enemy, saw that it would not be a difficult matter to turn their left flank, which would either oblige them to risk an engagement or to retire under manifest disadvantage. This intelligence being communicated to Sir William Howe, he consented to make the attempt.”
131 Hardly more than a general statement can be made in regard to the attack on the pickets at the lower road. A part of them watched Martense Lane, where, it would appear from Ewing’s sketch, Hand’s riflemen were posted before being relieved. Major Burd’s detachment, on the same authority, was probably on the direct road to the Narrows, both parties communicating with each other at the Red Lion Tavern, which stood near the fork of the roads. Grant’s main column advanced by the Narrows Road, and possibly a party of the enemy came through the Martense Lane at about the same time. The skirmish Major Burd speaks of occurred in the vicinity of Thirty-eighth and Fortieth streets, on the Narrows Road, where former residents used to say the Americans had a picket guard stationed. When the enemy came up firing took place and some men were killed; and this firing “was the first in the neighborhood.” The pickets retreated, though General Parsons was misinformed when he wrote that they did so “without firing a gun.” There was firing, but no stand made.
132 Parsons’ Letters. Part II., Document 5.
133 Stirling to Washington, Aug. 29th: “About three o’clock on the morning of the 27th I was called up, and informed by General Putnam that the enemy were advancing,” etc.—Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1245.
134 “Col. Huntington is unwell, but I hope getting a little better. He has a slow fever. Maj. Dyer is also unwell with a slow fever. Gen’l Greene has been very sick but is better. Genls. Putnam, Sullivan, Lord Sterling, Nixon, Parsons, & Heard are on Long Island and a strong part of our army.”—Letter from Col. Trumbull, Aug. 27th, 1776. Document 7.
135 See references on Ewing’s sketch, Document 15: “H. Fort Putnam where part of Colo. Hand’s men commanded by Lieut C. [Lieutenant-Colonel] Chambers were detached from the Regt. to man the fort.—I. A small upper Fort where [I] was with the Colo the Day of the Engagement.” Lieutenant-Colonel Chambers says: “We had just got to the fort, and I had only laid down, when the alarm-guns were fired. We were compelled to turn out to the lines, and as soon as it was light saw our men and theirs engaged with field-pieces.” Nearly all the accounts put Hand and his battalion at the Flatbush Pass during the battle on the 27th. This, as we now find, is an error. The battalion was worn out by its continued and effective skirmishing since the landing of the enemy, and required rest; but of this it was to get very little, even within the lines.
136 The writer is indebted to the Hon. Teunis G. Bergen, of Bay Ridge, L.I., for an accurate description and sketch of the Gowanus Road, as it lay at the time of the battle. His survey is followed in the “Map of the Brooklyn Defences,” etc., Title, Maps. Part II.
137 Atlee’s Journal. Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1251.
138 Probably the earliest of modern attempts to identify the site where Stirling formed his line was that made in 1839 by Maj. D.B. Douglass, formerly of the United States Army. Greenwood Cemetery, says Mr. Cleveland in his history of Greenwood, owes its present beautiful appearance largely to this officer’s “energy and taste,” Douglass having been one of the first surveyors of the ground. He located Stirling’s position on what was then known as Wyckoff’s hill, between Eighteenth and Twentieth streets; and tradition and all the original documents confirm this selection. This was a lower elevation in the general slope from the main ridge towards the bay. Stirling simply drew his men up in a straight line from the road towards the hill-tops, and beyond him on the same line or more in advance, was Parsons. The map in Sparks’ Washington putting Stirling down near the Narrows is erroneous.
139 The colonels and lieutenant-colonels of both these regiments were detained at New York as members of the court-martial which tried Lieutenant-colonel Zedwitz, of MacDougall’s regiment, charged with treasonable correspondence with the enemy. They joined their regiments after the battle.
140 This name appears in other accounts as Kichline or Keichline. It is properly Kachlein, being so spelled by other members of this officer’s family.
141 Extracts from the Stiles Diary in vol. ii., p. 488, of the Long Island Historical Society’s Memoirs.
142 Haslet to Rodney. Force, 5th Series, vol. ii., p. 881.
143 Atlee’s Journal. Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1251.
144 Parsons’ reference to this affair at or near “Battle Hill” in Greenwood is as follows: “I was ordered with Col. Atlee and part of his Reg’t, and Lt. Col. Clark with Col. Huntington’s Reg’t to cover the left flank of our main body. This we executed though our number did at no time exceed 300 men and we were attacked three several times by two regiments, ye 44th and 23d and repulsed them in every attack with considerable loss. The number of dead we had collected together and the heap the enemy had made we supposed amounted to about 60. We had 12 or 14 wounded prisoners who we caused to be dressed and their wounds put in the best state our situation would admit.”—Document 5.
See Colonel Atlee’s journal in Force’s Archives for a full account of the part his battalion took in this fighting.
145 Most of our writers are led into the error of supposing that Sullivan was already at the Flatbush Pass, and that when he went to reconnoitre he started from this point. The general says: “I went to the Hill near Flatbush to reconnoitre the enemy, and with a picket of four hundred men was surrounded by the enemy,” etc. He went to the hill—where from? The main camp, necessarily. We already had our pickets well out in front, and had Sullivan gone beyond these he would have come upon the Hessians. Besides his position fully overlooked Flatbush, and no reconnoissance was necessary. Miles states that the general remained at the redoubt. The quotation above means no more than that Sullivan went out from the Brooklyn lines, and afterwards was surrounded and fought with four hundred of the guard who were there at the Pass with him.
147 Consult map of the battle-field, Part II.
148 Hardly one of our modern accounts refers to this patrol or its capture. The incident, however, affected the situation gravely. Howe mentions it in his report as follows: “General Clinton being arrived within half a mile of the pass about two hours before daybreak, halted, and settled his disposition for the attack. One of his patrols falling in with a patrol of the enemy’s officers took them; and the General learning from their information that the Rebels had not occupied the pass, detached a battalion of Light Infantry to secure it.” Gordon says this: “One of his [Clinton’s] patrols falls in with a patrol of American officers on horseback, who are trepanned and made prisoners.” The letter in the South Carolina Gazette (Document 19) is to similar effect: “Five officers were also sent out on horseback to patrol the last-mentioned road and that leading to Jamaica,... and were all made prisoners.” Still stronger is the testimony of a letter to be found in the Autobiography and Correspondence of Mary Granville, Mrs. Delany, with Interesting Reminiscences of George III. and Queen Charlotte, &c., London, 1862. “The Hon. Mrs. Boscawen to Mrs. Delany.—Glan Villa, 17th Oct. 1776.... To compleat the prosperity of my journey I found on my return to ye inn the most delightful news of our success on Long Island so that I had a most agreeable supper and drank health to the noble brothers [the two Howes]. We have had a letter from Capt. Evelyn from the field of battle; he was in ye brigade of light infantry, and took 5 officers prisoners who were sent to observe our motions. He mentions Dr. Boscawen’s son being well, for whom we were in great care, being the only child. O! to compleat this by good news from N. York and then peace!” We know who these officers were from several sources, the most authoritative and important being the documents left by one of the party himself, Lieutenant Van Wagenen, and now in the possession of his grandson, Mr. Gerret H. Van Wagenen, of Brooklyn. This officer had been sent down to Philadelphia in charge of prisoners from Canada. At this point his deposition states that “on his return to New York he found the enemy landing upon Long Island, and being a supernumerary he went to Long Island and offered his services to Gen’l Sullivan, who requested him, and four other officers, namely, Robert Troup, Edward Dunscomb, William Guilderland and Jeromus Hooghland, to go and reconnoitre the enemy, who were observed to be in motion, and in the various advances on the enemy, fell in with a body of horse and infantry by whom he and his little party were made prisoners, and continued a Prisoner for about twenty-two months.” Respecting the questioning of the officers by Clinton, there is good authority. Lieutenants Troup and Dunscomb, who afterwards rose to the rank of Lieutenant-colonel and Captain respectively, have daughters still living in New York, and from their own recollections and from papers in their possession, the account given in the text is collated. At the time of Captain Dunscomb’s death one or more letters were published by friends who had the particulars of the incident directly from him. (See biographical sketches of these officers, Part II.) The sending out of officers on such duty as was required this night, was not unusual. The British scouts who preceded the expedition to Lexington in 1775 were officers in disguise. Similar instances during the war could be recalled as at Brandywine. Mr. Henry Onderdonk, Jr., of Jamaica, states, in his carefully compiled and valuable collection of Revolutionary Incidents on Long Island, that the patrol was captured under a tree east of Howard’s House.
149 Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1195.
150 The supposition that Stirling commanded outside of the lines on Long Island is erroneous. He had command of the reserves in camp (Orders of August 25th), and was the proper officer to call upon to reinforce any part of the outer line in case of attack. Sullivan says, “Lord Stirling commanded the main body without the lines;” by which is meant that he was with the principal force that went out, as he was. Until the attack, the general officer of the day was in charge of the outposts. Sullivan governed himself according to circumstances. He was to be second in command under Putnam within the lines, he writes; but the situation soon required his presence outside, where he was also familiar with the dispositions.
151 The Hessians are usually credited with taking a prominent part in this battle, whereas the day was practically decided before they came up. Necessarily our guards at the Flatbush Pass knew that the British were in their rear as soon or sooner than the Hessians knew it. They therefore turned to meet this unexpected enemy. What Olney and Henshaw say settles this point. Olney states that Cornell marched towards the lines on hearing firing in his rear, leaving Olney to reinforce his pickets in front of the Hessians. Henshaw writes that, finding the enemy between him and the lines, and knowing no orders could come to retreat, he marched for camp. Cornell and Henshaw were old officers, knew the ground thoroughly, and saw at once that they must retreat. No mention is made of the Hessians. Lieutenant Olney was in front of the latter some time before he followed after his regiment. Howe reports that it was the British who took our guns in that part of the field. If there was any such severe fighting at that pass, as Von Elking makes out, would the Hessians have lost but two men killed—all that they lost during the day? There are errors of fact in this writer’s account. The most that the Hessians did was to chase, capture, and sometimes bayonet those of our soldiers whom the British had already routed. The real fighting of the day was done by Howe’s English troops, and the very best he had, principally the light infantry, grenadiers, dragoons, and Highlanders.
152 During this fighting by the British infantry, Cornwallis and the reserves moved straight down the Jamaica Road. The Thirty-third Regiment and the grenadiers in their pursuit of some of the American fugitives approached the fortified lines between Fort Greene and Fort Putnam, and showed such eagerness to storm them that, according to Howe’s report, it required repeated orders to hold them back. On the part of the Americans, Little reports that the enemy “attempted to force our lines, but soon retreated, being met with a smart fire from our breastworks;” and Little, no doubt, was at Fort Greene, an eye-witness.
153 The conduct of the Marylanders was soldierly beyond praise. But some accounts subject them to a singular martyrdom, killing every man of the two hundred and fifty-nine reported missing. As there was but one officer wounded, or at the most one killed and one wounded in the party, according to the official returns, the proportion of men killed was doubtless small. The letter in Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1232, referring to this attack, bears every evidence of having been written by Gist himself, and it is quoted as his in the text. In this letter Gist speaks of being surrounded on all sides, and then adds: “The impracticability of forcing through such a formidable body of troops rendered it the height of rashness and imprudence to risk the lives of our remaining party in a third attempt, and it became necessary for us to endeavor to effect our escape in the best manner we possibly could.” This shows that there were many left to disperse. Their prudence was equal to their courage.
154 Before Stirling’s fight with Cornwallis took place, the mill and little bridge at the further end of the mill-dam across Gowanus Creek were burned down. Colonel Smallwood charged “a certain Colonel Ward” with the act, and claimed that the destruction of the bridge prevented the escape of Stirling and the Marylanders with him. Mr. Bancroft and Mr. Field repeat the charge. But Smallwood is contradicted both by Stirling and Gist, the former stating that he could not get by the British on the road full half a mile beyond the bridge, and the latter adding that he was driven back into the woods. The charge had no foundation, the bridge not having been set on fire until after the enemy took possession of the road above (see Ewing’s sketch). The “Colonel Ward” was Colonel Jonathan Ward, of Massachusetts; and the probability is that he and Colonel Tyler, both of whom lost some men during the day, had been sent out on the Port Road, but, finding Cornwallis there, retreated, burning mill and bridge to obstruct the latter’s possible advance in that quarter.
155 The reinforcements that came over during the forenoon, besides Douglas’s regiment, were Sage’s and Selden’s, which, with Douglas, completed Wadsworth’s brigade on that side; Charles Webb’s, of McDougall’s brigade; and Scott, with Malcom and Humphrey’s men, or the rest of his brigade.
156 “Colonel Huntington’s and the Maryland regiment suffered the most. General Parsons says that some of our men fought through the enemy not less than 7 or 8 times that day. He lay out himself part of the night concealed in a swamp, from whence he made his escape with 7 men to our lines about break of day the next morning.”—Letter from an Officer, Conn. Journal, September 18th, 1776. “I came in with 7 men yesterday morning, much fatigued.”—General Parsons, August 29th, 1776.
157 Responsibility for the Defeat.—According to some of our more recent versions of this battle, the disaster is to be referred to the wilful disobedience, criminal inattention, and total incapacity of General Putnam. Several writers make the charge so pointedly and upon such an array of fact, that the reader is left to wonder how all this should have escaped the notice of the commander-in-chief at the time, and why Putnam was not immediately court-martialled and dismissed the service, instead of being continued, as he was, in important commands. The charge is the more serious as it is advanced by so respectable an authority as Mr. Bancroft. Mr. Field, Mr. Dawson, and Dr. Stiles, following the latter, incline strongly in the same direction.
Mr. Bancroft first assails Putnam for sending Stirling out to the right when word came in that the enemy were advancing and our pickets flying. This is criticised as “a rash order,” because it sent Stirling to a position which was “dangerous in the extreme,” with the Gowanus marsh in his rear. But as to this, it only needs to be said that Putnam’s written instructions from Washington were imperative to prevent the enemy from passing the hills and approaching the works. It would have been a clear disregard of Washington’s intention had Putnam not sent Stirling out precisely as he did. The enemy were coming up from the Narrows and must be checked “at all hazards.” Furthermore, the position Stirling took up at about Nineteenth Street was actually safer than any other on the outpost line. His right could not be turned, for it rested on the bay, and he could see every movement of the fleet. His left was well covered by Parsons, and no one could have imagined his rear in danger with the other outposts guarding it for more than three miles. As a matter of fact, Stirling was nearer the lines than either Miles or Wyllys.
Again, it is charged that when Putnam and Sullivan visited the extreme left on the 26th “the movements of the enemy plainly disclosed that it was their intention to get into the rear of the Americans by the Jamaica Road,” yet nothing was done. The foundation of this is probably a statement of Brodhead’s and another by Miles to the effect that these generals might have themselves observed that the enemy were preparing for the Jamaica move. But if the intentions of the latter were so obvious at that time, it is proper to ask why it was not equally obvious on the next morning that they were actually carrying out their intentions, and why Miles and Brodhead did not so report at an early hour. These officers were rightly impressed with the conviction that the enemy would come by way of Jamaica, but it is certain that the enemy made no observable move in that direction from Flatlands, where they had been for three days, until nine o’clock that night. So says Howe. It was clearly in the plan of the British to give our outposts no ground for suspecting a flanking manœuvre. Their movements were far from being “plainly disclosed.” The quotation given by Mr. Bancroft in this connection, namely, that “Washington’s order to secure the Jamaica Road was not obeyed,” unfortunately appears as original in a “Review of the War” published in 1779 and written by some irresponsible individual in England, who could neither have known what Washington’s orders were, nor whether any attempt was made to carry them out.
A further charge is this: “Early in the morning, Putnam was informed that infantry and cavalry were advancing on the Jamaica Road. He gave Washington no notice of the danger; he sent Stirling no order to retreat.” This is doubtless on the authority of a letter in Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1195. But how early was Putnam informed? The writer of the letter who brought the word was probably one of Miles’ or Brodhead’s men, for he tells us that his regiment was dressed in hunting-shirts, and he makes the very important statement that on his way back to his post he met the enemy! The information came too late, for the British were now marching down towards the lines. Sullivan had gone to the Flatbush Pass, where he could understand the situation better than Putnam, and he was the proper officer to give directions to the outposts at that moment.
The charges made by Mr. Dawson have still less foundation. General Putnam is stated never to have reconnoitred the enemy’s position. Brodhead, however, states distinctly that he did. “It is also a well-established fact,” says this writer, “that no general officer was outside the lines at Brooklyn on the night of the 26th.” What is the authority for this? Nixon, Stirling, and Parsons had been successively officers of the day, and presumably did their duty. Parsons, on the morning of the 27th, was on the lower road trying to rally the pickets before Stirling appeared with reinforcements. “The mounted patrols which General Sullivan had established, as well as the guards at some of the passes established by General Greene, were withdrawn.” The fact that all the passes were well guarded and a special patrol sent out, is a complete answer to this assertion, so far as the night of the 26th is concerned. In this light the general conclusion arrived at by Mr. Dawson, that “General Putnam paid no attention to the orders of General Washington,” cannot be sustained.
With regard to General Sullivan, it is but just to give his own explanation. A year after the battle, he wrote: “I know it has been generally reported that I commanded on Long Island when the actions happened there. This is by no means true; General Putnam had taken the command from me four days before the action. Lord Stirling commanded the main body without the lines; I was to have command under General Putnam within the lines. I was very uneasy about a road through which I had often foretold the enemy would come, but could not persuade others to be of my opinion. I went to the Hill near Flatbush to reconnoitre the enemy, and, with a piquet of four hundred men, was surrounded by the enemy, who had advanced by the very road I had foretold, and which I had paid horsemen fifty dollars for patrolling by night, while I had the command, as I had no foot for the purpose, for which I was never reimbursed, as it was supposed unnecessary.” In another letter he adds: “I was so persuaded of the enemy’s coming the [Jamaica] route, that I went to examine, and was surrounded by the British army, and after a long and severe engagement was made prisoner.” These letters were written when Sullivan was restless under charges brought against him in connection with the defeat at Brandywine—charges which were properly dropped, however—and are not conclusive as to the Long Island affair. His statements are no doubt strictly true, but they in no way affect the main point, namely, did we or did we not have a patrol out on the Jamaica Road on the night of the 26th? We have seen that there was such a patrol, and probably the best that had yet been sent out, and sent out, according to Lieutenant Van Wagenen, by General Sullivan himself.
There are but few references to the question of responsibility in contemporary letters and documents. Gordon blames Sullivan as being over-confident. Miles and Brodhead leave us to infer that this general had much to do with the plan of action, and must be held at least in part responsible. Sullivan, on the other hand, according to Brodhead, blamed Miles for the defeat, as Parsons did. When these officers wrote, they wrote to defend their own conduct, and their testimony is necessarily incomplete so far as others are concerned.
In brief, the case seems to be this: On the night of the 26th we had all the roads guarded. On the morning of the 27th Putnam promptly reinforced the guards on the lower road when the enemy were announced. The arrangements were such that if an attack was made at any of the other points he and Sullivan were to have word of it in ample time. No word came in time from the left, for the reason that those who were to bring it were captured, or surprised, or failed of their duty. Hence the disaster. The dispositions on Long Island were quite as complete as those at Brandywine more than a year later, where we suffered nearly a similar surprise and as heavy a loss. Suppose the very small patrols sent out by Washington and Sullivan to gain information before that battle had been captured, as at Long Island—we should have sustained a greater disaster than at Long Island.
Under this state of facts, to charge Putnam with the defeat of the 27th, in the terms which some writers have employed, is both unjust and unhistorical. That misfortune is not to be clouded with the additional reflection, that it was due to the gross neglect and general incapacity of the officer in command. No facts or inferences justify the charge. No one hinted it at the time; nor did Washington in the least withdraw his confidence from Putnam during the remainder of the campaign.
158 See note at the close of the chapter.
[159] Mr. Onderdonk, Mr. Thompson, and others have gathered and published all the known incidents respecting the fate of General Woodhull, which are doubtless familiar to those interested in the history of Long Island. See General Scott’s brief reference to him in Document 6.
160 This order was sent at two o’clock through General Wooster, then temporarily in New York, and Mercer received it in the evening near Newark. He sent word at once to the militia at Amboy, Woodbridge, and Elizabethtown to march to Powle’s Hook. Force, 5th Series, vol. ii.
161 A close analysis of the returns of September 12th, estimating all additions or reductions which should be made since the battle, shows that this was about the number on Long Island at this date and at the time of the retreat. The brigades now there were Nixon’s, Heard’s, Parson’s, Wadsworth’s, Stirling’s, Scott’s, two regiments of Mifflin’s, one at least of McDougall’s (Webb’s), Glover’s, and Fellows’, the Long Island militia, artillery, rangers, and several independent companies. We know at what part of the lines some of these troops were posted. Greene’s four old regiments doubtless occupied the forts. Varnum was at Red Hook; Little at Fort Greene; Hitchcock at Fort Putnam, and Hand with him there and in the redoubt on the left. Forman’s New Jersey had been at Fort Box. Three of Scott’s battalions were assigned to the centre, where the breastworks crossed the Jamaica Road. Magaw, Shee, and Glover guarded the line from Fort Putnam to the Wallabout; Silliman was at the “northern part” of the works, probably on the right of Fort Putnam; Gay’s was between Fort Box and the Marsh; Douglas watched the extreme right in the woods at the mouth of Gowanus Creek; and there was a “reserve,” which perhaps included among others the remnants of Stirling’s shattered brigade. Encircling them a mile or a mile and a half distant in the edge of the woods, lay the British army with tents already pitched in many places. North and south of the Jamaica Road, just below Bedford, was Howe’s main column; within and west of Prospect Park were the Hessians; and on the right, Grant’s division bivouacked along the Gowanus Road.
162 In vol. ii. of the L.I. Hist. Society’s “Memoirs,” the author, Mr. Field, devotes pages 254-258 to the skirmishing of some Connecticut soldiers on the extreme right on the other side of Gowanus Creek, which appears to him to have been rash and foolhardy, and strangely in contrast with what also appears to him to have been an exhibition of cowardice on their part the day before. The narrative from which the incidents are taken (Martin’s) shows no such singular inconsistency in the conduct of these men. This was Colonel Douglas’ regiment, and, as Martin himself says, it moved promptly under orders from the ferry to the right to cover Stirling’s retreat. “Our officers,” he writes, “pressed forward towards a creek, where a large party of Americans and British were engaged.” They very properly did not halt to help a company of artillerymen drag their pieces along. The skirmish on the following day was nothing remarkable in its way. It was just such brushes as the men engaged in that Washington, on Graydon’s authority, encouraged. The regiment displayed no particular rashness on the 28th, nor any cowardice on the 27th—that is, if Martin is to be credited.
163 See Document 6, in which General Scott says: “I was summoned to a council of war at Mr. Phillip Livingston’s house on Thursday, 29th ult., etc.”
164 Origin of the Retreat.—Precisely when and why Washington came to a determination in his own mind to retreat has been made the subject of a somewhat nice historical inquiry. Gordon gives one story; Mr. William B. Reed, biographer of Colonel Reed, gives another; and Mr. Bancroft, General Carrington, and others indulge in more or less extended criticisms on the point. Gordon’s account is the most probable and the best supported.
Whatever Washington may have thought of the situation on Long Island after the defeat, it is enough to know that he immediately reinforced himself there, and that on the 27th and 28th he made no preparations to withdraw to New York. It far from follows, however, that he had concluded to stay and fight it out “on that line” at all hazards. He was acting on the defensive, and was necessarily obliged to guide himself largely by the movements of the enemy. On Long Island, therefore, he could only be on the watch, and, like a prudent general, decide according to circumstances. Up to the morning of the 29th he was still watching—watching not only the enemy, but his own army also. In his letter to Congress, written at “half after 4 o’clock a.m.” of this date, he gives no intimation of a retreat, but rather leaves that body to infer that he proposed to remain where he was. He speaks, for instance, of expecting tents during the day to make the troops more comfortable. On the same morning Reed wrote: “We hope to be able to make a good stand, as our lines are pretty strong;” and he doubtless reflected the views of his Chief at the time.
The two particular dangers now to which the army was exposed were the danger of having its communication with New York cut off by the ships, and the danger of being approached by the enemy in front by siege operations, which the army was not prepared to meet. The first danger had existed ever since the arrival of the enemy, and had been provided for. All the batteries on Governor’s Island and on both sides of the East River had been built to guard against it. In addition, ships had been sunk in the channel. Washington accordingly must have thoroughly canvassed the risks he ran in regard to his communications. These alone had not decided him to retreat. On the morning of the 29th, however, he first became aware of the second danger. It was not until then that the enemy fully developed their intention of advancing by trenches. After working all night, as Howe reports, they had thrown up by morning, as Little reports, a parallel sixty rods long and one hundred and fifty rods distant from Fort Putnam. Reed wrote, “They are intrenching at a small distance.” In twenty-four hours at the farthest they would have come within very close range, and the hazardous alternative would have been forced upon us to attempt to drive them out of their own works. Washington well knew that, in view of the condition of his men and the great disparity of numbers, this could not be done. When, therefore, he became assured of Howe’s intentions he acted promptly—he determined to retreat; and this determination he reached early on the morning of the 29th.
This is substantially the theory which Gordon presents as a fact, and it is most consistent with fact. Gordon’s account is this: “The victorious army encamped in the front of the American works in the evening; and on the 28th at night broke ground in form about 4 or 500 yards distant from a redoubt which covered the left of the Americans. The same day Gen. Mifflin crossed over from New York with 1000 men; at night he made an offer to Gen. Washington of going the rounds, which was accepted. He observed the approaches of the enemy, and the forwardness of their batteries; and was convinced that no time was to be lost. The next morning he conversed with the General upon the subject, and said, ‘You must either fight or retreat immediately. What is your strength?’ The General answered, ‘Nine thousand.’ The other replied, ‘It is not sufficient, we must therefore retreat.’ They were both agreed as to the calling of a Council of war; and Gen. Mifflin was to propose a retreat. But as he was to make that proposal, lest his own character should suffer, he stipulated, that if a retreat should be agreed upon, he would command the rear; and if an action the van.”
The fact that Mifflin was given the command of the rear on the retreat, and the fact that he sent the order to Heath that morning to send down all the boats from King’s Bridge, lend the highest probability to Gordon’s version of the story. Parsons, who was one of the members of the council, mentions this particularly as one of the reasons for withdrawing, namely, that the enemy were “not disposed to storm our lines, but set down to make regular approaches to us.” Reed also puts as much stress on this point as any other. Giving the reasons for the retreat to Governor Livingston, he said: “The enemy at the same time possessed themselves of a piece of ground very advantageous and which they had [fortified]. We were therefore reduced to the alternative of retiring to this place or going out with [troops] to drive them off.” Washington, too, is to be quoted. In his letter to Trumbull, September 6th, he writes: “As the main body of the enemy had encamped not far from our lines, and as I had reason to believe they intended to force us from them by regular approaches, which the nature of the ground favoured extremely, and at the same time meant, by the ships of war, to cut off the communication between the City and Island, and by that means keep our men divided and unable to oppose them anywhere, by the advice of the General officers, on the night of the 29th, I withdrew our troops from thence without any loss of men and but little baggage.”
William B. Reed’s account (Reed’s Life of Reed) is to the effect, briefly, that a heavy fog settled over Long Island on the 29th, and that during the day Colonel Reed, Colonel Grayson, and General Mifflin rode to Red Hook inspecting the lines. While at the Hook, “a shift of wind” cleared the fog from the harbor, enabling the officers to catch a glimpse of the fleet at the Narrows. From certain movements of boats they inferred that the ships would sail up with the favorable breeze if it held until the tide turned and the fog cleared off. They immediately hurried to Washington, informed him of the impending danger, and induced him to call a council and order a retreat. Mr. Bancroft, however, has shown very thoroughly that this account cannot be accepted, because the fog did not come up until the morning of the 30th, and no change of wind occurred. Colonel Reed himself says in the Livingston letter, written only the next morning, that the enemy’s fleet were attempting every day to get up to town with “the wind ahead”—thus directly contradicting his biographer. The Reed account has several errors of detail, one being the statement that the Red Hook battery had been badly damaged by the guns of the Roebuck on the 27th. It would be nearer the truth to say that it was not hit at all. The fleet could do nothing that day; as Admiral Howe reports, the Roebuck was “the only ship that could fetch high enough to the northward to exchange a few random shot with the battery on Red Hook.”
In a word, Washington, after receiving Mifflin’s report in regard to the approaches of the enemy, and probably other reports from Grayson, Reed, and others in regard to the general condition of the troops (for instance, Colonel Shee’s uneasiness, referred to by Graydon), found that the moment had come for decision. That decision was to retreat that night; and during the forenoon, several hours before the council met, he issued secret orders for the concentration of boats at the ferry, as described in the text.
165 Memorial of Colonel Hugh Hughes. Leake’s Life of General Lamb.
166 Heath’s Memoirs.
167 There is an interesting letter of Washington’s preserved in the Hughes Memorial, which adds light on this point. Eight years after the event, when Hughes needed some official certificate showing his authority to impress all the craft he could find, the general replied to him as follows:
“My memory is not charged with the particulars of the verbal order which you say was delivered to you through Col. Joseph Trumbull, on the 27th, August, 1776, ‘for impressing all the sloops, boats, and water craft from Spyhten Duyvel, in the Hudson, to Hell Gate, in the Sound.’ I recollect that it was a day which required the utmost exertion, particularly in the Quarter-Master’s department, to accomplish the retreat which was intended, under cover of the succeeding night; and that no delay or ceremony could be admitted in the execution of the plan. I have no doubt, therefore, of your having received orders to the effect, and to the extent which you have mentioned; and you are at liberty to adduce this in testimony thereof. It will, I presume, supply the place of a more formal certificate, and is more consonant with my recollection of the transactions of that day.” It appears from this that Washington remembered that the entire day of the 29th was devoted to planning and preparing for the retreat, and this fits the theory advanced in the note on the “Origin of the Retreat.” As to the delivery of the orders about boats, it is probable that Trumbull crossed to New York with Mifflin’s letter to Heath and gave it to Hughes to forward. At the same time he gave Hughes his instructions verbally. Hughes received them, says his biographer, about noon. He then had eight hours to carry them out, which gave him time to send to Heath and for Heath to comply, while he and his assistants scoured the coast everywhere else for boats, from Hell Gate down. Among other sloops impressed was the Middlesex, Captain Stephen Hogeboom, while on its way to Claverack. “I was prevented from proceeding,” says the captain, “by Coll Wardsworth and Commissary Hughes who ordered your memorialist over with the sloop to Long Island ferry where she was used to carry off the Troops and stores after the unfortunate retreat, &c.”—N.Y. Hist. MS., vol. i., p. 620.
168 Document 3. “General Orders. Head-Quarters Long Island, Aug. 29, 1776. Parole, Sullivan, Countersign, Greene.”—Col. Douglas’ Order Book.
169 All our principal accounts follow Graydon, who states that the order to attack the enemy was given “regimentally.” Colonel Hand, in his letter describing the night’s incidents (Reed’s Life of Reed), makes no allusion to such an order, but on the contrary states that he and the other colonels of the covering party were told that they were to retreat. An order to attack would have been a poor disguise for a retreat, for every man must have felt its utter rashness and at once suspected some other move.
170 A letter from Tilghman, Washington’s aid, shows that the troops received the impression that they were to be relieved. The retreat, he says, “was conducted with so much Secrecy that neither Subalterns or privates knew that the whole army was to cross back again to N. York; they thought only a few regiments were to go back.”—Document 29.
171 Mr. Reed, the biographer, states that the fog rose on the 29th. Dr. Stiles, in his “History of Brooklyn,” says: “At midnight a dense fog arose, which remained motionless and impenetrable over the island during the whole of the next day [the 29th].” “A dense fog,” writes Mr. Field, “hung over the island and river, when the morning of the 29th dawned.” Now nothing is more certain than that the fog did not rise until shortly before dawn of the 30th, full six hours after the retreat had begun. The 28th and 29th, as already seen, were days of rain-storms, not mist, nor fog, but storm, “torrents,” such rain at times the like of which could “hardly be remembered.” Contemporary writers who mention the rains say nothing of fog on the 29th, whereas they do notice its appearance the next morning. Major Tallmadge writes: “As the dawn of the next day approached, those of us who remained in the trenches became very anxious for our own safety, and when the dawn appeared, there were several regiments still on duty. At this time a very dense fog began to rise, and it seemed to settle in a peculiar manner over both encampments. I recollect this peculiar providential occurrence perfectly well; and so very dense was the atmosphere that I could scarcely discern a man at six yards’ distance.” This officer’s regiment was one of the covering party, and he adds that after leaving the lines by mistake, and receiving orders to return, “Col. Chester immediately faced to the right about and returned, where we tarried until the sun had risen, but the fog remained as dense as ever.” “At sunrise a great fog came up,” says a spectator (Stiles’ MS. Diary). An officer or soldier of either Shee’s or Magaw’s regiment, also of the covering party, wrote a few hours after crossing: “We received orders to quit our station about two o’clock this morning, and had made our retreat almost to the ferry when Gen. Washington ordered us back to that part of the lines we were first at, which was reckoned to be the most dangerous post. We got back undiscovered by the enemy, and continued there until daylight. Providentially for us, a great fog arose, which prevented the enemy from seeing our retreat from their works which was not more than musket shot from us.”—Force, 5th Series, vol. i., p. 1233. So also, Stedman, the British historian, referring to the events of the night of the 29th-30th, says: “Another remarkable circumstance was, that on Long Island hung a thick fog, which prevented the British troops from discovering the operations of the enemy.” Washington did not, as often stated in popular accounts, take advantage of a fog to cover his retreat. More than half the army was over before the fog appeared; but it protected the covering party, and saved us the loss of considerable baggage and other material.
172 An English patrol under Captain Montressor discovered the retreat of the Americans very soon after the latter left the lines, and reported the fact at once. But for some unexplained reason pursuit was delayed until too late. One boat with four stragglers was taken by the enemy.
173 “The Heath Correspondence,” Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1878.
174 Pastor Shewkirk notes in his diary that immediately after the retreat “a general damp” seemed to spread over the army. “The merry tones on drums and fifes had ceased, and they were hardly heard for a couple of days.” The wet clothes, accoutrements, and tents were lying about in front of the houses and in the streets, and every thing was in confusion. But this was to be expected. General Scott, referring evidently to expressions heard among his own men, says that some declared that they had been “sold out,” and others longed to have Lee back from the South.—Scott’s MS. Letter, September 6th, 1776.
175 Washington’s aids were most of them quite young men.
176 A large number of changes were made in the organization of the army after the retreat. The Connecticut militia were divided up and formed into brigades with the levies under General Wadsworth, Colonel Silliman, Colonel Douglas, and Colonel Chester. A brigade was given also to Colonel Sargent, of Massachusetts. Putnam’s division included Parsons’, Scott’s, James Clinton’s (Glover’s), Fellows’, and Silliman’s brigades; Spencer’s and Greene’s divisions included Nixon’s, Heard’s, McDougall’s, Wadsworth’s, Douglas’, Chester’s and Sargent’s brigades; while Heath had his former brigades, with a change of some regiments, under Mifflin and George Clinton.
177 “Till of late I had no doubt in my own mind of defending this place, nor should I have yet, if the men would do their duty, but this I despair of. It is painful, and extremely grating to me, to give such unfavorable accounts; but it would be criminal to conceal the truth at so critical a juncture.”—Washington to Congress, September 2d, 1776.
178 Colonel Reed, the adjutant-general, wrote to his wife, September 14th, from New York: “My baggage is all at King’s bridge. We expect to remove thither this evening. I mean our headquarters.”—Reed’s Reed. Washington, writing of the events of the 15th, says: “I had gone the night before to the main body of the army which was posted on the plains and heights of Harlem.” These references fail to confirm the common statement that Washington made the Murray House on Thirty-sixth Street his quarters for a short time after leaving the city.
179 According to the Hessian major, Baurmeister, the 13th had been first named as the date for the attack. “On this day,” he writes, “General Howe wished to land upon the island of New York, because 18 years ago on this day General Wulff [Wolfe] had conquered at Quebec, but also lost his life. The watchword for this end was ‘Quebec’ and the countersign ‘Wulff,’ but the frigates were too late for this attack as they only sailed out of the fleet at five o’clock on the evening of the 14th.”
The sailing up of these ships is described as follows by the Hon. Joshua Babcock, one of the Rhode Island Committee who had come down to consult with Washington in regard to military matters: “Just after Dinner 3 Frigates and a 40 Gun Ship (as if they meant to attack the city) sail’d up the East River under a gentle Breeze towards Hell-Gate, & kept up an incessant Fire assisted with the Cannon at Governrs Island: The Batteries from the City return’d the Ships the like Salutation: 3 Men agape, idle Spectators had the misfortune of being killed by one Cannon-Ball, the other mischief suffered on our Side was inconsiderable Saving the making a few Holes in some of the Buildings; one shot struck within 6 Foot of Genl Washington, as He was on Horseback riding into the Fort.”—MS. Letter in R.I. Public Archives. Also in Force.
Baurmeister preserves the incident that Washington was often to be seen at the East River batteries in New York, and on one occasion “provoked the Hessian artillery Captain Krug [on the Long Island side] to fire off 2 Cannon at him and his suite.” “A third shot too would not have been wanting, if the horses of the enemy had been pleased to stay,” adds the major.
180 We know the position of the troops from the statements of their officers. Douglas says: “I lay with my brigade a little below Turtle [Kips] Bay where we hove up lines for more than one mile in length. Gen’l Wadsworth managed the lines on the right and I on the left.” Brigade-Major Fish says of Scott’s brigade that they were “marched to the lines back of Stuyvesant’s,” about the foot of Fifteenth Street. Parsons was below at Corlears Hook as appears from Document 32. Silliman himself says that he was in the city. Consult map of New York, Part II., where the position at the time of the British attack is given.
181 “The first landing was of 84 boats with English infantry and Hessian grenadiers under command of Lieut-General Clinton. Commodore Hotham conducted this landing, under cover of 5 frigates anchored close before Kaaps [Kip’s] Bay above Cron Point, and maintained a 3 hours cannonade on the enemy’s advanced posts in the great wood. The signal of the red flag denoted the departure of the boats, the blue on the contrary the stoppage of the passage, and if a retreat should become necessary, a yellow flag would be shown.”—Baurmeister. “Sunday morning at break of day, five ships weighed anchor and fell in close within a musket shot of our lines quite to the left of me. I then moved my brigade abreast of them. They lay very quiet until 10 o’clock and by that time they had about 80 of their boats from under Long Island shore full with men which contained about five or six thousand and four transports full ready to come in the second boats.”—Col. Douglas.
Major Fish wrote September 19th that the enemy’s ships of war were drawn up “in line of Battle parallel to the shore, the Troops to the amount of about 4000 being embarked in flat bottom Boats, and the Boats paraded.”—Hist. Mag.
182 All accounts agree that it was next to impossible to remain under the fire of the men-of-war. Major Fish says that “a Cannonade from the ships began, which far exceeded my Ideas, and which seemed to infuse a Panic thro’ the whole of our Troops, &c.” Silliman speaks of the “incessant fire on our lines” with grapeshot as being “so hot” that the militia were compelled to retreat. Douglas’s description is as quaint as it is expressive: “They very suddenly began as heavy a cannonade perhaps as ever was from no more ships, as they had nothing to molest them.” Martin thought his head would “go with the sound.” Lieutenant John Heinrichs, of the Hessian yagers, writes: “Last Sunday we landed under the thundering rattle of 5 men-of-war.”
183 The enemy’s boats, says Douglas, “got under cover of the smoke of the shipping and then struck to the left of my lines in order to cut me off from a retreat. My left wing gave way which was formed of the militia. I lay myself on the right wing waiting for the boats until Capt. Prentice came to me and told me, if I meant to save myself to leave the lines, for that was the orders on the left and that they had left the lines. I then told my men to make the best of their way as I found I had but about ten left with me. They soon moved out and I then made the best of my way out.”—See further in Documents, Part II., p. 71.
185 Washington’s account of the panic is as follows:
“As soon as I heard the firing, I rode with all possible despatch towards the place of landing, where to my great surprise and mortification I found the troops that had been posted in the lines retreating with the utmost precipitation and those ordered to support them (Parsons’ and Fellows’ brigades) flying in every direction, and in the greatest confusion, notwithstanding the exertions of their generals to form them. I used every means in my power to rally and to get them into some order; but my attempts were fruitless and ineffectual; and on the appearance of a small party of the enemy, not more than sixty or seventy, their disorder increased, and they ran away in the greatest confusion, without firing a single shot.”
There were several stories current after the affair which cannot be traced to any responsible source. One was that the Commander-in-Chief was so “distressed and enraged” at the conduct of the troops that “he drew his sword and snapped his pistols to check them;” and that one of his suite was obliged to seize his horse’s reins and take him out of danger from the enemy. Another account represents that he threw his hat on the ground and exclaimed whether such were the troops with which he was to defend America; another states that he sought “death rather than life.” Mr. Bancroft has shown how far these statements are to be accepted.
186 Hezekiah Munsell, a soldier of Gay’s regiment in Wadsworth’s brigade, says: “We soon reached the main road which our troops were travelling, and the first conspicuous person I met was Gen. Putnam. He was making his way towards New York when all were going from it. Where he was going I could not conjecture, though I afterwards learned he was going after a small garrison of men in a crescent fortification which he brought off safe.”—Hist. of Ancient Windsor, p. 715.
187 Affidavits in Davis’ “Life of Burr,” vol. i.
188 The line of Putnam’s retreat appears to have been from Bayard’s Hill Fort on Grand Street across the country to Monument Lane (now Greenwich Avenue), which led to the obelisk erected in honor of General Wolf and others at a point on Fifteenth Street, a little west of Eighth Avenue. (See Montressor’s Map of New York in 1775, “Valentine’s Manual.”) The lane there joined with an irregular road running on the line of Eighth Avenue, known afterwards as the Abington or Fitz Roy road, as far as Forty-second or Third Street. There Putnam, under Burr’s guidance probably, pushed through the woods, keeping west of the Bloomingdale Road, and finally taking the latter at some point above Seventieth Street, and so on to Harlem Heights. (See Map of New York, Part II.)
189 This jealousy disappeared when the army was reorganized and the troops became proficient in discipline. The American soldier was then found to be equal to any that could be brought against him, regardless of the locality from which he hailed. But in the present campaign the sectional feeling referred to came near working mischief, especially as it was kept alive by so prominent an officer as Colonel Reed, the Adjutant-general. New England officers protested against the “rancor” and “malice” of his assertions, and represented their injurious influence to members of Congress. Washington, finding that the matter was becoming serious, took the occasion to send a special invitation to Colonels Silliman and Douglas to dine with him in the latter part of September, when he “disavowed and absolutely disapproved every such piece of conduct” which had been a grievance to these and other Eastern officers.—Silliman’s MS. Letter. See also extracts in Gordon’s history as to the condition of the army at this time.
190 “The militia of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, stationed on Bergen and at Paulus-Hook, have behaved in a scandalous manner, running off from their posts on the first cannonade from the ships of the enemy. At all the posts we find it difficult to keep the militia to their duty.” (Mercer to Washington, Sept. 17th, 1776.) “I don’t know whether the New Engd troops will stand there [at Harlem Heights], but I am sure they will not upon open ground,” etc.—Tilghman. Document 29.
191 The Major of this battalion (Gimat’s) was John Palsgrave Wyllys, of Hartford, who, as Wadsworth’s Brigade-Major, was taken prisoner at Kip’s Bay. Alexander Hamilton and Brigade-Major Fish, of New York, who were swept along in this retreat, also figured prominently at Yorktown. Two young ensigns in the Connecticut “levies,” Stephen Betts and James Morris, were captains of Light Infantry in that affair. Lieutenant Stephen Olney, of Rhode Island, who barely escaped capture on Long Island by Cornwallis’s grenadiers, led Gimat’s battalion as captain, and was severely wounded while clambering into the redoubt; and there were probably a considerable number of others, officers and men, who were chased by this British general in the present campaign, who finally had the satisfaction of cornering him in Virginia in 1781. Scammell, Huntington, Tilghman, Humphreys, and others, could be named.
192 The American loss in prisoners in the Kip’s Bay affair was seventeen officers and about three hundred and fifty men, nearly all from Connecticut and New York. A very few were killed and wounded, Major Chapman, of Tyler’s regiment, being among the former.
The officer of highest rank among the prisoners was Colonel Samuel Selden, of Hadlyme, Conn., mentioned on page 121. (See biographical sketches, Part II.) One of his officers was Captain Eliphalet Holmes, afterwards of the Continental line, a neighbor of the Colonel’s. Being a man of great strength he knocked down two Hessians, who attempted to capture him, and escaped.
193 Baurmeister’s Narrative. Shewkirk’s Diary.
194 The centennial anniversary of this battle was celebrated in 1876, under the auspices of the New York Historical Society. The oration delivered on the occasion by the Hon. John Jay has been published by the Society, with an appendix containing a large number of documents bearing upon the affair, the whole making a valuable contribution to our Revolutionary history.
195 The Rangers.—The small corps known by this name consisted, first, as already stated, of about one hundred men of Durkee’s Connecticut Regiment (Twentieth Continentals), who appear to have accompanied Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton, of that regiment, when he went on any special service. These he took with him to Long Island. After the battle there the Rangers were formally organized as a separate body, composed of volunteer officers and men from several of the New England regiments. These were borne on their respective regimental rolls as detached “on command.” For captains, Knowlton had at least three excellent officers, men from his own region, whom he knew and could trust—Nathan Hale, of Charles Webb’s regiment, and Stephen Brown and Thomas Grosvenor, of his own. The rolls in Force show that there were officers and men in the Rangers from Durkee’s, Webb’s, Chester’s, Wyllys’, and Tyler’s Connecticut; Ward’s and Sargent’s Massachusetts; and Varnum’s Rhode Island. For a time they received orders directly from Washington and then from Putnam, and were of great service to the army in watching the enemy along the Harlem front. They distinguished themselves on the 16th, and later in the season, when Colonel Magaw was in command of Fort Washington, he begged to have the Rangers remain with him, as he declared that they were the only safe protection to the lines. (Greene to Washington.) They remained and were taken prisoners at the surrender of the fort, November 16th. Though probably not over one hundred and fifty strong, their losses seem to have been heavy. Knowlton fell at Harlem Heights; Major Coburn, who succeeded him, was severely wounded a few weeks later; Captain Nathan Hale was executed as a spy; and Captain Brown, a man as cool as Knowlton, was killed at the defence of Fort Mifflin near Philadelphia, in 1777, a cannon-ball severing his head from his body. Grosvenor served through the war, retiring as Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the Fifth of the Connecticut line. These facts are gathered from MS. Order Books, documents in Force and Hist. Mag., and from MS. letter of the late Judge Oliver Burnham, of Cornwall, Conn., a soldier in Wyllys’ regiment and one of the Rangers, in which he says: “Soon after the retreat from Long Island, Colonel Knowlton was ordered to raise a battalion of troops from the different regiments called the Rangers, to reconnoitre along our shores and between the armies. Being invited by a favorite officer, I volunteered, and on the day the enemy took New York we were at Harlem and had no share in the events of that day.”
196 The Rangers were thus engaged in a distinct skirmish before the main action of the day. Washington wrote to Congress early on the 16th: “I have sent some reconnoitring parties to gain intelligence, if possible, of the disposition of the enemy.” A letter in the Connecticut Gazette, reprinted in Mr. Jay’s documents, and which was probably written by Captain Brown, says: “On Monday morning the General ordered us to go and take the enemy’s advanced guard; accordingly we set out just before day and found where they were; at day-brake we were discovered by the enemy, who were 400 strong, and we were 120. They marched up within six rods of us and there formed to give us Battle, which we were ready for; and Colonel Knowlton gave orders to fire, which we did, and stood theirs till we perceived they were getting their flank-guards round us. After giving them eight rounds apiece the Colonel gave orders for retreating, which we performed very well, without the loss of a man while retreating, though we lost about 10 while in action.” Judge Burnham says substantially the same: “Colonel Knowlton marched close to the enemy as they lay on one of the Harlem Heights, and discharged a few rounds, and then retreated over the hill out of sight of the enemy and concealed us behind a low stone wall. The Colonel marked a place about eight or ten rods from the wall, and charged us not to rise or fire a gun until the enemy reached that place. The British followed in solid column, and soon were on the ground designated when we gave them nine rounds and retreated.... Our number engaged was only about 120.”
197 Captain John Gooch, of Varnum’s regiment, wrote September 23d: “On the 16th the enemy advanced and took possession of a hight on our right flank about half a mile Distance with about 3000 [300?] men; a party from our brigade of 150 men, who turned out as volunteers, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Crary, of the regmt I belong to, were ordered out if possible to dispossess them.”—Document 30.
198 Tilghman’s reference to these movements is as follows: “The General rode down to our farthest lines, and when he came near them heard a firing, which he was informed was between our scouts and the outguards of the enemy. When our men [Knowlton’s] came in they informed the General that there was a party of about 300 behind a woody hill, tho’ they only showed a very small party to us. Upon this the General laid a plan for attacking them in the rear and cutting off their retreat, which was to be effected in the following manner: Major Leitch, with three companies of Colo Weedon’s Virginia regiment, and Colo Knowlton with his Rangers, were to steal round while a party [Crary’s] were to march towards them and seem as if they intended to attack in front, but not to make any real attack till they saw our men fairly in their rear. The bait took as to one part; as soon as they saw our party in front the enemy ran down the hill and took possession of some fences and bushes and began to fire at them, but at too great distance to do much execution,” etc.—Document 29. See also Washington’s letter to Congress, Sept. 18th, 1776.
199 It is quite clear that Knowlton and Leitch did not form two parties, as some accounts state, one moving against the right flank of the enemy and the other against the left. They acted as one body, the Virginians marching in front, having been ordered on to “reinforce” Knowlton. Thus Captain Brown writes that after retreating they “sent off for a reinforcement,” which they soon received; and Colonel Reed confirms this in his testimony at the court-martial of a soldier who acted a cowardly part in the fight. “On Monday forenoon,” he says, “I left Colonel Knowlton with a design to send him a reinforcement. I had accordingly ordered up Major Leitch, and was going up to where the firing was,” etc. (Force, 5th Series, vol. ii. p. 500.) Reed’s letters to his wife show that Leitch and Knowlton fell near him, within a few minutes of each other, which could not have been the case had they been on opposite flanks. The accounts of Tilghman, Marshall, the soldier Martin, and others, leave no doubt as to this point that there was but one flanking party, and that Knowlton commanded it.
200 Judge Burnham refers to the flank attack briefly as follows: “Passing over we met the enemy’s right flank which had been posted out of our sight on lower ground. They fired and killed Colonel Knowlton and nearly all that had reached the top of the height.” This reference to the top of the height, taken in connection with Reed’s statement that “our brave fellows mounted up the rocks and attacked them as they ran in turn,” goes to confirm the selection of the spot where Leitch and Knowlton fell. Burnham states that he was within a few feet of the latter when he was shot.
201 There appear to have been nine companies of Maryland troops engaged, three under Major Price, three under Major Mantz, and three others of Richardson’s regiment. Among these were one or more companies of Colonel Ewing’s as yet incomplete battalion. One of his officers, Captain Lowe, was wounded.—Force, 5th Series, vol. ii. p. 1024. Also Capt. Beatty’s letter in Mr. Jay’s Documents.
202 Greene wrote at a latter date: “Gen. Putnam and the Adj. Gen. were in the action and behaved nobly.” “I was in the latter part, indeed almost the whole of the action.”—Gen. Geo. Clinton. (See his two letters in Jay’s documents.) “Gen. Putnam and Gen. Greene commanded in the Action with about 15 to eighteen hundred men.”—Stiles’s MS. Diary.
203 “A very smart action ensued in the true Bush-fighting way in which our Troops behaved in a manner that does them the highest honor.”—Letter from Col. Griffith, of Maryland. Lossing’s Historical Record, vol. ii., p. 260.
204 “The General fearing (as we afterwards found) that a large body was coming up to support them, sent me over to bring our men off. They gave a Hurra and left the field in good order.”—Tilghman’s Letters, Doc. 29.
The Battle-field.—Recently gathered material seems to settle all doubts as to the several points occupied by the British and Americans during the action. Where did it begin and where did it end? As to the first skirmish, it began near the British encampment at Bloomingdale. Here was Howe’s left, and, as Howe reports, Knowlton approached his advanced posts under cover of the woods “by way of Vandewater’s Height.” This was what we call Bloomingdale Heights. The original proprietor of the greater part of this site was Thomas De Key. From him all or a large part of it passed to Harman Vandewater and Adrian Hogeland, as the deeds on record show. In 1784 the property was purchased by Nicholas De Peyster. The position of Hogeland’s and Vandewater’s houses as given on the accompanying map is taken from old surveys which mark the location and give the names. The Bloomingdale Road at that time stopped at these farms. That part of it above One Hundred and Tenth Street, running through Manhattanville and continuing until recently to the King’s Bridge Road at One Hundred and Forty-sixth Street, did not exist during the Revolution, but was opened a few years later. (Hoffman’s Est. and Rights of the Corporation of New York, vol. ii.) A lane or road running from Hogeland’s by Vandewater’s connected the Bloomingdale with the King’s Bridge road at One Hundred and Nineteenth Street. Washington himself gives us the general line. Before the battle of Long Island he ordered Heath to have troops ready to march to New York as soon as called for, and he describes the proper route thus: “There is a road out of the Haerlem flat lands that leads up to the hills, and continues down the North River by Bloomingdale, Delancy’s, &c., which road I would have them march, as they will keep the river in sight, and pass a tolerable landing-place for troops in the neighborhood of Bloomingdale.” (Heath Correspondence, Mass. Hist. Coll. for 1878.) From this topography and the records the position becomes clear: Howe camped around Bloomingdale with his advance posts along the Bloomingdale Road, perhaps as far as its terminus near Hogeland’s. They were last seen in this vicinity the night before. Knowlton, next morning, marches out from Harlem Heights, reconnoitres “by way of Vandewater’s,” and comes upon the British posts on and along the line of the Bloomingdale Road. Then he falls back under cover of the woods and over fences towards the Point of Rocks, the enemy following him.
As to succeeding movements, if we can fix Washington’s station and the hill which all agree that the British descended, there is no difficulty in following them after. Point of Rocks was the extreme limit of Harlem Heights. There were our advanced posts overlooking the country south. Washington states that he rode down to “our advanced posts” to direct matters. Where better could he do so than at Point of Rocks? And in a sketch of the field preserved in the Stiles Diary, and reproduced among Mr. Jay’s documents, Washington is given just that station where an earthwork had been thrown up. To confirm this and also to locate the next point, we have a letter from Major Lewis Morris (Jay documents), in which he says: “Colonel Knowlton’s regiment was attacked by the enemy upon a height a little to the south-west of Days’s Tavern, and after opposing them bravely and being overpowered by their numbers they were forced to retreat, and the enemy advanced upon the top of the hill opposite to that which lies before Days’s door, with a confidence of success, and after rallying their men by a bugle horn and resting themselves a little while, they descended the hill,” etc. In one of Christopher Colles’s road maps (published in the N.Y. Corporation Manual for 1870, p. 778), Days’s tavern is put directly opposite Point of Rocks on the King’s Bridge Road, which fixes the hill occupied by the enemy as the north-east bluff of Bloomingdale Heights, or about One Hundred and Twenty-third Street, between Ninth and Tenth avenues. They ran down this bluff to fences and bushes at the edge of “a clear field.” This was part of the Kortwright farm, and the farm lines of 1812 show the same northern boundary that surveys show in 1711. This northerly fence line is given in the accompanying map, and it will be noticed that it would be the natural line for the British Infantry to take in opposing Crary’s party. The soldier Martin speaks of their taking a post and rail fence with a field in their rear. General George Clinton, who gives a clear description of the fighting from this point, also mentions this field and fence, but appears to have been mistaken in stating that the enemy were driven back to that position. They ran down the hill and took up that position. Then, when driven back, they retreated in the general direction of their first advance—that is, towards their camp, passing through a buckwheat field, and orchard to the Bloomingdale Road, and not, as generally stated, to the high ground in Central Park east of Eighth Avenue. General Clinton says they fell back from the orchard “across a hollow and up another hill not far distant from their own lines,” which doubtless refers to undulations on Hogeland’s place, and possibly to the then hilly ground about One Hundred and Seventh Street and Eleventh Avenue. One of the Hessian accounts states that the Yagers who were sent to support the Light Infantry came into “a hot contest on Hoyland’s Hill”—a reference clearly to Hogeland’s lands; and this with the fact that the Yagers and Grenadiers afterwards bivouacked “in the wood not far from Bloomingdale,” and that the British “encamped in two lines” at the same place, indicates the point where the action terminated—namely, near Bloomingdale, between Hogeland’s and Apthorpe’s.
In regard to the beginning of the action, General Clinton, in his account, starts with a locality called “Martje Davits Fly,” and estimates distances from it. This name, more properly “Marritje David’s Vly,” strictly described the round piece of meadow at the western end of the Hollow Way close to the Hudson. It formed part of Harlem Cove. Old deeds, acts, and surveys give the name and site exactly. Clinton speaks of the “Point of Martje David’s Fly” as if he had reference to a point of land in its vicinity, possibly the Point of Rocks, and from which he gives his distances.
The name of the battle appears perhaps most frequently in modern accounts as that of Harlem Plains. Greene and others speak of it as the action of Harlem Heights or the heights of Harlem. As the movements were directed by Washington from the Heights, and as the fighting was done practically in defence of the Heights, this seems to be the proper name to adopt. Heath says the fighting took place “on the Heights west of Harlem Plains,” and Washington, Clinton, and others make similar references to the high ground, showing that the affair was not associated with the Plains.
205 Heath states that Henley was buried by Knowlton’s side, and the spot is indicated in the orders of September 24th: “Thomas Henley will be buried this p.m. from the quarters of Maj. David Henley below the hill where the redoubt is thrown up on the road.” During the action of the 16th, troops were throwing up intrenchments across the island at about One Hundred and Forty-fifth Street. This was the first and most southerly of the three lines constructed on the Heights. Sauthier’s map, the authority in the case, shows this line with a battery across the King’s Bridge Road, just at the top of what is known as Breakneck Hill. It was on the slope of this hill that Knowlton and Henley were buried. Mr. Lossing puts his grave in one of the redoubts on the second line, afterwards included in Trinity Cemetery; but that line had not been thrown up when Knowlton died. (Silliman’s letter of September 17th, p.m. Part II., page 55.) Mr. Jay and others have suggested the erection of a monument to Knowlton and Leitch. No finer site could be found than the spot where they fell in Morningside Park.
Respecting Major Henley, spoken of by Washington as “another of our best officers,” see Glover’s letter, Document 35.
206 The position of the various works at Harlem Heights appears on Sauthier’s plan which seems to have accompanied Howe’s report of the capture of Fort Washington. Good copies of it may be found in Stedman’s history and in the New York Revolutionary MS., vol. i. In 1812, when Randall surveyed the island, many of these works were still traceable. He gives parts of the second and third lines, Fort Washington and the others above, all of which agree with Sauthier’s locations. Some of the works remain well preserved to-day.
207 “Frog’s Neck and Point is a kind of island; there are two passages to the main which are fordable at low water, at both of which we have thrown up works, which will give some annoyance should they attempt to come off by either of these ways.”—Tilghman to William Duer, October 13th, 1776. MS. Letter. On hearing that they had landed on the Neck, Duer replied from the Convention at Peekskill, on the 15th: “There appears to me an actual fatality attending all their measures. One would have naturally imagined from the Traitors they have among them, who are capable of giving them the most minute description of the Grounds in the county of Westchester, that they would have landed much farther to the Eastward. Had they pushed their imaginations to discover the worst place, they could not have succeeded better than they have done.”—MS. Letter.
208 The Convention’s Committee on Correspondence consisted of William Duer, R.R. Livingston, Egbert Benson, and two others. Nearly all of Tilghman’s letters to the committee have been published either in Force or in the Proceedings of the N.Y. Provincial Congress. Of Duer’s replies, however, but few are in print, the originals being in the possession of Oswald Tilghman, Esq., of Easton, Talbot County, Md., to whom the writer is under obligations for the favor of quoting the extracts given in the text. (See biographical sketch of Colonel Tilghman.)
209 As evidence of the estimation in which Lee was held at this time, Duer writes on the 15th to Colonel Harrison: “I beg my affectionate compliments to Genl Lee, whom I sincerely congratulate on his arrival in camp—partly on account of himself as he will have it in his [power] to reap a fresh Harvest of Laurels, and more on account of his Country which looks to him as one of the brave asserters of her dearest rights.”—MS. Letter.
Lee had just returned from South Carolina, and was associated by the army with the brave defence of Charleston harbor. The honor of that affair, however, belonged entirely to Moultrie.
210 In this skirmish Captain Evelyn, the British officer who captured the patrol of American officers on Long Island, was mortally wounded, and died soon after, much regretted. He is supposed to have been buried in New York.
211 Stirling, who with Sullivan had recently been exchanged as prisoner, was now in command of Mifflin’s brigade, Mifflin being absent in Philadelphia.
212 See letters of these officers, Documents 17, 22. Also Tallmadge’s account, Document 26.
213 “October 29th [28th] the British advanced in front of our lines at White Plains about 10 o’clock a.m. I had just arrived on Chatterton Hill in order to throw up some works when they hove in sight; as soon as they discovered us they commenced a severe cannonade but without any effect of consequence. General McDougal about this time arriving with his brigade from Burtis’s and observing the British to be crossing the Bronx below in large bodies in order to attack us, our troops were posted to receive them in a very advantageous position. The British in their advance were twice repulsed; at length, however, their numbers were increased so that they were able to turn our right flank. We lost many men, but from information afterwards received there was reason to believe they lost many more than we. The rail and stone fence behind which our troops were posted proved as fatal to the British as the rail fence and grass hung on it did at Charlestown the 17th of June 1775.”—Colonel Rufus Putnam, Document 43.
214 Statement of his son, General James Watson Webb, of New York.
215 The details of the various movements in Westchester County would fill a long and interesting chapter; but in the present connection not more than an outline can be attempted.
216 Consult “Map of New York,” etc., Part II.
217 Read the letter Greene wrote to Knox on the following day.—Document 36.
218 Testimony of Cornwallis before Parliamentary Committee on Howe’s case in 1779.
219 Washington, who with his officers watched the fighting from Fort Lee, sent over Captain Gooch to tell Magaw to maintain himself until night, when an effort would be made to withdraw the garrison to New Jersey. The captain reached the fort, delivered his message, and, running through the fire of the enemy, got to his boat again and recrossed in safety.
220 Henshaw’s copy of return of prisoners.—Document No. 59.
221 Two weeks before the attack on the fort, Magaw’s adjutant, William Demont, deserted to the enemy. This fact has lately been established by the recovery, by Mr. Edward F. de Lancey, of the New York Historical Society, of Demont’s own letter confessing the desertion. It is dated London, January 16th, 1792, and is in part as follows:
“On the 2d of Nov’r 1776 I Sacrificed all I was Worth in the World to the Service of my King & Country and joined the then Lord Percy, brought in with me the Plans of Fort Washington, by which Plans that Fortress was taken by his Majesty’s Troops the 16 instant, Together with 2700 Prisoners and Stores & Ammunition to the amount of 1800 Pound. At the same time, I may with Justice affirm, from my Knowledge of the Works, I saved the Lives of many of His Majesty’s Subjects—these Sir are facts well-known to every General Officer which was there.”
Mr. De Lancey makes this letter the text of a detailed and highly interesting account of the fall of Fort Washington (published in the Magazine of American History, February, 1877), in which the new theory is advanced that the disaster was due in the first instance to Demont’s treason. It is quite probable, as the deserter claimed, that his information was of some use to the British general in making his dispositions for the attack, but beyond this the incident could hardly have affected the situation on either side. Up to the night preceding the assault, Howe did not know whether the Americans would remain in the fort or not. Indeed, he gave them the opportunity to evacuate it by allowing a whole night to intervene between the summons to surrender and the attack. He could not, therefore, have changed his plans, as alleged, in the confident expectation of taking a large garrison prisoners and sending home word of another great victory. Fort Washington was simply in his way, and he would have moved against it under any circumstances, regardless of Demont and his treachery.
222 This is what Tilghman said upon the occasion: “The loss of the post is nothing compared to the loss of men and arms, and the damp it will strike upon the minds of many. We were in a fair way of finishing the campaign with credit to ourselves and I think to the disgrace of Mr. Howe, and had the General followed his own opinion the garrison would have been withdrawn immediately upon the enemy’s falling down from Dobb’s Ferry; but Gen’l Greene was positive that our forces might at any time be drawn off under the guns of Fort Lee. Fatal experience has evinced the contrary.”—Correspondence in Proceedings of the N.Y. Provincial Congress, vol. ii.
223 After the battle of White Plains, Howe, we have seen, moved against Fort Washington. On the other hand, Washington, supposing that Howe would aim next for Philadelphia, prepared to cross part of his force into Jersey and endeavor to protect that city. He proposed to continue the policy of “wasting” the campaign. Heath was left to look after the Highlands; Lee with another force remained at Northcastle, and Connecticut troops were posted at Saw Pits and the borders of that State. Washington took with him Putnam, Greene, Stirling, and Mercer, with less than four thousand men, and fell back before the British through Brunswick, Princeton, and Trenton. He wrote several times to Lee to join him, but Lee was full of excuses and utterly failed Washington at this crisis. While marching in no haste by a westerly route through Jersey, Lee was surprised at his quarters at Baskingridge on the morning of December 13th, and made prisoner by Lieutenant-Colonel Harcourt and a party of dragoons. (The account of the capture by Captain Bradford, Lee’s aid, not heretofore published, is given in Document 46. In Wilkinson’s Memoirs there is another account.) Sullivan then took command of Lee’s troops and joined Washington, who at Trenton had crossed to the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware, removing all boats to delay the enemy, and had halted in camp a few miles above.
224 Order of march to Trenton.—Drake’s Life of Knox.
225 Stiles’ MS. Diary. Statement of Rhode Island officers engaged at Princeton.
226 In connection with the battles of Trenton and Princeton, read the interesting letters from Knox, Haslet, Rodney, and Hull in Part II. They have all appeared since our general accounts were written.
227 In another letter Walpole says:
“It is now the fashion to cry up the manœuvre of General Washington in this action [Princeton] who has beaten two English regiments, too, and obliged General Howe to contract his quarters—in short, the campaign has by no means been wound up to content.... It has lost a great deal of its florid complexion, and General Washington is allowed by both sides not to be the worst General in the field.”
Again, in a humorous vein:
“Caius Manlius Washingtonius Americanus, the dictator, has got together a large army, larger than our ally, the Duke of Wirtemberg was to have sold us; and General Howe, who has nothing but salt provisions in our metropolis, New York, has not twenty thousand pounds’ worth of pickles, as he had at Boston.”—Walpole’s Letters and Correspondence. Cunningham.
228 From the Clinton papers as published in E.M. Ruttenber’s Obstructions to the Navigation of Hudson’s River, etc. Munsell, Albany.
229 These orders are from the Order Book kept by Colonel Moses Little, of Greene’s brigade, while encamped on Long Island during the months of May, June, July, and August, 1776, the original being in the possession of Benjamin Hale, Esq., of Newburyport, Mass. They cover the whole period of active operations there after the arrival of the main army at New York. The book also contains Washington’s general orders from headquarters, New York, General Sullivan’s orders while in command on Long Island, Colonel Little’s regimental orders, and scattering orders from Generals Lee, Spencer, Greene, and Nixon, in September and October, 1776. As all Washington’s orders are to be found in Force’s Archives, a few only are inserted here to preserve the connection. They are distinguished as “General Orders.” Sullivan’s and the others are given separately.
230 General Washington was absent at Philadelphia from May 21st to June 6th, leaving General Putnam in command at New York.
231 The order breaks off at this point in Colonel Little’s book, but it is fortunately preserved entire in an orderly book kept by Captain John Douglass, of Philadelphia. (Hist. Mag., vol. ii., p. 354.) The following order from General Lord Stirling also appears in Captain Douglass’s book:
[Long Island] August 25th 1776.
“The Adjutants of each Corps of this Brigade are to attend Brigade Major Livingston at Gen. Sullivan’s Quarters every morning at 9 o’clock to receive the orders of the day. The Weekly Returns are to be brought in this day. Such regiments as have tents are to encamp within the lines as soon as possible.”
232 The series of Washington’s general orders in Force’s Archives does not contain this order of August 29th, which throws light on the preparations made for the retreat. It is found, abridged, in both Col. Little’s and Capt. Douglass’s order books; in Col. Douglas’s book it appears in the above form. Original in the possession of Benjamin Douglas, Esq., Middletown, Conn.
233 Harlem Heights, Sept. 16.
234 At the time of writing this letter, Col. Douglas was Major of Ward’s regiment which enlisted for six weeks’ service under Lee, and which was stationed by him on Long Island. The fortification they were soon to begin was Fort Stirling.
235 Col. Hitchcock had been ordered to Burdett’s Ferry, opposite Fort Washington, on the Jersey side, but returned to Long Island on the landing of the enemy.
236 Of Col. Samuel Selden’s Conn. Regiment.
237 Aide-de-Camp to General Washington.
238 Col. Tyler, commanding the 10th Regiment of Continentals (from Connecticut) was ordered under arrest by General Washington for “cowardice and misbehaviour before the enemy on Sunday, the 15th instant.” The testimony at the preliminary trial brought out some of the incidents of that day’s confusion and panic.
239 Maj. C.L. Baurmeister, of the Hessian Division.
240 A part of this diary was published in the Moravian, Bethlehem, Penn., in 1876, with notes prepared by Rev. A.A. Reinke, present pastor of the Moravian congregation in New York. The extracts for 1775 appear in print now for the first time, and, of the whole, only those which bear upon public affairs are given here. In 1776, the Moravian Church stood in Fair street (now Fulton), opposite the old North Dutch Church on the corner of William street.
241 Capt. Michael Cresap, of Maryland.
242 Thomas Hickey.
243 Washington’s Chief Engineer in 1776.
244 Capt. Bradford, of Rhode Island, was Aide-de-Camp to General Lee at the time of the latter’s capture, and gave this account of the affair to the Rev. Dr. Stiles, then at Dighton, R.I.
245 Gen. Wolcott, at this date, was a delegate in Congress from Connecticut.
246 Sipple afterwards joined the Delaware Regiment under Col. David Hall, and is said to have proved a brave and faithful soldier.
247 Captain Rodney marched with a Delaware company to the relief of Washington in the dark days of the campaign. Four other companies from Philadelphia, joined with his, formed a battalion under Captain Henry—Rodney being second in command. He was with Cadwallader’s force during the battle of Trenton; and his vivid description of the storm that night, and the condition of the river [Force, fifth series, vol. iii.], has frequently been quoted by historical writers. His interesting account of subsequent events, as given above, is now published for the first time. It has been made the subject of a highly interesting paper prepared and read by Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq., of Wilmington, before the Historical Societies of Delaware and Pennsylvania.
248 Of Colonel Huntington’s regiment.
249 Of Colonel Miles’ regiment. The journal, McPherson says, was “wrote at John Lott’s, Flatbush, L.I.”
250 Captain Randolph was a very brave officer from Woodbridge, N.J., who, during the war, undertook several hazardous scouting expeditions. He belonged to the Continental army, was five times wounded, twice made a prisoner, and finally killed, in July, 1780, in a skirmish near Springfield, New Jersey. He was the officer who captured the famous Colonel Billop. He appears to have been with Colonel Heard, when the latter was sent to seize tories on Long Island, in January, 1776; in which connection the following letter to his wife will be of interest:
... When we Shall Return Home is unceartain we have Been Busy a Hunting up and Disarming the Tories ever Since we Have Been Here. Have collected upwards of two Hundred Muskits with ammunition &c. We was two nights at Jamaica where I had to take Jonathan Rowland an own uncle to Roberts wife. Likewise Saml Doughty an acquaintance of Roberts. Charles Jackson is well and Desires to Be Remembered to his fammily and I Request of you to Show his wife this Letter. I Remain yours &c.,
Nathl. Fitz Randolph.
Hempstead, Jan. 24th, 1776.
P.S. We proceed from Here to Oyster Bay.
251 Captain James Morris was a Connecticut officer. He first entered the service as ensign in Colonel Gay’s Regiment, and was engaged in the battle of Long Island. In the following year, as lieutenant, he fought at the battle of Germantown, where he was taken prisoner, and closely confined in Philadelphia until removed to Long Island. When released, in 1781, he was detailed to Scammell’s Light Infantry Corps, and took part in the capture of Yorktown, Virginia. One of his letters, written from Flatbush while prisoner, is as follows:
Flatbush, Long Island, June 30, 1778.
Wednesday, the 17th inst., the American Prisoners of war left Philadelphia. I embarked on board the Sloop Nancy, Capt. Hill. Sailed as far as Billings Port; then went on board the Brig Minerva, Capt. Smith, in order to sail for New York. After a passage of 12 days arrived at New York, being the 28th inst. The 29th I was paroled upon Long Island, and went to live at the House of Mr. John Lott. Our treatment, both officers and soldiers, while on board the shipping, was much better than I expected; our situation was as agreeable as circumstances would admit. We had the liberty of any part of the ship, and both officers and soldiers had a supply of provisions and a gill of Rum per man per day.
252 The left-hand column, naming the regiments, with the rank and number of officers captured, is taken from the report of Joseph Loring, the British Commissary of Prisoners.—Force, 5th Series, vol i., p. 1258. The names added opposite have been collated from official rolls, published and in manuscript, unless otherwise stated in notes.
253 Reference has already been made to Gen. Woodhull and Col. Johnston in the chapter on “The Battle of Long Island.”
255 Huntington’s regiment appears to have had no major at this date; certainly none was taken prisoner. In the return of prisoners exchanged Dec. 9, 1776, there is this memorandum in regard to Maj. Browne: “Taken on Long Island, not in arms. It is preposed that he be exchanged for Major Wells, of Connecticut.”
256 There is a discrepancy here. The English give four Captains, while Huntington’s return gives six. So also in Lieutenants and Ensigns.
257 This name does not appear on any roll, but no doubt Johnston was the Captain intended, no other having been taken prisoner.
258 Bowie was the only Maryland Captain taken, the rest being accounted for. Possibly one of the Lieutenants—six having been taken instead of five, as the English report—was rated by mistake as a Captain.
259 There was but one Lieutenant taken in Lutz’s Battalion. See Rolls in Force, Returns of Col. Haller’s regiment.
260 Lieuts. Van Wagenen and Gilliland did not belong to Lasher’s battalion, but were taken with Dunscomb, Troup, and Hoogland, and probably rated with them.
261 In Onderdonk’s Revolutionary Incidents it is stated that Coe was a Lieutenant of the troopers, and was taken the day after the battle. The other Lieutenant was taken at the time of Gen. Woodhull’s capture, but his name does not appear.
262 Callender is doubtless meant. He was rated as a Lieutenant afterwards, and was confined in officers’ quarters.
263 These were two Pennsylvania officers, and it is supposed that they were serving as volunteers at the battle. Their names appear in Force.
264 The returns of the losses in the Pennsylvania regiments, as here given, are copied from the original manuscript rolls in the public archives of that State. I am indebted to the Hon. John A. Linn, Assistant Secretary of the Commonwealth, Harrisburg, not only for the authenticated copies, but for several of the documents in Part II., and for much other information respecting the troops from Pennsylvania.—Ed.
265 One of these sergeants escaped, but the rolls do not show which one.