Historical Account
The Barbers Unincorporate.
The origin of the Barbers’ Guild partook of a religious character; and the meeting together of men of the craft for religious observances, for attending the funerals and obits of deceased members and their wives, and for feasting once a year, gradually transformed a semi-social and religious guild into what ultimately became a purely secular or “trade guild.” This religious origin is borne out by the very important Return made by the Barbers of London, to the Writ of 12th Rich. II, and is strengthened by reference to the Returns made by the Barbers of Lincoln and of Norwich (both which latter are preserved at the Record Office), and which clearly point to those guilds being of a religious character; indeed the Barbers of Norwich do not seem to have had a single secular or trade ordinance in their constitution.
1388. In the Return of the Barbers of London to the Writ of Richard II, the Masters recite that they “have found a document amongst the articles of their records made of the time to which memory runneth not,” concerning the points upon which the fraternity was founded;
Primerement al honourance de Dieu et touz ses Seyntes et pur excitac͠on les c͠oens des gentz a bien faire et perseverance avoir et bien faitz.....
Firstly to the honour of God and all his Saints, and to stir up the commons of the people to do well, and to have perseverance in well doing.....
Regulations were made enjoining charity, attendance at funerals and obits, against the enticing away of the servants of others, providing for the amicable settlement of disputes, and the like.
The articles above briefly referred to, contain nothing in particular as to trade regulation or inspection, leaving a pretty certain inference that they were made for the governance of a social and religious guild or fraternity. We shall presently see that in 1308, the Company partook of the nature of a trade guild, and we may therefore reasonably presume that the articles made in the time to which memory in 1388 did not run, were drawn up previous to 1308, and therefore without much hesitation we may assign the origin of the Barbers’ Company to at least the xiijth. century.
In the early part of the reign of Edward II, and indeed for a long while previously, the Barbers were practitioners in the art of Surgery; at all events they performed the minor operations of that craft, such as bleeding, tooth-drawing, cauterization, and the like.
The Barbers having been accustomed to assist the monks in the surgical operations performed by them in early times, acquired a degree of proficiency which enabled them to practise as Surgeons themselves. Up till about the xijth. century the practice of Surgery and Medicine was however almost wholly confined to the Clergy, who seem to have enjoyed the double privilege of curing men’s bodies as well as their souls. In 1163 the Council of Tours, under Pope Alexander III, considering that a practice which involved in its operations the shedding of blood, was incompatible with the holy office of the clergy, forbad them to interfere in any matter of Surgery; the consequence of this edict was that they gave over the operations of Surgery but continued to practise the healing art of Medicine.
As already said, the Clergy very frequently employed the Barbers as their assistants, and committed to them the preparation of the medicated baths and the performance of sundry minor surgical operations. No doubt the Edict of Tours was hailed with joy by the Barbers, who thus found a lucrative practice thrown in their way, and seized the opportunity of practising as Surgeons “on their own account,” calling themselves Barber-Surgeons, and practising both Barbery and Surgery.
c. 1307. The archives preserved at the Guildhall have many entries concerning the Barbers’ Company, and in Letter-Book D. 157B. there is an ordinance concerning the Barbers of London, which shows that at this time they were occupied in Surgery, and advertised their profession in an objectionable manner, which was very properly forbidden by the City authorities.
De Barbours. Et que nul barbier ne soit se ose ne si hardy qil mette sank en leur fenestres en apiert ou en view des gentz, mais pryvement le facent porter a Thamise sur peine des doux souldz rendre al oeps des Viscountz.
Concerning Barbers. And that no barbers shall be so bold or so hardy as to put blood in their windows, openly or in view of folks, but let them have it privily carried unto the Thames, under pain of paying two shillings to the use of the Sheriffs.
1308. The first express entry which we have concerning our Company is the presentation and admission of Richard le Barber, as Supervisor or Master of the Barbers, before the Court of Aldermen in 1308 (Letter-Book C. 96).
Ric’s le Barbour ex oppõito ecc̃lie omñi scoꝜ parue elect’ est et p’sentatˀ pˀ Barbitonsores london die Martˀ p’xˀ p’t fm̃ Sc̃e Lucie virgĩs Anno R. E. fiɫ R. E. sc̃do coram dñis Nichõ de ffarndon tũc maiore london Johñe de Wengũue cetˀisqʒ Aldermĩs ad custodiendˀ officiũ BarbitonsoꝜ &c. Et admissus est et jurˀ q’d quolibet mense faciet scrutiniũ pˀ totñ officiũ suũ et si quos invenˀit lupanarˀ id alio mõ inhonestos et in scandalũ officii &c. eos distringat & distriaõem in cam’am apportari faciet &c.
Richard le Barbour dwelling opposite to the Church of Allhallows the Less, was chosen and presented by the Barbers of London, on Tuesday next after the feast of Saint Lucy the Virgin (13th December) in the second year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, before Sir Nicholas de Farndon, then Mayor of London, John de Wengrave and other Aldermen, to have supervision over the trade of the Barbers &c. And he was admitted and made oath that every month he would make scrutiny throughout the whole of his trade, and if he should find any among them keeping brothels, or acting unseemly in any other way, and to the scandal of the trade, he was to distrain upon them, and cause the distress to be taken into the Chamber (of London) &c.
The foregoing record does not appear very creditable to the reputation of the Barbers of Edward the Second’s time, but it should be remembered that in those days, and for a long period before and afterwards, the Barbers superintended the Baths (Bagnios) and that these places were not infrequently the resort of improper characters; a few of our predecessors had perhaps, under the circumstances, been somewhat lax in their morality, and let us hope that Richard le Barber administered to those whom he found offending, due correction according to his oath and their deserts.
It would not seem from the terms of the admission, that the Master was at that period elected annually, and the Office was probably held by one man for a considerable number of years. There is no entry in the City books (which have been carefully examined for the purpose) of another admission to the Office until the year 1376, when two Masters were appointed, and then for some years subsequently two new Masters were sworn in annually.
1309. In this year we find the first record of an admission of a Barber to the freedom of the City, and several others occur about this period (see Freemen).
1310. On Wednesday next after the feast of the Nativity, 4th Edward II, Gerard the Barber was sworn keeper of the Gate of Newgate (Letter-Book D. 113), and there are other entries of Barbers being appointed keepers or porters at the City gates; from one of these, in 1375, it would seem that they were to keep a strict watch that no lepers should enter the city, and it was doubtless on account of their surgical knowledge enabling them to distinguish those afflicted with leprosy, that these offices were conferred upon them.
1310. On Monday before the feast of St. Gregory the will of Richard le Barber, our first Master, was proved in the Court of Husting. To Katherine his wife and Johanna his daughter, he left tenements and rents in Bread Street, Cordwainer Street, Queenhithe, Candlewike Street, and Whitecrouche Street. To Thomas de Mangrave his apprentice, a shop in Bread Street; to the fabric of London Bridge 20s., and the residue to pious uses.
1312. The earliest admission of a Surgeon (not a Barber Surgeon) to the freedom is that of “Magister Johẽs de Suthwerk cirurgicus,” who was sworn on Friday before the feast of St. Barnabas, 5th Edward II, and who paid nothing for his freedom, being admitted at the instance of Hugh de Waltham, Town Clerk.
Among the Archives at Guildhall are various entries relating to early Barbers, which, although not touching upon the history of our Company, may properly be preserved in these pages, and I shall therefore give translations of a few of them.
1315. On Monday next after the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, in the 8th Edward II, by common assent of the Mayor and Aldermen in the Hustings of pleas of Land, there was granted and demised to William de Dounesheued, Barber to Sir John de Sandale, Chancellor of our Lord the King, a certain house belonging to the Bridge of London, to have and to hold to the said William for his whole life, he paying yearly on the usual days two and a half marks to the keepers for the time being of the said Bridge, which said house is situate between a house belonging to the said Bridge in which John Mew now dwells towards the West, and a house belonging to Thomas le Maderman towards the East, in the Parish of Saint Dionis Backchurch London. And the said William, the said house and its appurtenances in all needful manner shall sustain, and against wind and rain cause the same to be defended during the whole term of his life.
And there was a proviso that if the rent should remain unpaid for a whole year that the Bridge Keepers should re-enter. (Letter-Book E. 28B.)
1319. On Thursday after the feast of St. Valentine, 13th Edward II, there was enrolled an obligation by which Roger the Barber (servant to John de Dallinge, Sheriff of London) and Margaret his wife, were bound to pay £100 to Sir John de Laugecombe, Rector of the Church of Laumaz Heys (sic) before the feast of Easter. (Letter-Book E. 85.)
1320. On Wednesday next after the feast of Saints Fabian and Sebastian, 13th Edward II, Lawrence the Barber, one of the men sworn to keep the Poultry Market on Cornhill, laid an information against John Bakon that he the said John was a forestaller of the Market. (Letter-Book E. 96B.)
1320. In the same year among the names of the Citizens assessed to contribute to a fine of £1,000 to the King, occurs that of Thomas the Barber. (Letter-Book E. 106B.)
1320. On Monday next before the feast of St. Margaret the Virgin, 14th Edward II, the Wardship of Alice, Joane and Agnes, children of John de Wynton, Barber, deceased, was given to Joane his widow; several shops and houses in the City belonging to the deceased are scheduled as for the benefit of the Wards, and Robert de Lamyngton, John de Bristolle, Barber, and Roger de Croidon were bound as sureties. (Letter-Book E. 114.)
Instances also occur of City Wards (sons of Barbers deceased) being apprenticed by the Chamberlain to various trades.
1340. In 14th Edward III, Hamo the Barber was assessed by the City at £10 as his contribution towards a forced loan of £5,000 to the King (Letter-Book F. 33) and six years later (1346) Hamo was again assessed at 20s. towards a “present” of 3,000 marks to the King.
1370. On 14th March, 44th Edward III, the wardship of Alice (aged 3 years), daughter of Nicholas the Barber, was given to Gilbert Prince, who was to use her legacy of 40 marks for her benefit.
1374. On the 28th July, 1374, Lawrence de Weston, Barber (Master of the Company in 1376), and Margaret his wife, mother of the said Alice, came before the Mayor, &c., and proved that the said Alice was dead, whereupon Gilbert Prince, the Executor of Nicholas the Barber’s will, was discharged, and the money paid to Lawrence and Margaret de Weston. (Letter-Book G. 244 and 317B.)
Reverting now from individuals to the Company, we find that the Barbers existed as a Trade Guild, but unincorporated certainly from the year 1308, and that they were at first ruled by one Master, and later on (in 1376) by two Masters, appointed annually. This Company of Barbers was composed of two classes of Members—viz., those who practised Barbery proper (perhaps including phlebotomy and tooth drawing), and those who practised Surgery, and who were, for distinction sake, called Barber-Surgeons (in the City books they are spoken of as “Barbers exercising the faculty of Surgery”). For aught we know to the contrary, a perfect harmony and good understanding existed between these two sections of the Company, and it is probable that the ranks of the latter were continually recruited from the former.
1381. The earliest evidence of the existence of our Hall is to be found in Harl. MS. 541, which contains a list of Companies’ Halls in the City, temp. 5 Richard II, by which it appears that the Barbers’ Hall was then, as now, in the Parish of Saint Olave, Silver Street, and doubtless on the same site; the entry is, “Barbar hall ye p’yssh of Seynt Oluf in Sylverstrete.” In 1490 the Hall is known to have been on the same site.
1388. In this year Richard II sent his writs all over the Kingdom to enquire into the nature and constitution of the several guilds and fraternities, religions, social or craft, and the returns to these writs, which must have been an immense number, were formerly kept among the Records at the Tower of London. Herbert, in his History of the Livery Companies, refers to his fruitless endeavours to discover these returns, and I have made diligent enquiry at the Record Office for them also, with the undoubted result that all of those which relate to the London Trading Guilds are lost. There are, however, a great number relating to London religious guilds and to trade guilds all over the country. Two of these concerning the Barbers of Norwich and of Lincoln are so highly interesting that I have preserved them in Appendix A.
Amongst our Archives at Barbers’ Hall, is a vellum book of Ordinances written out fair in 1658, and therein is to be found a copy of the return made by the Barbers of London to the writ of Richard II, and which the Company caused to be extracted from the Tower Records in 1634. It is certified by William Colet as agreeing with the original, but unfortunately Mr. Colet (although he was Deputy-Keeper of the Records) or his copyist has made one or two mistakes, which necessitate a little hiatus in the translation, and he has put the year as the 11th instead of the 12th of Richard II. That the latter year is the correct one is abundantly proved by the dates on the original writs and on the numerous returns still in existence at the Record Office, as also by the names of the Masters certifying, who are recorded at Guildhall as having been admitted 10th September, 12th Richard II.
Richard II was more solicitous as to the funds and property of the Guilds, than he was about their observances, and our predecessors seem to have quickly acquainted him with their pecuniary position, “the which Company have neither tenements nor rents to their common use.”
The Masters recite an old document which they found in their strong box, and which will well repay perusal; it opens with a devout dedication to the Trinity, the Virgin Mary, and the glorious company of heaven, and the first Ordinance being expressly made in honour of God and all saints, and with the intention of stirring up the people to do well and to persevere therein, we must all approve of it. It provides firstly, that decayed brethren shall have an allowance of 101⁄2d. per week, if their poverty have not come about by their own folly. The second and third Ordinances relate to attendance at funerals and obits of deceased members. Then follow certain rules, that no man shall entice away another’s servant; the Masters to settle disputes, payment of quarterage, refusal of office, absence from Mass and the yearly feast, the livery clothing, &c., &c. It is well to observe here the evidence of the antiquity of our livery, of the quarterage, and of the feast, all of which have come down to these days.
Some later Ordinances are added, which were apparently made in 1387. This return is probably the only one extant of the whole of those made by the London trade guilds, and is therefore of the highest interest. A copy of the original (which is in Norman French), together with a translation, follows.
Copia extracta ex Bundell’ Fraternitatum et Gildar’ Civitatis London remaneñ de Recordo prout patet in Rotulis dñi Regis infra Turrim London.
Anno xjo.29
Ricardi Secundi.
Johan Heydon et Hen Cook Mestres30 William Chapman et William Gomine Surveyours de la Compaignie appelle ffraternite des Barbers de la Citee de Londres dauncien temps ordeigne certifiant au Counsail ñre Sr. le Roy en sa Chancellarie la forme manere et condicion de touz articles obseruancez et lour circumstances contenuz en la paper de dite Compaignie en la forme quesuyt la quel compaignie nont nul teñt ne rent a lour c͠oe oeps les queles articles la dite Compaignie nont usez en lour temps forsqz soulement pur auer lour vesture un foitz per añ et paier lour quarterage pur sustiner pouerez geñtz de mesme la Compaignie et un foitz per añ assembler pur manger et eslire neuells Mestres et Surveiours sanz ascun autre article de sontz escript mettre en use forsqz ceux qˀ tan soulement sont faitz al honour de dieu mes purtant qils ont trouez un paper one les articles de sontz escriptz fait del temps donc memorie ne court ils les ont p’sentez a vrẽ tressages discrecions.
Ceste endenture fait en nom̃ de Dieu omnipotent pier et fitz et seynt Esperitz et de nr̃e Dame Seynt Marie et de tout la gloriouse Compaignie de Ciel de la foundacion et de Lordinance de la fraternite des Barbers de la Cite de Londres tesmoigñ coment et sur queux pointz la dite Fraternite est funduz et ordeigne.
Primerement al honourance de Dieu et touz ses Seyntes et pur excitac͠on les coẽns des geñtz a bien faire et perseuerance auoir en bien faitz est ordeigne qˀ si ascun frere de cel fraternite qi ad este de cell fraternite per vij anz sil cheit en mischief ou en pouerte pˀ auenture issint qil neit de quoy il purra viure de son propre et ces ne luy aucigne de sa propre folye qu donqz il auera chescun semaigne de lour c͠oe boyste xd. oᵬ. pur sa sustenance.
Item quant ascun frere du dite fraternite soit mort les freres de la dite fraternite serront la veyle al dirige et le jour al Messe et al dirige et al Messe del Moys obit et qˀ chescun tiel frere mort eit xxx messes de lour c͠oe Boyste et qˀ chescun frier qˀ soit absent sanz reasonable eucheson a ascun des ditz iiij foitz qil mette a lour c͠oe Boyste en noun de ses offrandes et dispences queux il deust auer fait sil eust este en p’sent iijd.
Item quant ascun Meistre de la dite Fraternite eit feme Mort qˀ les freres de la dite ffraternite soient a La Vigile et a la Messe le jour de sont enterment et a la Moys obit et quel frer qˀ soit absent a ascun de tres foitz qil paie pur chescun foitz qil soit absent en lieu des costages et autres dispences queux il ferreit sil feusse present a lour c͠oe boyst iijd.
Item qˀ nul frere de la dite Fraternite abette autri seruant hors des seruice son Meistre priuement ne apertement.
Item si ascun debate surdre pˀ entre ascuns des freres qˀ dieu defend et ces soit redresse per amour per la consideration des Meistres de la dite Fraternite..... faire bonement et qˀ nul ne sue vers autre en autre manere autant qil ad assaie sil puisse pˀ leide des ditz Mestrez estre recorde.
Item qˀ chescun frere de la dite ffraternite veigne chescun quarter del an et paie son quarterage a Collectors decell issint qˀ les dits Collectors ne.
Item accorde est entre toutz les ditz freres qˀ quel de eux qˀ refuse son office quant ces vient a luy sil voet estre de ces allegge qil paie a lour c͠oe boyst.
Item si ascun frere soit absent a lour Messe et Manger quant il serra un foitz en lan qil paiera a tant en offrandes et toutz autres choes come un.
Item qˀ nul des ditz freres allowe autre hors de sa Meason.
Item si ascun frere per auenture tarie ses paiements entre añ et demy qil face gree demz les ij anz sanz rien outre le certain doñ. Et sil ad luy soient...... p’donez issint qil paie ce gest aderer. Et a ceux pointz tenir solonc amendement si mistier soit qils soient amendez ceste Fraternite sont entre jurez et ont chescun de eux pleine sa foy et si fra chescun qi serra de la dite ffraternite. Et accorde est entre eux...... endenture soient enclos en lour c͠oe boyst et lautre demurge vers les Mestres qˀ serront pur le temps de la dit fraternite.
Item chescun frere du dit fraternite paie en arres pur son Drap auant la mayn xld. ameyns.
Item qˀ chescun frere garde la liuere ij anz enterrement deuant qil le donne ou vende ou aliene la liuere en ascun manere sur peyne de paier al compaignie un noble dor sur lour grace.
Item est ordeyne le dymenge ps̃ch ensuant lassumpc͠on de nr̃e Dame lan le Roy Richard sẽde xjo. qe les Surveiours du dit Mistier soient esluy per lassent de tout la ffraternite et nemy per les Mestres.
Item qˀ nul du dit Fraternite paie plus pur son mangre qˀ xiiijd, en apres.
Item ordeyne est qˀ chescun Meistre qˀ eslisera ascun autre home pur estre en son lieu cesta sauoir pur estre Meistre celuy qˀ eslisera tiel home pur estre Meistre apres lan serra obligee per mesme luy a la Compaignie pur la monoy en un obligacon.
Convenit cum Recordo
Willũs Colet.
A Copy taken from a Bundle “of the Fraternities and Guilds of the City of London” which remains of record, as the same is seen in the Rolls of the Lord the King, at the Tower of London.
Anno 12.
Richard II.
John Heydon and Henry Cook, Masters, William Chapman and William Gomine, Surveyors of the Company called the Fraternity of Barbers of the City of London of ancient time established, certifying to the Council of Our Lord the King, in his Chancery, the form manner and condition of all the articles, customs and their circumstances contained in the Records of the same Company in the form following:—The which Company have neither tenements nor rents to their common use, And these articles the said Company have not used in their time excepting only for to have their Livery once a year, and to pay their quarterage to maintain the poor folk of the same Company, and once a year to assemble to feast, and to elect new Masters and Surveyors without any other article of their writing to put forward except those which only are made to the honour of God; but, however, as they have found a document amongst the articles of the Records, made of the time to which memory runneth not, they have presented it to your most wise discretions.
This Indenture made in the name of the Omnipotent God, the Father and Son and the Holy Ghost, and of our Lady Saint Mary and of all the glorious Company of Heaven, concerning the foundation of the Government of the Fraternity of Barbers of the City of London Witnesseth how and upon what points the said Fraternity is founded and ordained.
Firstly to the honour of God and all his Saints, and to stir up the Commons of the people to do well, and to have perseverance in well doing, it is ordained that if any brother of this Fraternity who has been of this Fraternity for seven years by chance fall into trouble or into poverty, and if he have nothing of his own by which he may be able to live, and it be not through his own folly, that then he shall have each week from their common box tenpence half penny for his sustenance.
Item. That when any brother of the said Fraternity dies the brethren of the said Fraternity shall go on the Vigil to the dirge, and on the day31 to the Mass, and to the dirge and to the mass of the month’s obit, and that each such brother dead have thirty masses from their common box,32 and that each brother who is absent without reasonable excuse at any of the said four times, shall put into their common box in place of his offerings and expenses, as he ought to have done if he had been present, three pence.
Item. When any Master of the said Fraternity has a wife dead, the brethren of the said Fraternity shall be at the Vigil and at the Mass on the day of her burial and at the month’s obit, and that brother who is absent at any of the three times shall pay for each time that he be absent, in place of the costs and other expenses which he would have borne if he had been present, three pence to their common box.
Item. That no brother of the said Fraternity entice any servant from the service of his master, privily or openly.
Item. If any dispute arise between any of the brethren, which God forbid, it is to be amicably settled by the decision of the Masters of the said Fraternity [and they are] to deal plainly,33 and that no one sue another in other manner than at the assize (?) [and then only] if he be empowered by leave of the said Masters to be recorded.
Item. That each brother of the said Fraternity shall come each quarter of the year and pay his quarterage to the collectors34......
Item. It is agreed between all the said brethren that whoever of them refuses his office when it comes to him, if he wishes to be relieved of it, that he pay to their common box.
Item. If any brother be absent from their Mass and Feast when it shall be once a year, he shall pay so much in offerings and all other things as one present.
Item. That none of the said brethren put [?] another out of his house.
Item. If any brother by chance delay his payments beyond a year-and-a-half, that he make acquittance within two years without any [penalty] beyond the ordinary fine. And if he be thus forgiven that he settle the matter at once.
And to hold these points pursuant to amendment alone if the Mystery will that they be amended, this Fraternity are sworn among themselves and have each of them pledged his troth, and so from each who shall [hereafter] be of the said Fraternity. And it is agreed amongst them that this Indenture be enclosed in their common box, and the counterpart be held by the Masters for the time being of the said Fraternity.
The document which the Masters found amongst their records made in “the time to which memory runneth not” probably ends here, and the following Items (see the third one) were doubtless additional Ordinances made circa 1387.
Item. That each brother of the said Fraternity pay in pledge for his livery, when he has the same, forty pence at the least.
Item. That each brother keep the livery two whole years before he may give, or sell, or alienate it in any manner, under pain of paying to the Company for their pardon, a noble of gold.
Item. It is ordained that on the Sunday following the Assumption of our Lady in the 11th year of King Richard the Second,35 that the Surveyors of the said Mystery be elected by the assent of all the Fraternity, and no longer by the Masters.
Item. That none of the said Fraternity hereafter pay more than fourteen pence for his feast.
Item. It is ordained that each Master who shall choose any other man to be in his place, that is to say for to be Master; he who shall choose such man to be Master for the year shall be bound by himself for him, in an obligation to the Company for the money.36
It agrees with the Record,
William Colet.
Coeval with our Company of Barbers there existed in the City of London, another Fraternity or Guild, that of the Surgeons, in no way connected with the Barbers, but, like them, existing by prescription only and unincorporated. It is not to be expected that these two Companies would, in the days of so much trade protection and jealousy, exhibit an over-friendly feeling towards one another, and the records of the period, though meagre, show that this was the case. The Surgeons’ Guild at no time appear to have been a numerous body, indeed there is reason to believe that frequently their numbers were less than a dozen, and they possibly never exceeded twenty.
In the researches undertaken for the purpose of this work, various references to the Surgeons’ Guild have turned up, and although at this early period there was much in common between the two Fraternities, I have considered it quite apart from the subject in hand to go into any detail concerning that Guild, more especially as it has recently been so ably and fully dealt with by Mr. D’Arcy Power in his “Memorials of the Craft of Surgery.”
1376. In the 50th Edward III, the Barbers made a complaint to the Mayor and Aldermen against unskilled practitioners in Surgery, and prayed that two Masters should be yearly appointed to inspect and rule the craft, and that none should be admitted to the freedom of the City, but upon due examination of their skill; and this was granted by the Court, entered of record and Lawrence de Weston and John de Grantone were chosen Masters. The following is a translation of the original record concerning this matter.37
To the honourable Lords, and wise, the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, shew the good folks, the Barbers of the same city, that whereas from one day to another there resort men, who are barbers, from uppelande38 unto the said city, who are not instructed in their craft, and do take houses and intermeddle with barbery, surgery, and the cure of other maladies, while they know not how to do such things, nor ever were instructed in such craft; to the great damage, and in deceit, of the people, and to the great scandal of all the good barbers of the said city:—therefore the said good folks do pray that it may please your honourable Lordships, for the love of God, and as a work of charity, to ordain and establish that from henceforth no such stranger, coming to the said City from uppelande, or from any other place, of whatsoever condition he be, shall keep house or shop for barbery within the same city, before that he shall be found able and skilled in the said art and office of barbery, and that, by assay and examination of the good folks, barbers of the same city, whom out of the said craft it may please you to ordain thereunto. And that it may please you to ordain and establish, that from henceforth there shall always be two good men of their said craft chosen by their common assent to be Wardens of the craft; and that such two persons shall be presented unto the Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen, of the said city, and sworn before them well and lawfully, to the best of their power and knowledge, to rule their said craft; and that the said Masters may inspect the instruments of the said art, to see that they are good and proper for the service of the people, by reason of the great peril that might ensue thereupon; and that on the complaint of such two Masters, all rebellious persons in the said craft, shall be made to come before you, and whosoever shall be found in default against this Ordinance shall pay to the Chamber 40 pence. And that from henceforth no man of their craft shall be admitted to the franchise of the said city, if he be not attested as being good and able, upon good examination before you made. And that no foreigner shall keep house or shop in their craft within the said city, or the suburbs thereof. And that this Ordinance shall be enrolled in the Chamber of the Guildhall of London, for all time to last.
And the same was granted unto them. Whereupon, Laurence de Westone and John de Grantone were chosen Masters of the Barbers. [Letter-Book H. 28.]
The foregoing ordinance must surely have given umbrage to the Surgeons’ Guild as it placed the Barbers upon an equal footing with them in the examination of Surgeons, the inspection of their instruments, etc.; and this more especially as seven years previously (in 1369) the Surgeons had obtained from the same Court an Ordinance investing them with the power of presenting the defaults of all unskilful Surgeons.
1382. As an example of a quack Surgeon’s method of practice, and of his rogueries and punishment, the following case of Roger Clerk will be found interesting:—
Roger Clerk, of Wandelesworth,39 on the 13th day of May in the 5th year (Richard II), was attached in the Chamber of the Guildhall of London, before the Mayor and Aldermen, to make answer, as well to the Mayor and Commonalty of the City of London, as to Roger atte Hacche, in a plea of deceit and falsehood: as to which, the same Roger said, that whereas no physician or surgeon should intermeddle with any medicines or cures within the liberty of the city aforesaid, but those who are experienced in the said arts, and approved therein, the said Roger Clerk, who knew nothing of either of the arts aforesaid, being neither experienced nor approved therein, nor understood anything of letters, came to the house of him, Roger atte Hacche, in the parish of St. Martin, in Ismongereslane, in London, on Thursday, the morrow of Ash Wednesday, in the 5th year, etc.; and there saw one Johanna, the wife of the aforesaid Roger atte Hacche, who was then lying ill with certain bodily infirmities, and gave the said Roger, her husband, to understand, that he was experienced and skilled in the art of medicine, and could cure the same Johanna of her maladies, if her husband desired it.
Whereupon, the said Roger atte Hacche, trusting in his words, gave him 12 pence, in part payment of a larger sum which he was to pay him, in case the said Johanna should be healed. And upon this, the same Roger Clerk then and there gave to the said Roger atte Hacche an old parchment, cut or scratched across, being the leaf of a certain book, and rolled it up in a piece of cloth of gold, asserting that it would be very good for the fever and ailments of the said Johanna; and this parchment, so rolled up, he put about her neck, but in no way did it profit her; and so, falsely and maliciously, he deceived the same Roger atte Hacche. And he produced the said parchment here in Court, wrapped up in the same cloth, in proof of the matters aforesaid.
And the said Roger Clerk personally appeared, and the said parchment was shown to him by the Court, and he was asked what the virtue of such piece of parchment was; whereupon, he said that upon it was written a good charm for fevers. Upon being further asked by the Court what were the words of this charm of his, he said;—“Anima Christi, sanctifica me; Corpus Christi, salva me; in isanguis Christi, nebria me; cum bonus Christus tu, lava me.”40 And the parchment being then examined, not one of those words was found written thereon. And he was then further told by the Court, that a straw41 beneath his foot would be of just as much avail for fevers, as this said charm of his was; whereupon, he fully granted that it would be so. And because that the same Roger Clerk was in no way a literate man, and seeing that on the examination aforesaid, (as well as on others afterwards made,) he was found to be an infidel, and altogether ignorant of the art of physic or of surgery; and to the end that the people might not be deceived and aggrieved by such ignorant persons, etc.; it was adjudged that the same Roger Clerk should be led through the middle of the City, with trumpets and pipes, he riding on a horse without a saddle, the said parchment and a whetstone, for his lies, being hung about his neck, an urinal also being hung before him, and another urinal on his back. [Letter-Book H. 145.]
1390. In connection with the Surgeons’ Guild, four Master Surgeons of the City were sworn before the Mayor, etc., in this year, and they were to make scrutiny amongst persons practising the art of Surgery, and to present defaults. [Letter-Book H. 248.] It will be remembered that in 1369 a somewhat similar Ordinance was made for the Surgeons’ Guild, and this one in 1390 was probably obtained as a set off to the powers vested in the Barbers by their Ordinance of 1376, and by way of assertion of equal rights with them in matters surgical. Anyhow it is very clear that there were two distinct bodies within the City ruling the craft of Surgery at this period, each, no doubt, claiming jurisdiction over its own members, and both anxious and ready to interfere with outsiders, and probably with each other. It is curious to note that in the Ordinance of 1390, above referred to, the Masters inspecting are authorised to make scrutiny not only of men, but of “women undertaking cures, or practising the art of Surgery”; and here, in the 19th century, we find history repeating itself, and women again “intermeddling in matters surgical.”
As might be expected the dual scrutiny exercised over persons practising surgery, by two distinct and antagonistic Companies, produced considerable jealousy and unpleasantness, and there are various records extant indicative of cases of attempted interference with the Barbers’ privileges, one of which is distinctly stated to have been the work of the Surgeons and Physicians, as doubtless also were the others.
1410. By Letter-Book I. 94, it appears that the Ordinances for the Barbers made in 1376 were confirmed to them with the significant addition that they should enjoy the same, “without the scrutiny of any person or persons of any other craft or trade, under any name whatsoever other than the craft or trade of the said Barbers, either as to shaving, making incision, blood letting or any other matters pertaining to the art of Barbery or of Surgery, in the craft of the said Barbers now practised, or to be practised hereafter.” This Ordinance is, I think, clearly directed against the Masters of the Surgeons’ Guild, who had sought to exercise their authority over the Barbers using the faculty of Surgery.
1415. Complaint having been made to the Mayor and Aldermen, concerning the unskilful and fraudulent practice of certain Barbers in matters of Surgery, the privileges of the Barbers were again recorded, though the Company who had hitherto nominated their own Masters, were somewhat shorn of that privilege, as the Mayor, etc., directed the names of all the Barber (Surgeons) to be brought before them, and after due enquiry, they selected two of them for Masters, and gave them their charge and oath.
1416. “Certain trustworthy and discreet” Barber (Surgeons) complained to the Mayor, etc., that notwithstanding the last order, there were still unruly members in the craft, and a fresh Ordinance was enacted which imposed a penalty on offenders.
The Ordinances above referred to are to be found in Letter-Book I. 149, and are as follows:
Be it remembered, that on the 10th day of April, in the 3rd year, etc. (1415) it was intimated in a relation, and not without alarm, unto Thomas Fauconer, Mayor, and the Aldermen, how that some barbers of the said city, who are inexperienced in the art of surgery, do oftentimes take under their care many sick and maimed persons, fraudulently obtaining possession of very many of their goods thereby; by reason whereof, they are oftentimes made to be worse off at their departure than they were at their coming: and that, by reason of the inexperience of the same barbers, such persons are oftentimes maimed; to the scandal of such skilful and discreet men as practise the art of surgery, and the manifest destruction of the people of Our Lord the King.
And the said Mayor and Aldermen, wishing to obviate an evil and a scandal such as this, as also, to provide a fitting remedy for the same, and considering first, how that the said barbers by themselves, without the scrutiny of any other persons of any other trade or craft,42 or under any name whatsoever, have supervision and scrutiny over all men following the craft of barbery, and within the liberty of the said city dwelling, as to all manner of cases touching the art of barbery or the practice of surgery, within the cognizance, or to come within the cognizance, of the craft of the said barbers;—as by a certain Ordinance, made and ordained in the time of Richard Merlawe,43 late Mayor, and the then Aldermen, and in the Chamber of the said City of London enrolled, of record fully appears;—did determine and ordain that in future, by the more substantial part of all the barbers following the practice of surgery, and dwelling within the liberty of the said city, there should be chosen two of the most skilful, most wise, and most discreet men, of all the barbers following such practice of surgery, and dwelling within the liberty of the said city; seeing that oftentimes under their scrutiny and correction there would be found cases of possible death and maiming, where, if ignorant and indiscreet men should undertake the management thereof—the which might God forbid—in their judgment grievous errors might unexpectedly ensue, by reason of such unskilfulness. And that the same Masters, so often as they should be thus chosen, on election should be presented to the Mayor and Aldermen, for the time being, there by the said Mayor and Aldermen to be accepted and sworn etc.
And lest perchance a difference of opinion might in future as to such election arise, therefore, the said Mayor and Aldermen, after taking counsel on the matter aforesaid, on Friday, the 3rd day of May, in the same year (1415), caused to be brought before them the name of every barber who followed the practice of surgery and dwelt within the liberty of the said city, in order that, after enquiring into the duties and experiences of their practice and skill, in manner theretofore approved and customary, they might be the better able to accept such Masters. And hereupon, because that, among other names, Simon Rolf and Richard Wellys, citizens and barbers of the said city practising the art of surgery, as well for their knowledge and probity, as for the different kinds of difficult cures that had been sagaciously performed and effected by them, were by trustworthy testimony, upon sound and umblemished information, commended before any others, precept was given by the said Mayor and Aldermen to Baldwin Tettisbury, one of the serjeants of the said Mayor, to summon the said Simon and Richard for Monday the 6th day of May then next ensuing, to appear before the said Mayor and Aldermen in the Chamber of the Guildhall aforesaid, there to make the oath to them by the said Mayor and Aldermen to be administered.
Upon which Monday the said Simon and Richard, by virtue of such summons, appeared before the Mayor and Aldermen in the Chamber aforesaid. And hereupon the said Simon and Richard were then accepted by the said Mayor and Aldermen, and sworn upon the Holy Evangelists of God, well and faithfully to watch over and oversee all manner of barbers practising the art of surgery, and within the liberty of the said city dwelling; to maintain and observe the rules and ordinances of the craft or practice aforesaid; no one to spare, for love, favour, gain, or hate; diligently without concealment to present unto the Chamberlain of the said City, for the time being, such defaults as they may find; at all times, when duly required thereto, well and faithfully to examine wounds, bruises, hurts, and other infirmities, without asking anything for their trouble; and what they should find, at their discretion, when duly required thereto, distinctly to certify unto the Mayor and Aldermen of the said City, for the time being; as also, well and faithfully to conduct themselves from thenceforth in future; and all other things to do and perform, which of right are befitting or requisite for the masters or overseers of such practice to do.
Afterwards, on the fourth day of July, in the 4th year, etc. (1416) before Nicholas Wottone, Mayor, the Recorder, and the Aldermen, in full Court, upon truthful information of certain trustworthy and discreet men of the craft of Barbers, practising the art of surgery aforesaid, as of other able and substantial men of the said city, it was stated how that, notwithstanding the Ordinance aforesaid, very many inexperienced men of the said craft of Barbers, indiscreetly practising the art of surgery, did presume, and in their presumption pretend, that they were wiser than the Masters inspecting, and, as to certain infirmities—indiscreetly excusing themselves therein, on the insufficient grounds that they are not liable to the peril of maiming or of death—did altogether disdain to give notice of the same to the said Masters inspecting, according to the Ordinance aforesaid, or to be discreetly examined by them as to the same, or diligently to be questioned thereon. Upon which pretence, they did not hesitate daily to take sick persons, in peril of death and of maiming, under their care, without shewing such sick persons, or such infirmities and perils, unto the same Masters inspecting; by reason of which presumption or unskilfulness, such sick persons were exposed to the greatest peril, either of maiming or of death. Wherefore, the said Mayor and Aldermen were prayed that, for the common advantage of the whole realm, and the especial honour of the said city, they would deign to provide some sure remedy for the same.
And accordingly, the Mayor and Aldermen, assenting to the said petition, as being just and consistent with reason, having taken diligent counsel as to the matters aforesaid, and considering that very many of such persons in these times are more in dread of loss or payment of money than amenable to the dictates of honesty or a safe conscience, did ordain and enact, that no barber, practising the art of surgery within the liberty of the said City, should presume in future to take under his care any sick person who is in peril of death or of maiming, unless he should show the same person, within three days after so taking him under his care, to the Masters inspecting, for the time being, by the barbers practising the art of surgery within the liberty of the said City to be elected, and to the Mayor and Aldermen presented, and by them specially to be admitted; under a penalty of 6s. 8d. to the Chamber of London in form underwritten to be paid, so often as, and when, against this Ordinance they should be found to act; namely, 5 shillings to the use of the Chamber of the Guildhall, and 20 pence to the use of the craft of the Barbers.
1423. In this year certain Ordinances were made by the Mayor (Sir William Walderne) and Court of Aldermen which are entered in Letter-Book K. 6B. This record relates to what Mr. D’Arcy Power, in his “Memorials of the Craft of Surgery,” has termed a “Conjoint College” of the Physicians and Surgeons, and has little to do with our Company, beyond the fact that the scrutiny and oversight of persons practising Surgery is given to the Masters of the Surgeons’ Guild. The subject of these Ordinances and many very interesting remarks thereon and on the Conjoint College may be seen at p. 52, &c., of Mr. D’Arcy Power’s work; and the record itself is set forth in full at p. 299; furthermore, extracts from it, so far as the same relate to the privileges and practice of the Surgeons, are to be found in the beautiful old vellum MS. formerly belonging to that Guild, and now in the possession of the Barbers’ Company.
Armed with this additional authority, the Surgeons’ Guild again sought to interfere with and scrutinize the Barber-Surgeons of the Barbers’ Company. These latter, however, must have had good friends at Court, and were not slow in asserting and obtaining confirmation of their rights and privileges, as will be seen by reference to the following record in Letter-Book K. 27B.:—
1424. Memorandum. That on Friday the 10th day of November in the third year of the reign of Henry the Sixth from the Conquest before John Michell, Mayor, Thomas Knolles and other Aldermen, and Simon Seman and John Bithewater, Sheriffs of the City of London, It was granted and ordained that the Masters of the faculty of Surgery within the craft of Barbers of the same city, do exercise the same faculty even as fully and entirely as in the times of Thomas Fauconer late Mayor, and other Mayors, it was granted unto them, notwithstanding the false accusation (calumpnia) which the Rector and Supervisors of Physic and the Masters of Surgery pretend concerning a certain ordinance made in the time of William Walderne late Mayor (1423) and entered in the letter book K, folio 6, the which, they now endeavour to enjoin upon the said Barbers.
1451. With the exception of a few references (which are noticed elsewhere) the City records are silent concerning the Barbers’ Company until this year, when the Master and Wardens, styled here “Gardiani,” with certain honest men of the Mystery of Barbers, brought a Bill before the Mayor and Aldermen, praying them to establish certain Ordinances, and to enter them of record, which was granted and done.
These Ordinances provided for the enforcement of stated penalties in cases of disobedience and related to attendance upon summons, settlements of disputes, refusal of office, admission of members, evil speaking, assemblies and payments, instruction of “foreyns,” employment of aliens. They are to be found in Letter-Book K. 250, and are the first written in English, all previous ones being either in Latin or Norman French in the originals.
Memorandum qd. xxvto. die ffebruarii Anno regni Regis Henrici Sexti post conquestˀ vicesimo nono veniunt hic in Curˀ Dñi Regis in Camˀa Guyhald Civitatis london coram Nich̃o Wyfold Maiore & Aldermannis ejusdem Civitatꝭ magistˀ & Gardianˀ necnon cẽti probi homines misterˀ barbitonsoꝜ Civitatꝭ p’dcẽ & porrexerunt dcisˀ Maiore & Aldermannis quandam billam sive supplicacioñe vˀboꝜ sequentˀ seviem continentem Unto the ryght Worshipfull and Worshipfull lord and souvˀaignes Mair and Aldremen of the Citee of London,
Besechen most mekely all pˀsones enfˀunchised in the craft and mistier of Barbours wythin the said Citee That it please unto your lordshippˀ and Right wise discrecions for to consider howe that for as moche as certein ordinances been establisshed made and entred of Record in the chaumber of the yeldhall of the said Citee all pˀsonnes of the said Craft have fully in opinion for to obeye observe and kepe theim and noon other in eny Wise, So been yr. many and divˀse defaultes often tymes amonges your said besechers not duely corrected for default of such other ordinances to be made and auctorised sufficiently of record in the said chaumber, like it therefore unto your said lordshippe and grete Wisdoms of your blessed disposicons for the pˀpetuell Wele and good Rule of the said Craft for to establissh and make these ordinaunces here folowyng pˀpetuelly to endure and for to be observed and putte in due execucion in the same craft And to be auctorised of record in the said chaumber for evˀ And your said besechers shall pray god for you.
FFirst that evˀy barbour enfˀauncheised householder and other occupier of the same craft holdyng eny shopp of barberye wythin the Citee of london shall be redy att all manˀ som̃ons of the Maisters and Wardeins of the same craft for the tyme being that is to sey for the Kyng the Mair or for eny Worshipp of the said Citee And yef eny man occupying the said craft in manˀe and fourme aforesaid absent him from eny such som̃ons wythoute cause reasonable and thereof duely convict than he to pay at the chaumber of the yeldhall xiijs. iiijd. that is to say vjs. viijd. to the same chaumber and other vjs. viijd. to the almes of the said craft. Also that evˀy man enfˀauncheised under the fourme abovesaid that disobeyeth and kepeth not his houre of his som̃ons at eny tyme wtoute cause reasonable and yˀof44 duely convict shall paye to the almesse of the said craft at evˀy tyme yt. he maketh such defaute ijd. And yef eny of theim what so evˀ he be of the same craft that disobeye this ordinance he shall paye to the chaumber of the yeldhall iijs. iiijd. at evˀy tyme that he maketh such default.
Also that yef eny matˀe of debate or difference be betwene eny pˀsoones of the said craft Which god defend, that none of theim shall make eny pursuyt at the comˀon lawe unto the tyme yt. he that findeth him aggreved in that pˀtie hath made his compleint unto the maister and Wardeins of the same craft for the tyme being and they to ffynyssh the matˀe and the cause of the said compleint Wythin vj dayes after such compleint made and yef they conclude not and ffynyssh the same matˀe Wythin the said vj dayes that yanne it be lefull to either pˀtie to take the benefice of the comˀon lawe Wythin this Citee So alwayes that the pˀtye ageinst whom the compleint is made be not fugityf And what pˀsone of the said craft that doth contrarie this ordinance shall paye at evˀy tyme at the chaumber of the yeldhall xiijs. iiijd. that is to sey vjs. viijd. to ye said chaumber and oyr. vjs. viijd. to ye almesse of ye said craft.
Also that noon able pˀsone of the said craft enfˀauncheised shall refuse eny manˀ office or clothing pˀtinent to the said craft Whan and What tyme that he be by his bretheren be abled and elect yrto upon pein to paye at the chaumber of the yeldhall xls. that is to wete xxs. to the same chaumber and other xxs. to the said almesse Also what man of the said craft that absenteth him fro the said eleccion Wythoute cause reasonable or absent him fro the dyner to be made the same day and will not paye therto his pˀt thanne he shall paye at the said chaumber iijs. iiijd. that is to sey xxd. to the same chaumber and other xxd. to the almes of the said craft.
Also that the maisters and Wardeins of the same craft that nowe be or in tyme to come shall be, shall not take admitte or resceive eny pˀsone in to the bretherhede or clothing of the same craft Wythoute the com̃on assent of the bretheren of the said craft or the more pˀt of theim upon pein of eviˀch such maister or Wardein that doth contarie this ordinance xxs. that is to say xs. to the chaumber and xs to the almesse of the said craft.
FFurthermore it is ordeigned that from hens forward yef eny man occupying the said craft be imfouled and of evell Will and malice so be unavised to revile or reprof eny man of the same craft that is to seye for to lye him or wyth other dishonest Wordes misgovˀne him in presence of the said maisters and Wardeins or in eny oyr. places and pˀof45 by the report of the said maisters and Wardeins be duely convict what so evˀ he be of the same craft that is so misgovnˀed at eny tyme shall paye at the said chaumber for evˀy such default vjs. viijd. that is to say to the same chumber iijs. iiijd. and to the Almes of the said craft iijs. iiijd.
Also it is ordeigned that evˀy man enfˀauncheised of the said craft under fourme aforesaid shall assemble with his ffelashipˀ of the same craft by thassignement of the said maisters and Wardeins being for the yeer in a certein place limited by theim at iiij tymes of the yeer And at evˀy such quarter day in the yeer evˀy brother enfˀauncheised and being of the clothing therof shall paye to the almes abovesaid iijd. And evˀy man that is so enfˀauncheised of the same craft and is not of the clothing of the same shall paye to the same almes jd. Which iiij dayes be these that is to saye the tewesday next after all hallown day the tewesday next after candelmasday the tewesday next after Trinite sonday and the tewesday next after lammas day to thentent that the said maisters and Wardeins shall enquere amongꝭ the said compaignye so assembled that yef eny default ranker or discord be hadd or moved amongꝭ theim that thanne the said maisters and Wardeins shall sett theim at rest accord and in unite to that they canne or may, after the fourme and custume as have been before used And what parsonne of the said craft be absent eny of the said dayes wythoute cause reasonable he shall paye for evˀy such day iiijd. to the expenses of the said maisters.
Also it is ordeigned and establisshed that no barbour nor other able pˀsonne using barbourye shall enfourme eny foreyn nor him teche in no wise in eny manˀ point that belongeth to the craft of barbourye or surgˀye wherby the same foreyn shall pˀceyve and take by his own capacite and exˀcise unto the tyme that the same foreyn be bounden appˀntice to a pˀsone barbour or other pˀsonne able enfˀauncheised using the same craft Wythin the Citee of london upon peyne to paye at the chaumber of the yeldhall for evˀy such defaute iiij marc, that is to say to the same chaumber xxvjs. viijd. and to the Almes of the said craft other xxvjs. viijd.
And also that no barbour nor other able pˀsoone occupying the same craft shall take eny Alien nor stˀaunger in to his sˀvice unto the tyme that the same alien or stˀaunger be examined by the maistˀ and Wardeins of the same craft of his abilite and Connyng And thereupon the maistˀ and Wardeins With other vj or viij of the moost able and Kunnyng pˀsonnes of the craft shuld taxe him after his abilite after that hem semeth that he be worthy to take yeerly for his salarie And also that no Barbour shall take eny alien or stˀaunger that hath been or wtin sˀvice wyth an other barbour enfˀauncheised before that he knowe well that the same sˀvnt hath complete his covenantes wyth his former maister upon pein to paye for evˀy such defaute at evˀy tyme that he be founde defectif ayenst eny of these ordinances at the said chaumber xiijs. iiijd. that is to wete to the same chaumber vjs. viijd. and to the said almesse vjs. viijd. and also make restitucion of the damage unto the pˀtie that findeth him greved.
And also that no man occupying the said craft shall pˀcure eny other mannes sˀvnt oute of sˀvise upon the peyn aforesaid and damage unto the pˀtie pleintif And also it is ordeigned that from hensforward that no harbour enfˀauncheised nor eny other able pˀsoons occupying the said craft shall not take into his sˀvice eny stˀaunger or forein for lasse time thanne a yeer And what pˀsone enfˀauncheised or occupying the said craft disobeys this ordinance shall renne in the pein of xiijs. iiijd. that to be devided in manˀ and fourme above said.
And also that no pˀsons of the said craft of barbours nor other able pˀsone occupying the same craft huyre no ffˀaunchised man of the same craft oute of his shopp ne dwellyng place upon pein of xls. that is to wete to the said chaumber xxs. And to the Almesse of the said Craft other xxs.
Qua quidem billa coram dˀcĩs maiore & Aldermannis lectˀ & per eosdem plenius intellectꝭ Qua videtur eisdem qˀd omnes articuli in dˀca billa contentꝭ sunt boni & honesti ac racioni consomˀ, &c., &c. (The articles were ratified confirmed and ordered to be entered of Record in the books of the Chamber of London.)
Nothing is now heard of the Surgeons’ Guild for some years, although they were still in existence. It is quite probable, that finding the Barbers had invariably obtained the protection and countenance of the City authorities, whenever their privileges had been assailed or called in question, they had given over their attempts at interference with them as hopeless, and allowed our worthy predecessors to continue to “exercise the faculty of surgery,” in peace; and being unmolested they doubtless grew in numbers, in importance, and in the knowledge of their art, until it was admitted that their position as one of the Guilds, warranted them in applying for a Charter of Incorporation, which was granted to them by Edward IV in 1462.
1413. Before proceeding to refer to this important epoch in the history of our Company, it will be well to introduce a very remarkable letter, which was written by Thomas Arundell, Archbishop of Canterbury (formerly of York), to the Mayor, etc., of London, in which he complained that the Barbers, being, alas! “without zeal for the law of God,” kept their shops open on the Sabbath days, and he besought the Mayor and Aldermen (his “sons in Christ, and dearest friends”) to put a stop to this practice. No trade, perhaps, has from the earliest days, down to our own times, owned such persistent breakers of the Fourth Commandment as have the Barbers. Our records abound with by-laws, enacted and renewed over and over again on this subject, and details of the delinquencies of numerous Barbers in this respect, and of their punishments by fine and imprisonment crop up everywhere.
The Archbishop’s letter reveals to us the fact, that nearly 500 years ago, men were constituted much as they are now; in that “that which touches the body or the purse, is held more in dread than that which kills the soul,” and he shrewdly suggests that the clerical punishment of “the greater excommunication,” should be augmented by a fine to be levied by the Civil authority. This letter is so deeply interesting that no apology is needed for reproducing it here. The original is to be found in Letter-Book I. 125.
1413. On the 24th day of July, in the first year, etc. (Henry V) the Reverend Father in Christ, and Lord, Thomas, by Divine permission, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolic See, sent here, to the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, certain Letters Close of his, containing words as follow:—
“Sons in Christ and dearest friends.—We know that you do seek for the things which are of above, and that you will the more readily incline to our desires, the more surely that the things as to which we write are known to tend to the observance of the Divine law, the maintenance of public propriety, and the rule of the Christian profession. We do therefore write unto you on this occasion, to intimate that when we were presiding of late in our Provincial Council, holden at London, with our venerable brethren, the Suffragan Bishops, and our clergy of the Province of Canterbury, it was publicly made known unto us with universal reprobation, that the Barbers of the City of London, over the governance of which city you preside, being without zeal for the law of God, and not perceiving how that the Lord hath blessed the seventh day and made it holy, and hath commanded that it shall be observed by no abusive pursuit of any servile occupations, but rather by a disuse thereof, in their blindness do keep their houses and shops patent and open on the seventh day, the Lord’s Day, namely, and do follow their craft on the same, just as busily, and just in the same way, as on any day in the week, customary for such work. Wherefore we, with the consent and assent of our said Suffragans and clergy, in restraint of such temerity as this, have determined that there must be made solemn prohibition thereof in the City aforesaid, and that, of our own authority, and that of our said Provincial Council; and not there only, but also throughout the Diocese of London, and each of the cities both of our own Diocese and of our Province of Canterbury; to the effect, that such barbers must not keep their houses and shops patent or open, or follow their craft, on such Lord’s Days for the future, on pain of the greater excommunication; in the same manner as it has been enacted and observed of late in our time, as to the City and Diocese of York, as we do well recollect. But, dearest children, seeing that so greatly has the malice of men increased in these days, a thing to be deplored—that temporal punishment is held more in dread than clerical, and that which touches the body or the purse more than that which kills the soul, we do heartily intreat you, and, for the love of God and of His law, do require and exhort you, that, taking counsel thereon, you will enact and ordain a competent penalty in money, to be levied for the Chamber of your City, or such other purpose as you shall think best, upon the Barbers within the liberty of your City aforesaid, who shall be transgressors in this respect; that so at least, those whom fear of the anger of God does not avail to withold from breach of His law, may be restrained by a scourge inflicted upon their purse, in the way of pecuniary loss; knowing that we in the meantime, after taking counsel hereon, will devise measures for the prevention of this, and for the due publication of our Provincial enactment aforesaid. Fare you well always in Christ.
Written at Ikham46 on the 13th day of the month of July.
Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury.”
An Ordinance was forthwith made thereupon, to the effect, that no barber, his wife, son, daughter, apprentice, or servant, should work at such craft on Sundays within the liberty of the city, either in hair cutting or shaving, on pain of paying 6s. 8d. for each offence; 5s. thereof to go to the new work at the Guildhall, and the remainder to the Wardens or Masters of the Barbers within the city.47
1422. In August of this year Henry V died, and thirty-two of the City Companies assisted at his obsequies, going in procession and carrying torches. From an entry in Letter-Book K. IB., it appears that the Barbers bore four torches on this occasion.
1447. This year the Company seem to have contributed 40s. towards the cost of the Roof of the Chapel at Guildhall, as appears by the following entry in Journal IV, 198 (25th October, 26 Henry VI)—
Itmˀ gardiani misterˀ barbitonsoꝜ & importaverunt in Cur xls. sterlingoꝜ pˀse & misterˀ sua ad coopturam Guyhaɫd Sc̃. Capelle.
The Barbers Incorporate.
Hitherto we have considered two distinct and somewhat hostile fraternities, the Surgeons on the one hand, and on the other the Barbers (consisting of Barbers and Barber-Surgeons), both of them City Guilds, existing by prescription, having independent rules and Ordinances for their government and the scrutiny and correction of abuses in their respective Crafts, the former Company few in number, the latter far more numerous and popular; the Surgeons without, and the Barbers with, a Livery.
Of these two fraternities, the Barbers by the regular and every day nature of their calling, as shavers and hair cutters, together with the practice of Surgery combined by so many of them, were the most likely to become the more popular Company; their fees would surely be on a lower scale than those of the more aristocratic Surgeons, and their numbers and constant intercourse with the citizens, in their capacity as Barbers, enabled them easily to extend their connection as Surgeons.
In all their contentions with the Surgeons’ Guild, as far as we know, they held their own well, and thus it was that their place in the City, as a Livery Guild of at that time an ancient standing, their position as the professors of useful and scientific arts, their numbers and presumable affluence, all rendered it desirable that they should be placed upon the same footing as the better class of Guilds, by their acquisition of a Charter of Incorporation, which they accordingly obtained from the young King Edward IV in the first year of his reign (1462).
Thomas Knot (Master, 1555) has recorded in one of our books, a Translation of this Charter, which Mr. J. Flint South (who does not appear to have seen the original Latin one) has transcribed, and this has been adopted by Mr. D’Arcy Power (page 326). Thomas Knot wrote a good hand, and was a zealous champion of the Barber-Surgeons in his time, but he made egregious blunders in some of the writings recorded over his signature, and although there is not great fault to be found with him in this instance, it is suggested that the Translation given below, is perhaps a more literal one than that which Knot has handed down.
The Charter is still preserved at our Hall, and is contained on a small skin of parchment; the initial letters of the title, which were at the time left to be illuminated have never been filled in, and the document is therefore not the work of art which one is accustomed to see in Charters of this period; it bears signs of having been frequently used, the ink in some places being worn, and the words only legible with the aid of a magnifying glass. The great seal pendant is not quite perfect, but is a beautiful specimen and highly artistic. The following is the text of the Charter:—
(E)dwardus dei grã (R)ex (A)nglie & (F)rancie & (D)ominus (H)ibñie. (O)mnibus ad quos pˀsentes lrẽ pˀuenint saltm̃ (S)ciatis q̃d nos considerantes qualitˀ Diɫci nõb prˀbi & liᵬi hoiẽs mistere BarbitonsoꝜ Ciuitatis nr̃e london vtentes mistera siue facultate SirurgicoꝜ tam circa vulña plagas lesiones & alias infirmitates ligeoꝜ nroꝜ ibidem curandˀ & Sauandˀ qam in extracc͠oe sanguinis & denc̃iu hˀmꝰ ligeoꝜ nrõꝜ gandes & multiplices intendencias & labores pˀ longa tempora sustinuerunt & supportauerunt indiesqʒ sũtinere & supportare non desistunt qualitˀ etiam pˀ ignoranciam negligenciam & insipienciam nonnulloꝜ hˀmꝰ barbitonsoꝜ tam liᵬoꝜ hõim Ciuitatis nr̃e pˀdc̃e qam alioꝜ SirurgicoꝜ forincecoꝜ & non liᵬoꝜ hõim eiusdem Ciuitatis indies ad eandem Ciuitatem confluenciũ & in mistera SirurgicoꝜ minus sufficientˀ eruditoꝜ qam plurima ac quasi infinita mala diuˀsis ligeis nr̃is in vulnĩbʒ plagis lesionibʒ & aliis infirmitatibʒ suis pˀ huius modi Barbitonsores & Sirurgicos sauandis & curandis ob eoꝜ defc̃m ante hec tempora euenerunt quoꝜ quidem ligeoꝜ nroꝜ alii ea de causa viam vniuˀse carnis sunt ingressi alii autem eadem causa tanqam insanabiles & incurabiles sunt ab omĩbʒ derelecti similia qʒ mala vel peiora infuturˀ in hac parte euenire formidatˀ nisi remedm̃ congruũ supˀ hoc pˀ nos cicius pˀuidetuˀ Nos enim attendentes & intime adũtentes qˀd huiusmodi mala ligeis nr̃is ob defc̃tuˀ debit supˀuis scrutinii correccõis & punicõis huiusmodi barbitonsoꝜ & SirurgicoꝜ minus sufficientˀ in eisdem misteris siue facultatibʒ vt pˀdcm̃ est eruditˀ & instructˀ euenire contingunt. Ad humilem supplicacoẽm dilc̃oꝜ nobˀ pˀdcoꝜ pˀboꝜ & liᵬoꝜ hõim pˀdcẽ mistere BarbitonsoꝜ in Ciuitate nr̃a pˀdcã concessimꝰ eis qˀd mistera illa & omẽs hoiẽs eiusdem mistere de Ciuitate p’dc̃a sint in re & noiẽ vnũ corpus & vna Coitãs pˀpetua. Et qˀd duo principales eiusdem Coitãtis vna cũ assensu duodecim vel octo pˀsonaꝜ ad minus Coitãtis illius in mistera Sirurgie maxime expert singulis annis eligˀe possint & facˀe de Cõitate illa duos magr̃os siue Gubñatores in mistera Sirurgicˀ maxime exp̃tˀ. Ad supˀuidendˀ regendˀ & gubñandˀ misterˀ & Cõitatem pˀdictˀ & omẽs hoiẽs eiusdem mistere negociti eoꝜdem imp̃pm̃. Et qˀd qˀdem mãgri siue guᵬnatores & Coit̃as heañt successionem pˀpetuam & coẽ sigillum negociis dcẽ Coit̃atis impˀpm̃ sˀuiturˀ. Et qˀd ip̃i & successores sui impˀpm̃ sint pˀsone habiles & capaces ad pˀquirendˀ & possidendˀ in feodo & pˀpetuitate trãs tenˀ redditus & alias possessiones quascunqʒ usqʒ ad valorem quinqʒ marcaꝜ pˀ annũ ulta reprisas et qˀd ip̃i noiã magr̃oꝜ siue GuᵬnatoꝜ & Coit̃atis mistere barbitonsoꝜ london pˀlitare & imp̃litari possint coram quibuscuqʒ indicibʒ in Curiis & acciõbʒ quibuscuqʒ Et qˀd pˀdci magr̃i siue Guᵬnatores & Coit̃as & eoꝜ successores congregacoẽs licitas & honestas de seipˀis̃ ac statuta & ordinacoẽs pˀ salubri gubnacoẽ supˀuisu & correccõe misteria pˀdictˀ sˀcdm̃ necessitatis exigenciam quociens & quando opus fuit̃ facẽ valeant licite & impune siue occõne vel impedimento nr̃i heredimi vel successoꝜ nr̃oꝜ Justicˀ EscacioꝜ Vicecomitum CoronatoꝜ aut alioꝜ BalliuoꝜ vel ministroꝜ nr̃oꝜ heredemi vel successoꝜ nr̃oꝜ quoꝜcuqꝜ dum̃odo statuta & ordinacoẽs illa contˀ leges & consuetudines regni nr̃i Anglˀ nullo modo existant. Preteria volumꝰ & concedimꝰ pˀ nos heredbʒ & successoribʒ nrĩs quantũ in noᵬ est qˀd magr̃i siue Guᵬnatores pˀdcẽ Coit̃atis pˀ tempore existenˀ & eoꝜ successores impp̃m h̃eant supˀuisum scrutinm̃ correccoˀem & guᵬnacoˀem om̃i & singuloꝜ liᵬoꝜ h̃oim̃ dcẽ Ciuitatꝭ SirurgicoꝜ vtencm̃ mistera BarbitonsoꝜ in eadem Ciuitate ac alioꝜ SirurgicoꝜ forincecoꝜ quoꝜ cuq̃ʒ mistera illa Sirurgicꝭ aliquo modo frequentancm̃ & vtencm̃ infra eandem Ciuitatem & suburbia eiusdem ac punicoẽm eoꝜdem tam liᵬoꝜ qam forincecoꝜ pˀ delictis suis in non pˀfecte exequendꝰ faciendꝰ & vtendꝰ mistera illa necnon supˀuisum & scrutinm̃ omim̃odoꝜ instrumentoꝜ emplastoꝜ & aliaꝜ medicinaꝜ & eoꝜ receptꝭ pˀdcos̃ Barbitonsores & Sirurgicꝭ huiusmodi ligeis nris̃ pˀ eoꝜ plagis & vulnibʒ lesionibʒ & huiusmodi infirmitatibʒ curandꝰ & sauandꝰ dandꝰ imponendꝰ & vtendꝰ quociens & quando opus fuit pˀ comõdo & vtilitate eoꝜdem ligeoꝜ nr̃oꝜ ita qˀd punicio huiusmodi BarbitonsoꝜ vtencm̃ dc̃a mistera Sirurgicꝭ ac huiusmodi Sirurgicꝭ forincecoꝜ sit in pˀmissis delinquencm̃ pˀ fines am̃ciamenta & imprisonamenta corpoꝜ suoꝜ & pˀ alias vias rõnabiles & congruas exequaturꝰ. Et qˀd nullus BarbitonsoꝜ vtens dcã mistera Sirurgicꝭ infra dcãm Ciuitatem aut suburᵬ eiusdem aut alius Sirurgicus forincecus quicuq̃ʒ & exequendꝰ faciendꝰ & exẽcendꝰ eandem misteram Sirurgicꝰ aliquo modo infuturꝰ in eadem Ciuitate vel Suburᵬ eiusdem admittata nisi primicũs pˀ dcõs magr̃os siue guᵬnatores vel eoꝜ successores ad hoc habiles & sufficientes in mistera illa eruditus approbetꝭ & pˀ plenarˀ comprobac͠one sua in hac parte maiori Ciuitatis pˀdictꝰ pˀ tempore existenꝰ pˀ eosdem magrõs siue Guᵬnatores ad hoc pˀsenteta. Volumus eciam & concedimꝰ pˀ noᵬ heredibʒ & successoribʒ nr̃is quant̃u in noᵬ est qˀd dc̃i magr̃i siue guᵬnatores ac Coit̃as pᵭc mistere BarbitonsoꝜ nec successores sui nec eoꝜ aliquis quoquo modo infuturꝰ infra Ciuitatem nr̃am pˀdcañ & Suburᵬ eiusdem sumoniunta aut ponanta neqʒ eoꝜ aliquis sumoniata aut ponata in aliquibʒ assisis iuratis enquestis inquisicõibʒ attinctis aut aliis recognic̃oibʒ infra dc̃am Ciuitatem & Suburᵬ eiusdem impostimi coram maiore aut vicecountꝭ seu Coronatꝭ dc̃e Ciuitatis nr̃e pˀ tempore existenꝰ capiendꝰ aut pˀ aliquem officiariũ siue ministm̃ sũu vel officiarios siue ministros suos sum̃oniandˀ licet iidem Jurati inquisicões seu recognic͠oes sum̃ fuiñt supˀ br̃i vel briᵬʒ nr̃i vel heredimi nroꝜ de recto Sed qˀd dc̃i mag̃ri siue Guᵬnatores ac coit̃as mistere antedc̃e & successores sui ac eoꝜ quiᵬt vˀsus nos heredes & successores nr̃os ac vˀsus maiorem & vicecomites Ciuitatis nr̃e pˀdcẽ pˀ tempore existenꝰ & quoscũqʒ Officiarꝰ & ministros suos sint inde quieti & penitus exonãti impp̃m pˀ pˀsentes. Et vlterius nos considerac͠oe pˀmissoꝜ de gr̃a nr̃a sˀpaɫi concessimꝰ pˀ noᵬ & successoribʒ nr̃is pˀfatis mag̃ris siue Guᵬnatoribʒ ac Coit̃ati dcẽ Mistera BarbitonsoꝜ & successoribʒ suis hanc liᵬtatem viᵭelt qˀd ip̃i pˀpetuis futuris temporibʒ pˀsonas habiles & sufficientꝰ eruditos & informatos in dct̃i mistera Sirurgicꝰ & pˀ mag̃ros siue Guᵬnatores mistera illius pˀ tempore existenꝰ in forma pˀdc̃ti approbatꝰ & maiore Ciuitatis pˀdc̃e pˀ tempore existenꝰ vt pˀdc̃am est pˀsentat in eandem misteram BarbitonsoꝜ ad libtat̃es dc̃e Ciuitatis hẽndꝰ & gaudendꝰ scᵭm consuetudinem dc̃e Ciuitatis admittẽ & recipˀe valeant & non alias pˀsonas quascũqʒ neqʒ alio Modo aliquo mandato aut requisic͠oe nr̃i heredimi seu successoꝜ nroꝜ pˀ brãs inscriptꝭ vel alitꝭ qualitꝭ cumqʒ incontrm̃ factꝭ seu faciendꝭ non obstantꝭ Et licet iidem mag̃ri siue Guᵬnatores ac Coiãtas & eoꝜ successores hac liᵬtate continue in futurꝭ vsi fũint conta. aliquod mandatum sine requisicõem nr̃i heredũ seu successoꝜ nroꝜ aut aliquoꝜ alioꝜ quoꝜcuq̃ʒ in forma pˀdc̃a fiendꝭ ip̃i tamen finem contempt̃u depˀditum erga nos heredes seu successores nrõs aut dampñu vel malum aliquod in bonis seu corporibʒ suis erga quoscumqʒ alios ea occ̃one nullo modo incurrant nec eoꝜ aliquis incurrat. Et hoc absqʒ fine seu feodo pˀ pˀmissis seu sigillac͠oe pˀsentum noᵬ faciendꝭ soluendꝭ vel aliqualitꝭ reddendꝭ aliquo statuto ordinac͠oe vel actu incontrm̃ ante hec tempora editꝭ factꝭ ordinatꝭ seu pˀuis non obstantꝭ. In cuius rei testimonm̃ has lrãs nr̃as fieri fecimꝰ patentes. Teste me ip̃o apud Westm̃ vicesimo quarto die ffebruarii Anno regni nr̃i primo.
Pekham.
pˀbrẽ de priuato sigillo de datꝭ pˀdct̃ auctoritate parliamenti & pˀ decem libris soluitꝭ in hanapˀio
(Endorsed.)
Irt̃o in Curꝰ Domini Regis in Cam̃a Guihalde Ciuitatꝭ Londõn in libro signatꝭ cum lit̃ta. l. folˀ tercio decimo. Anno regni Regis Edwardi quarti post conquestum Tercio.
Translation.
Edward by the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, To all to whom these present letters shall come, health. Know ye, that we considering how our beloved, honest, and free men of the Mystery of Barbers of our City of London, exercising the Mystery or Art of Surgery, as well respecting wounds, bruises, hurts, and other infirmities of our liegemen, and healing and curing the same, as in letting blood, and drawing the teeth of our liege men, have for a long time undergone and supported, and daily do undergo and support, great and manifold applications and labours; and also, how through the ignorance negligence and stupidity of some of the men of the said Barbers, as well of the freemen of our said City, as of other Surgeons foreigners and not freemen of the said City, and who daily resort to the said City, and in the mystery of Surgery are not sufficiently skilled, whereby very many and almost infinite evils have before this time happened to many of our liegemen, in their wounds, hurts, bruises, and other infirmities, by such Barbers and Surgeons, on account of their defect in healing and curing; from which cause, some of our said liegemen have gone the way of all flesh, and others, through the same cause, have been by all given over as incurable and past relief, and it is to be dreaded, that similar or greater evils may in future arise on this head, unless proper remedy is by us, speedily provided for the same. We therefore, heartily weighing and considering that such evils do happen to our liegemen for want of the examinations, corrections, and punishments by a due supervision of such Barbers and Surgeons as are insufficiently skilled and instructed in the said mysteries or arts as aforesaid; have at the humble request of our aforesaid beloved, honest, and freemen of the said Mystery of Barbers in our said city, granted to them that the said Mystery, and all men of the said Mystery aforesaid, may be in deed and name one body and one perpetual Community, and that two Principals of the said Community may, with the consent of twelve persons, or at least eight of the said Community who are best skilled in the mystery of Surgery, every year elect and make out of the Community, two Masters or Governors of the utmost skill, to superintend rule and govern the Mystery and Community aforesaid and all men of the said Mystery, and of the businesses of the same for ever. And that the said Masters or Governors and Community may have a perpetual succession and common seal to serve for the affairs of the said Community for ever, and that they and their successors for ever may be able and capable to acquire and possess in fee and perpetuity lands, tenements, rents, and other possessions whatsoever, to the value of five marks per annum, besides reprises. And that they, by the name of the Masters or Governors and Community of Barbers of London, may be able to plead and to be impleaded before whatsoever Justices in Courts, and actions whatsoever. And that the said Masters or Governors and Community, and their successors, may lawfully and honestly assemble themselves, and make statutes and ordinances for the wholesome government, superintendence, and correction of the said Mystery, according to the exigency of the necessity, as often and whenever it may be requisite, lawfully and unpunishably, without leave or hindrance of us, our heirs or successors, Justices, Escheators, Sheriffs, Coroners, or any other Bailiffs, or servants of us, our heirs or successors; provided that such statutes or ordinances are not in any ways contrary to the laws and customs of our Kingdom of England. We further will and grant, for us, our heirs and successors, as far as in us lies, that the Masters or Governors of the aforesaid Community for the time being, and their successors for ever, shall have the superintendence, scrutiny, correction, and government of all and singular the freemen of the said City who are Surgeons, exercising the Mystery of Barbers within the said City, and of all other foreign Surgeons whomsoever, in anywise practising and using the said Mystery of Surgeons in the said City and the suburbs thereof, and the punishment of them, as well freemen as foreigners, for their offences in not perfectly following, practising and using that mystery, and also the superintendence and scrutiny of all kinds of instruments, plaisters, and other medicines, and their recipes, by such Barbers and Surgeons given, applied, and used for our liege men, for curing and healing their wounds, bruises, hurts and such kind of infirmities, when and as often as shall be requisite for the convenience and utility of our liege men; so that punishment of such Barbers exercising the said mystery of Surgeons, so offending in the premisses, be executed by fines, amerciaments, and imprisonments of their bodies, and by other reasonable and suitable means; and that no Barber exercising the said mystery of Surgeons in the said City and suburbs thereof, or any other foreign Surgeon whatsoever, shall in future be admitted to follow, practise and exercise the said mystery of Surgeons, in anywise, within the said City or the suburbs thereof, unless he be first approved by the said Masters or Governors, or their successors, for this purpose able and sufficient as skilled in the said Mystery, and for his plenary approbation in this behalf, by the said Masters or Governors to the Mayor of the said City for the time being, presented. We also will and grant, for us our heirs and successors, as far as in us lies, that neither the said Masters or Governors and community of the said Mystery of Barbers, nor their successors, nor any of them shall hereafter, in anywise be summoned or appointed on any assizes, juries, inquests, inquisitions, attainders, or other recognizances, within the said City or suburbs thereof for the time to come, before the Mayor or Sheriffs or Coroners of our said City for the time being, by any summoning officer or his servant, or summoning officers or their servants, although the said juries, inquisitions, or recognizances should be summoned by a writ or writs of right, of us or our heirs, but that the said Masters or Governors and Community of the aforesaid Mystery and their successors shall, from henceforth for ever, be peaceably and entirely exonerated towards us, our heirs and successors, and towards the Mayor and Sheriffs of our said City for the time being, and every of their officers and servants, by these presents. And further, we, in consideration of the premisses, do of our special grace, for us and our successors, grant to the said Masters or Governors and Community of the said Mystery of Barbers, and their successors, this liberty, to wit, that they in all future times may admit and receive persons apt and sufficiently skilled and informed in the said Mystery of Surgery, and by the Masters or Governors for the time being of the said Mystery, in manner aforesaid approved, and presented to the Mayor of the said City for the time being as aforesaid, into the said Mystery of Barbers to the fredom of the said City, to be held and enjoyed according to the custom of the said City; and no other persons whomsoever, nor in any other manner, any mandate or requisition of us, our heirs or successors, by written letters or otherwise howsoever made or to be made to the contrary notwithstanding. And although the said Masters or Governors and Community and their successors should contumaciously use this liberty in future against any mandate or requisition of us, our heirs, or successors, or any others whomsoever to be made in form aforesaid, neither they nor any of them shall in anywise incur any fine, contempt, or loss towards us, our heirs or successors, or any damage or punishment in their goods or bodies, or towards any other persons whatsoever, on that account; And this without fine or fee for the sealing of these presents, to be done paid or otherwise rendered unto us; any statute, ordinance, or any act to the contrary, before this time published made ordained or provided notwithstanding In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness myself at Westminster the twenty-fourth day of February in the first year of our reign.
Pekham.
By writ of privy seal, and of the date aforesaid, by authority of Parliament, and for ten pounds paid into the hanaper.
(Endorsed.)
Inrolled in the Court of the Lord the King, in the chamber of the Guildhall of the City of London in the book marked with the letter l. folio thirteen in the third year of the reign of King Edward the Fourth from the Conquest.
The chief point which strikes us on reading the foregoing Charter is, that it contains a great deal relative to Surgery, and little, indeed nothing, concerning Barbery, and yet it is granted ostensibly to the Barbers!
Now the Surgical side being the more important one of the craft, and the raison d’être of the Charter being in a great measure to provide for the regulation of Surgery and the correction of abuses in that profession, this silence as to Barbery and recognition of Surgery would seem to be an evidence that the practice of the latter, more or less, was the rule rather than the exception with members of the Company of Barbers; and, as the Masters or Governors were empowered to make “statutes and ordinances” (by-laws) for the governance of the mystery, it was doubtless considered unnecessary to descend into any details concerning shaving and the like in a Royal Charter.
The preamble of this Charter is exceedingly quaint and interesting, reciting how through the “ignorance, negligence and stupidity” of various Barbers and other practitioners in Surgery, many of the King’s lieges had “gone the way of all flesh.” Then at the request of “our beloved, honest and free men of the said Mystery of Barbers,” the King grants to them, to be one body perpetual, etc., that two of the chief men of the Company (no doubt the two then existing Masters “exercising the faculty of Surgery”) may with twelve or at least eight other skilled Barber-Surgeons, elect two Masters annually: this provision in itself is singular, as it would seem to imply that the body then incorporated was to be ruled by two Masters only; but a reference to our list of Masters and Wardens will shew that from the year 1448 the Company has been ruled by four Masters, and so on in unbroken succession to the present time48; these other two Masters therefore were Masters of the Barbers proper, about whom nothing was said in the Charter, but who were chosen annually in accordance with ancient custom, the Chief or First Master being alternately a Barber, and a Barber-Surgeon.
The Corporation was to have perpetual succession, and a Common seal, to hold lands of a certain value, to be able to plead and to be impleaded, to make by-laws, to have the scrutiny and correction of (apparently all) Surgeons in the City and suburbs, as also the oversight of all their instruments and medicines, etc., and to have the power of inflicting punishment, by fine or imprisonment, on offenders. None were to practise Surgery until examined and approved by the Masters and presented to the Mayor, and authority was given for the freemen of the Company to be admitted into the freedom of the City.
Another clause in the Charter was one which, whilst it conferred a valuable privilege upon the Company, was a source of continual strife and conflict with the Civic authorities, for by it all our freemen claimed to be exempted from serving on Juries and inquisitions, and this immunity, though constantly disputed, was as often asserted and maintained, with various qualifications.
In The Times, November 26, 1839, is an account of the exemption of certain freemen of the Company from serving on Juries at the Central Criminal Court. In this instance neither the claimants nor the Recorder knew much about the matter—for one of the applicants said, in reply to the Recorder, “I rest my claim on the Charter of Henry VIII”!! And, further on in the discussion, the same bold Barber had the effrontery to declare that “the privilege was confirmed by an Act passed in the reign of George II.” This was the Act which separated the Surgeons from the Barbers, and which did not confirm to the latter the exemption claimed, but our freeman gained his point, and the Recorder only grumbled.
As recently as 1868, a case was submitted to Sir J. D. Coleridge (now Lord Chief Justice) as to the legality of the exemption, and he gave his opinion in favour of it. However, since then the Jury Act has, alas! swept away this cherished immunity, and thus let the Barbers down to the level of their fellow citizens.
With the possession of their Charter the Company were now in an unassailable position, and we hear no more of their molestation by the Guild of Surgeons.
1470. The Company about this period came into possession of some freehold houses in St. John the Baptist upon Walbrook, to be held both for trust and corporate purposes. These houses are stated in our books to have been devised to us by Will (dated 2nd Dec., 1470) of Robert Ferbras. There are three old title deeds of the period still at the Hall, relating to these houses, and in the Court of Husting at Guildhall are two Wills of Robert Ferbras, Surgeon, both proved, one dated 4th Nov., 1470, and the other 17th April, 1472—but neither of these contain the bequest to the Barbers. It is, therefore, probable that Robert Ferbras conveyed the houses to the Company in his lifetime, and this fact being overlooked in course of years, it came to be said that they passed by his Will.
1482. 26th April.—The Company applied to the Court of Aldermen, presenting a set of ordinances for the government of the craft and for the regulation of apprentices, praying that the same might be allowed and ratified, which was done. The official entry under this date is in Letter-Book L. 174, and the following are the Ordinances:—
Ordinacio
BarbitonsoꝜ
Memorand qˀd sexto decimo die Aprilis Anno regni Regis Edwardi quarti post conq̃m vicesimo scᵭo pˀᵬi hõies Artis sive mistere BarbitonsoꝜ Civitatis london venˀ hic in Curˀ dc̃i Dnĩ Regis in Camˀa Guyhald Civitatꝭ pˀdcĩ coram Willm̃e Haryot milite ac maiore & Aldr̃is ejusdem Civitatis et porrexer̃nt eisdem maiore & Aldr̃is quandam billam sive supplicacõem Cujus tenor sequitur in hec verba.
To the right honorable lord the Mair And the right wirshipful Sovˀaignes the Aldermen of the Citee of London Mekely besechen your goode lordship̃ and maistershippes all the pˀsones enfraunchesed in the crafte and mistere of Barbours wtin the Citee of london That it wold pleas the same your lordshipp and maistershippes for the Wirship̃ of the said Citee And for the goode Rule to be had wtin the saide Craft to graunte and establissh thise articles folowyng And theym to be entred of Recorde in the Chambre of the said Citee before your said lordship and maistershippes hereafter for to be observed and executed.
FFirst that there shall no ffraunchesed Barbor. wtin the said Citee take any man or Child to be his Apprentice before that he hath pˀsented the same man or Child unto the maister and Wardeyns of the said Craft for the tyme being, to thentent that the same maister and Wardeyns may duely examyne ovˀsee serche and behold by the Colour and complexion of the said man or Child if he be avexed or disposed to be lepur or gowty maymed or disfigured in any pˀties of his body Whereby he shall fall in disdeyn or lothefulnesse unto the sight of the Kingꝭ liege people And also to be examyned of his birth and of his kynrede or if there be on hym any bonde claymed, And if he be founde defectif in any of thise poyntꝭ that than no fraunchesed Barbor. of the saide Citee shall take hym to his Apprentice uppon payn to pay vli. Whereof that one half shall Remayn unto the Chambre of the said Citee.
Also that evˀy enfraunchesed barbour that taketh any apprentice shall pay to the almes of the said Craft for the same Apprentice iijs. iiijd. to be paied in fourme folowyng that is to sey, at the first pˀsentacion of the Appˀntice xxd. and that other xxd. in the same yeere When he shall be enrolled And the names of the maister and appˀntice and the yeres of appˀntishode of the same appˀntice shalbe writen in a book by the said maistˀ & Wardeyns And he that disobeith this article or ordenance shall pay unto ye almes of the said Craft of barbours xiijs. iiijd. that one half thereof to be applied to thuse of the said Chambre and that other half to the almes of the said Craft. And if it so be that the said Apprentice Dye wtin the first yere, or voide so that the said maistˀ take none avauntage by the same Appˀntice, that than the same money stonde for the next Appˀntice, And if it hapne the said maister to take any pˀfet [profit] for the said Appˀntice by way of Sale or sˀvice and that so pˀved before the said maister and Wardeyns that than the saide maister of the said Appˀntice to be charged for the said iijs. iiijd.
Then follows the usual Ratification (in Latin) of the above Articles.
1487. The next notice which we have of the Barbers in the City books, indicates that there had been quarrels and dissensions among them, and that the rules of the Craft had been set at nought by its members, whereupon a Book of Ordinances was presented to the Court of Aldermen for approval and ratification and the same is entered at this date, 20 July 2 Hen vij, in Letter-Book L. 235B. as follows:—
Memorandum qˀd xxo. die Julij Anno regni Regis Henrici septum secundo, Gardiani & aɫ pˀᵬi hõies Artꝭ sive occupacõis de Barbours Civitatꝭ london venerˀ hic in Curˀ dc̃i dñi Regis in Camˀa Guilhald ejusdem Civitatꝭ coram Henrico Colet milite maiore & Aldr̃is Civitatꝭ pˀdc̃i & porrexˀunt eisdm̃ maori & Aldr̃is quandã billam sive supplicaõem Cujus tenor sequitr. in hec verba,
To the right honourable lord the maire and fulle discrete sovˀaignes thaldˀmen of the Citee of london Shewen mekely unto yor. good lordeship and maistˀshippes the maister and the Wardeyns and the good ffolke of the Crafte or Science of Barbours Surgeons of the said Citee that Where as they of longe tyme have been in discorde and not of oon conformite, but evˀy man in effect of the said Crafte or Science hathe taken and folowed his own singuler way and apetite as menne be49 under no Rule nor obedience, contrarie to all godly policie for lacke of good Rules and ordenancꝭ hadde and used within the same Crafte or Science, and in especiall for takyng of over many appˀnticꝭ and settyng a werk of money50 fforeyns comyng oute of Seint Martyns, Westmynster, Suthwerk and other placꝭ nere unto this Citee to the distruccion of the good ffolke enfraunchised of the said Crafte or Science, but if51 a remedie by yor noble and grete wisdomes the rather be pˀvided in that behalf. That it wold pleas yor. good lordeship and maistershippes for the good Rule and sadde52 guydyng hereafter to be hadde amongꝭ the good ffolkꝭ of the said Crafte within the same Crafte to graunt to yor. saide besechers certeyn Articles hereaftˀ ensuying from hensforth to be obsˀved and kept and afore you here in this honorable Court to be establisshed and entred of Record for ever to endure.
FFirst that no pˀsone of the said Crafte or science ne none other enfraunchised within the saide Crafte and kepyng open shoppe of the same Crafte or Science within the same Cite from hensforth in any wyse pˀsume to take uppon him to sette a werke within his house or Shoppe any sˀvaunt or sˀvauntꝭ or allowes53 or other beyng fforeyns or estraungiers, but54 evˀry suche pˀsone so enfraunchised in the saide Crafte or science or in any other and occupie the same Crafte or Science within the Citee aforesaid present any such sˀvaunt or sˀvauntꝭ allowes and other before the maistˀs and Wardeyns of the same Crafte or Science of Barbours for the tyme beyng within iij daies next after his comyng to his saide maister to thentent that the saide maister and Wardeyns have knowledge of their habilitie and cunyng55 before they be sette any lenger in occupac̃ion in the saide Crafte or Science, And what manˀ pˀsone56 aforesaid hereafter be founde doyng the contrarie of this ordenance shall forfeit and pay at evˀy tyme that he is so founden defectif xls. the oon half thereof to be applied to thuse of the Chambre of this honorable Citee and the other half to the Coẽn boxe of the said Crafte.
Also that no manˀ pˀsone57 enfraunchised in the saide Crafte or in any other kepying an open Shoppe and occupieth the same Crafte within the Citee from hensforth take or set a Werke within his house or shoppe or ellꝭ where within the same Citee any moo58 Sˀvaunts allowes at oones59 beyng fforeyns or Straungiers but oonly ij pˀsones and the same ij pˀsones to be pˀsented by their maister before the maister and Wardeyns of the said Crafte or Science of Barbours for the tyme beyng within iij daies next comˀyng in to suche sˀvice to their suche maistˀ And that the same fforeyns or straungiers shall take or have of their saide maister suche wages for their suche sˀvice as it shalbe thought by the saide Maister and Wardeyns of the said Crafte of Barbours that they canne desˀve and none other, And what maner of pˀsone aforesaid hereafter be founde doyng contrarie to this ordenancꝭ shall forfeit at evˀry tyme that he is founde defectif vli. to be divided and applied to suche uses as be aforeherced.60
Also if it fortune hereafter any pˀsone enfraunchised in the saide Crafte of barbours or in any other occupying the same Crafte of barbours within the Citee to take any mo sˀvauntꝭ allowes at oones beyng fforeyns or straungiers than onely ij as is aforeherced61 Wherethurgh62 he renneth in the forfaiture of the said penaltie of vli. for the saide offence, and than that the maister and Wardeyns of the saide Crafte of Barbours for the tyme beyng havyng knowleche therof put not the said penaltie of vli. in execucion accordyng to the tenor. of the saide Acte thereof made, within xiiij daies after that the said maistˀ and Wardeyns have knowleche thereof, that than the said maistˀ and Wardeyns for the tyme beyng so founden defectif shall forfeit and lose at evˀy tyme xiijs. iiijd. to be divided and applied to suche uses as be aforeherced.
Also that no manˀ pˀsones enfraunchised in the said Crafte or in any other occupying the same Crafte within the said Citee from hensforth take any moo appˀntices at oones than iij uppon payne of forfaiture of vli. at evˀy suche tyme as he is founde defectif doyng contrarie of this Article, to be divided and applied to suche uses as be afore reherced Savyng allway that it shalbe lefull to evˀy suche pˀsone oon yeere before the tˀme of appˀntishode of any his appˀnticꝭ be expired to take a nother appˀntice in the stede of hym that is nygh com̃yng oute of his tˀmes of appˀntishode to thentent that the same newe appˀntice may have his due erudicion and lernyng in the said Crafte or Science of Barbours before the tˀmes and 63 of the rather appˀntice.
Also if any pˀson of the said Crafte or Science selle away his appˀntice to a nother manne within his tˀmes of appˀntishode that than it shalnot be lefull to any suche pˀsone so silling away his appˀntice to take any newe in his stede duryng the tˀme to come of appˀntishode of that appˀntice so sold Nevertheles if it fortune any appˀntice to dye within the tˀmes of his appˀntishode that than it shall be laufull to the mastˀ of that appˀntice so dying to take a nother in his stede when so evˀ it shall lyke hym.
Provided all way that it shalbe lefull to evˀy pˀsone of the said Crafte nowe havyng many appˀnticꝭ to reteyne and holde fulle as many appˀnticꝭ as he hathe the day of makyng of this Acte or ordenance unto suche tyme as the tˀme of their appˀnticialite shalbe fully accomplisshed So all way that no suche pˀsone take any mo appˀntices unto suche tyme as the nuˀbre of the said appˀnticꝭ be reduced and brought unto the said nuˀbre of iij appˀnticꝭ uppon payn of forfaiture of vli. to be divided and applied to suche uses as been afore reherced.
Also that no foreyn Barbour from this tyme foreward occupie the Craft or Science of Barbours or Surgeon Barbor. within the ffraunchise of the said Citee but if he be lymytted and assigned therto by the maister and Wardeyns of the same Craft for the tyme beyng uppon payn of forfaiture of vli. as often as any suche pˀsone so be founde defectif, to be divided and applied to suche uses as be aforeherced. Provided allway that if it canne be thought for the wele of the kyngꝭ people that if any foreyn Barbours or foreyn Surgeon be founden of such habilitie and connyng of Surgerie or of that Crafte that it were necessarie to have hym to occupie within the ffraunchise of this Citee, that than he be admitted therto by the Chamᵬleyn of london and by the Maister and Wardeyns of the said Crafte of Barbours for the tyme beyng, With that the same fforeyn fynde suertie sufficient to be bounde to the said Chamᵬleyn and Maister and Wardeyns for to do make him self free of the saide Crafte or Science of Surgeon Barbours and to obey and pˀfourme the Rules and ordennancꝭ of the same Crafte and to be under the correcion of the same Crafte, provided allway that the kyngꝭ people be served in price of their Cure and shavyng in tyme to come aswell and as safely as they have been in tymes passed.
Then follows the usual Ratification (in Latin) of the above Articles.
1490. A declaration made by one Bryan Sandford, dated 8th March, 1490, was produced to the Committee of the House of Commons in 1745, in which it was stated that the Company were at that time possessed of the freehold of their Hall in Monkwell Street.
1493. On the 12th July in this year, an agreement was entered into between the Barbers’ Company and the Surgeons’ Guild which would indicate that the two bodies were now on amicable terms, working harmoniously for the increase of the credit of the profession, and for the correction of inexperienced surgeons and empirics. This “Composition” is of so interesting a nature that it is here given in full, as extracted from the fine old Book of Ordinances at the Hall; it did not unite the two bodies in any way beyond this, that they agreed to follow the same rules and practice with regard to the government of all Surgeons; that each guild was to choose two Wardens, and that the four so chosen were to act in a conjoint capacity as rulers or masters in matters surgical, and thus comprehend all Surgeons, whether of the Barbers’ Company, the Surgeons’ Guild, or “foreyns.”
This present wrytyng endentyd of copˀosicyons made the xijth day of July iˀ the zere of owyr lord God MtCCCClxxxxiij and the viijth zere of the reyne of kyng harry the vijth William Martyn then beyng mayre of this cyte of london betwyxt the ffelishippis of surgeons enfraunchesˀ wt in the cyte of london on that on p’ty And the felishippis of barbours surgeons and surgeons barbours enfraunchessid iˀ the seyd cyte on the other parte witnesyth that the sayde felyshippys of ther comon assent and mere moc̃yons ben c͠odescẽdyd and agreyd togethir the day and the zere aboue sayd, in mañ and fourme folowyng. That is to sey that eũy pˀson and pˀsons of the faculte or scyens of surgeons admyttyd and sworne to eyth̃ of the sayde felyshippis from hens forward shall stond and a byde wt ther felyshippis as they now do and dyd before thys present composicyon.
Also that from hens forth non of the sayde felyshippis shall admyt nor reseyue in to ther felishippys any alyent straungˀ or foreyn vsyng the sayde faculte or scyens of surgery wtowten knowleg or c͠osent of the wardẽs of bothe the seyd felishippys. All so for the welth and suerte of the kyngꝭ lege people And the honour of the seyde felyshyppys, It is agreyd be twyxt the same two felyshippis that non alyent straunger nor foreyn shall use nor ocopy the seyde faculte or scyens of surg̃y withyn this cyte or subbers of the same unto such tyme as he shewhym selfe to the mayer for the time beyng, and by the iiij wardeyns of bothe the saide felishippis, that is to sey of eyth̃ of the sayde felishippis, tweyn, and othˀ suche as by theyr wysdomys they will call vnto them, be dewly examyned & approuyd to be sufficyent of conyng and habilyte in the sayde faculte. And yf any such pˀson or pˀsones bi the sayde iiij wardens as is afore sayde be taken reputed and a lowed to be sufficient of konyng and habylite iˀ the seyd faculte or scyens of surgery that then the pˀson or pˀsonys so knowen and admyttyd shall be sworne to all the good rewlys and ordenans of ye seyd faculte or scyens of surgery, and to be under the coreccyon of the iiij wardens for the tyme beyng to the entent that at all tymes he may be under dwe coreccyon for the sauegard of ye kyngis lege people. And if any suche alyent straungˀ or foreyn of pˀsumcon refuse to be examyned of the seyde wardens in mañ & fourme as is a fore seyd, Or yf any suche straunger or foreyn so examyned be the seyde wardens be Juged onsufficient of conyng and neũtheles takyth upon hym to occupy or vse the seyde faculte of surg̃y wtyn the seyde cyte or subbars of the same, Then take the name of hym or them so doyng and pˀsent hym by the sayd iiij wardens to the mayer for the tyme beyng, to the entent that by his wysdom, and advice of hys honerabyll brethern may set suche direccyon as shall be thought resonabil formacion64 therof, restrayne hym from the ocupac̃on of the same scyens wt in the sayde cyte. Also it is agreyd and cõpoundyd betwyxte the sayde felyshippys that from hensforth eũy of the seyde felyshippis and seũally by them selfe, Chese of themselfe two discrete pˀsons usyng the fete of surgery to be seũally wardens of the sayde seũall felishippis, and that these iiij wardens for the tyme beyng when and as oftyn as nede shall requere, Shall haue the syght and good gounaunce of the seide faculte of surgery. And eũy pˀson or pˀsonys of eũy of the sayde felyshippis that happenys or shall fortune to haue any Jeopˀde65 or dowtefull cure, dredyng deth or mãy,66 he or they hauing at eny tyme to come, shall shew and pˀsent the cure or curys in as short tyme as nede shall be reqˀred, And at the leste at the thyrde dressyd67 to the saide iiij wardens for the tyme beyng, Or any other pˀson or pˀsonys that is to seye, to one of yche of the seyde felishippis, and the same wardens and yf them seme nedefull shall call unto them ij or iij, or more if nede reqˀre, of the wysest and best expˀte mẽ of the said felishippis occupyeng the saide faculte of surgery as them semeth most expedyent, for the cause or causis aforesayde. Also in this coposycion yt is ordeyned and agreyd, that none of the iiij wardens for the zere beyng neyther any other pˀson of the sayde felishippis ocopyeng the crafte of surg̃i, Put any man of thes sayde felishipis oute of ther cure otherwyse then the honeste of the crafte wolle, but that yche of them be redy to helpe eche other wt counsell or deed, yt worship profyte and the honeste of the crafte, and helpyng of the seke be had and done on all sydis. And if ony of thes iiij wardens for the tyme beyˀg or any other pˀson or pˀsonys of the seyde felyshippis do the cõtrary that eche suche doer content the valvyr68 of the cure, After discressyon and Jugem̃et of the same iiij wardens for the zere beyng, And also for his trespas to paye aftur discression and Jugem̃et of the iiij wardens. Also if any pˀson of the sayde felishippis dislaunder or depute any of the saide felishippis onrightfully ownonestly and ef it so maye be prouyd upon hym by two or thre witnesse, that he paye for that trespas iijs. iiijd., and ouer that to make amendis to ye seide pˀsons the whiche he hath so disslaunderd aftur Jugement of onest men of the seyd felyshippis not founden in non suche defaute.
This pˀsent cõposicyon was made the daye and zere a bowe wreton by Roberd taylour, Robt. Halyday, Thom̃s Koppisley, Thom̃s Thornton, Ihoñ Harte, Johñ Marhm̃, Roberd Beuerly, James Scote, James Ingoldysby, Johñ Taylour, Richard Swedenhm̃, Nicholas Leueryng, John Wilson. In rowlid in Raffe Osterigis tyme, mayer.
Of the persons assenting to this composition, the following were Barber-Surgeons, viz.: Robt. Halyday (Master 1475, 1483, 1485, 1490, 1496), James Scott (M. 1493, 1498, 1500), James Ingoldysby (M. 1501, 1506), John Taylour (M. 1523, 1524), and Nicholas Leveryng(M. 1503, 1508), the others were most likely belonging to the Guild of Surgeons.
An Ordinance by way of addenda to the above was made, imposing penalties upon any who should break any of the foregoing rules; the first offence to be punished by a fine of 10s., the second 20s., and the third offence to be remitted to the Mayor and Aldermen for punishment after their discretion.
How long this agreement, so beneficial for the practice of Surgery, continued in force is unknown; but the probabilities are that the old jealousies soon re-appeared and that each Guild worked on its own lines until 1540, as, by the uniting Act then passed, it was specially remarked as desirable that the two Companies should come together, and be incorporated in one.
1497. We shall now present to the reader’s notice a highly important document, being a diploma granted by the Master and Wardens of the Barbers’ Company to one of their freemen, enabling him to practise as a Surgeon. This is in all probability the earliest English diploma of a Surgeon extant and cannot fail by the quaintness of its composition, and the details given, to prove of much interest. We notice in it, that our Company as usual, did not fail to rehearse its prerogatives and practice, and we also observe that thus early the Company provided an instructor and examiner in the science, Dr. John Smith, before whom came in the Common Hall, Robert Anson, and in the presence of a “great audience of many right well expert men in Surgery and others, was openly examined in divers things concerning the practice,” etc.
THE LETTˀ PAT̃E OF BˀBOURS & OF SURGEOS BˀBORS.
To all trew crysten people to whom thes present lettris shall come. Roberd Halidai69 mastur of barbours and of surgeon barbours of london, and Willm̄ Okeley, John Knote70 and Thomas Dawes71 wardens of the same gretyng, knowe ye that wher as the moste excellent Pryns in cryst and soũeyn lord Edward by the grace of god kyng of ynglõd and of ffraunce, lord of Ierlond, for many pˀfounde cos̃ideracyons his gc̃e movyng, hathe grauntyd the well to hym ĩ cryst, the approuyd fremen the coiãlte of barbours and of surgeon barbours of the cyte of londõ, The serche and oũsyght correcyon and ponyshement, examinacon & approbacion of all fremen usyng or hauntyng the conyng of surgery and barbory, And of all maner of men foreyns usyng or hauntyng any pˀticuler pˀte of surgery withyn the seyde cyte or subbers ther of, As a bowte new woundys, olde soris, and other lesyons what so eũ they be, Also in drawyng of teeth ventosyng scarificacons and suche othˀ manwall operac̃ons, lyke as the lettres patentes of owre seyde lege lord the kyng ther upon made planyly may apere. We therfore the saide Roberde, Willm̄, John̄ & Thom̄s at this tyme masturs and wardens of the saide felishyp, ffor the comyn pˀfyte weth72 and relefe socour of owr lordis the kyngꝭ lege people, entẽdyng to pˀuyde men of good capasite and abill ĩ maners and conyng, sufficiently lerned, enfourmed, and labored by long experyens, and other in the seide craft of surgery,—haue prayed and requyred mastur John̄ Smyth doctour ĩ phesik, Instructour & examener of the seide feliship, and be73 the same for that intent chosen and elect to entur & examynacyon for the cawses a boue saide, wt divers pˀsons whiche long tyme, wtowte auctorite, haue vsed and haunted wt experyens the conyng of surgery, wheruppon aftur dewe and dyuers monycions made in this be halue, Roberd Anson on of the seide coĩalte at the comyn hall of the same ĩ london appered, ĩ his pˀpyr pˀson, the first day of August last past, submyttyng hym selfe to the examync̃on and thaposicion,74 wher and when the seide Roberd by the sayde John̄ Smyth, in a gret audiens of many ryght well expert men ĩ surgery & other, was op̃yly examyned ĩ dyuers thingꝭ cõcernyng the practise opˀatife and directif in the seyde crafte of Surgery. And ther albe it he hathe a fore this many tymys been well approuyd, ʒet now he is newly habelyd, be75 the seyde doctour and felyship, and founde abyll and discrete to ocopy & vse the practise of surgery, as well a bowte new woundis, as cansers, fystelis, vlceracions & many other disessis & dyuers; & the same Robert thus aprouyd and abelyd we haue, as an expert man ĩ the seyd faculte, aprouyed and abeled to ocupy & practyse in the seyd faculte, ĩ eũy place, when and as ofte as hym best lyketh we haue lycensid hym and graũtid to hym by thes pˀsentes. ĩ witnes wherof we haue putte the comyn seale of barbours and of surgeon bˀbours of london, geuen at london ĩ the comyn hall of the seyd Comõnalte the viij day of August the zere of oure lord god MtCCCClxxxxvij.
1499. In this year the Company obtained from Henry VII a confirmation of their Charter, paying but 20s. for the same. This Inspeximus Charter recites and confirms that of Edward IV with the very noticeable exceptions, that four Masters or Governors are named instead of two, and that they are described as of “the Mystery of Barbers and Surgeons,” and not “Barbers” only, as in Edward’s grant.
The original, in excellent preservation, with the great seal of England pendant, is at the Hall, and the text is as follows:—
Henricus dei gracia Rex Anglie Francie & Dominus Hibernie Omnibʒ ad quos pˀsentes littere pervenerunt, salutem. Inspeximus litteras patentes recolende memorie domine E. quarti nuper Regis Anglie progenitoris nostri factas in hec verba. Edwardus dei gracia........ Teste me ipso apud Westmonasteriũ vicesimo quarto die Februarii Anno regni nostri primo. Nos autem litteras predictas ac omnia & singula in eis contenta rata habentes et grata ea pro nobis et heredibus nostris quantum in nobis est acceptamus & approbamus ac dilectis ligeis nostris Rico Haywarde Jacobo Holand Johanni Robertson et Johanni Boteler nunc Magistris sive Gubernatoribʒ mistere BarbitonsoꝜ et SirurgicoꝜ infra Civitatem nrãm predc̃am & eoꝜ Successoribʒ per pˀsentes ratificamus et confirmamus sicut lrẽ predc̃e rõnabilis testantˀ In cujus rei testiom̄ has lr̃as nr̃as fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ip̃o apud Westm̄ quinto die Decembris Anno regni nostri quinto decimo.
Clerk.
pro viginti solidis solutis in hanaperio.
(Endorsed.)
Intratur in libro signato cum lr̃a. m. tempore Nich̃i Alwyne maioris Civitatis londoñ Anno Regni Regis Henrici septum quinto decimo. Pakenham.
Translation.
Henry by the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, To all to whom these present letters shall come, health. We have inspected the letters patent of the Lord Edward the fourth, of gracious memory, late King of England, our progenitor, made in these words, “Edward by the grace of God........ Witness my self at Westminster the 24th day of February in the first year of our reign.” We also, the aforesaid letters, and all and singular therein contained ratifying and granting, for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies do accept and approve, and to our beloved lieges, Richard Haywarde, James Holand, John Robertson, and John Boteler, now Masters or Governors of the Mystery of Barbers and Surgeons within our City aforesaid, and to their successors, by these presents, do ratify and confirm, as in the aforesaid letters is reasonably testified. In Witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness myself at Westminster the fifth day of December in the fifteenth year of our reign.
Clerk.
for twenty shillings paid into the hanaper.
(Endorsed.)
Entered in the book marked with the letter m. in the time of Nicholas Alwyne, Mayor of the City of London, in the fifteenth year of the reign of King Henry the Seventh. Pakenham.
1511. In this year an Act of Parliament was passed, which infringed on the privileges of the Barbers’ Company, inasmuch as it placed the approbation and licensing of Surgeons in the hands of certain clerical dignitaries, to wit, the Bishop of London and Dean of St. Paul’s (while for the country the several Bishops or their Vicars general were nominated). This Act was possibly the outcome of some laxity on the part of our Company, or of an intolerable growth of quackery, with which it could not cope, the pretenders to surgical knowledge being a “great multitude” of ignorant persons, and women, using sorcery, witchcraft and noxious remedies. This Act of Parliament (3 Hen. VIII, cap. XI) as given below, is from an original copy in the possession of Mr. Charles J. Shoppee (Master 1878).
¶ AN ACTE CONCERNYNG THE APPROBATION OF PHISICIONS AND SURGIONS.
To the kyng our souerayne lorde, and to all the lordes spiritual and temporall, & comoñs in this present parlyament assembled. Forasmoche as the science and connynge of phisike & surgerie (to the perfet knowlege whereof, be requisite both great lernyng and rype experience) is dayly within this realme exercised by a great multitude of ignorant pˀsons: of whome the great part haue no maner of insight in the same, nor in any other kynde of lernynge, some also can no letters on the boke, so farforthe that common artificers, as smythes, weauers, and women, boldely and customably take upon them greate cures and thinges of greate difficultie: in the whiche they partly use sorcerye, and witchcrafte, partly apply suche medicines unto the disease, as be very noyous and nothyng metely therfore to the highe displeasure of god, great infamye to the facultie, and the greuous hurte, damage, and destruction of many of the kynges liege people: most specially of them that can not discerne the unconnynge from connynge. Be it therfore (to the suertie and comforte of all maner people) by auctoritie of this present parliament enacted, that no persone within the citie of London, nor within seuen myles of the same, take upon hym to exercise and occupie as a phisition or surgion, excepte he be fyrst examyned, approued, and admytted by the byshop of London, or by the deane of Paules, for the tyme beinge, calling to hym or them foure doctours of phisike, and for surgery, other experte persons in that facultie, and for the fyrste examination suche as they shall thynke conuenient, and afterwarde alway foure of them that haue ben so approued, upon the peine of forfayture, for euery moneth that they do occupie as phisitions or surgions, not admytted nor examyned after the tenour of this acte, of v.li. to be enployed the one halfe therof to thuse of our soueraine lorde the kynge, and the other halfe therof to any person that wyll sue for it by action of dette, in whiche no wager of lawe nor protection shalbe alowed.
¶ And ouer this, that no persone out of the sayd citie and precinte of vii. myles of the same, except he haue ben (as is aforesayd) approued in ye same, take upon hym to exercise and occupie as a phisition or surgion, in any diocesse within this realme, but if he be fyrste examined and approued by the bysshoppe of the same dyocese, or he beynge out of the dioces by his vycare generall: either of them callyng to them suche experte persones in the sayde faculties, as their discretion shal thynke conuenient, and gyuyng theyr letters testimonials under theyr seale to hym that they shall so approue, upon lyke peyne to them that occupie contrary to this acte (as is above sayde) to be leuied and employed after the forme before expressed.
¶ Prouyded alway, that this acte nor any thynge therin contayned, be preiudiciall to the uniuersities of Oxforde and Cambrydge or eyther of them, or to any priuileges graunted to them.
This Act seems to have invested the Bishops, etc., with the power of licensing all Surgeons, and if so, would have taken away that privilege from our Company; the point is however doubtful, and I am inclined to think that the Act did not operate to the prejudice of the Company, only in so far as it suffered from the existence of another licensing authority.
Mr. D’Arcy Power has pointed out that the Act very soon became unpopular, and that it was almost immediately practically repealed by another one, which provided that it should be “lawful to any person being the king’s subject, having knowledge or experience of the nature of herbs, etc., to minister in and to any outward sore or wound according to their cunning.” (Memorials of the Craft of Surgery, p. 85.)
This latter Act, which in its effect would flood the land with quacks, must however have remained the law until the Act of 32 Hen. VIII, whereby the Barber-Surgeons were reinstated in their ancient rights; and it is the fact, that down to the 18th Century the Ecclesiastics claimed and enforced their rights (under the Act 3 Hen. VIII) to license Surgeons, notwithstanding other Acts passed since then, which although not expressly extinguishing their power, certainly did not save it. The Barber-Surgeons’ Company seem to have examined the Surgeons, and, if approved, to have given a certificate under Seal, which was presented to the Bishop who thereupon issued his licence. This practice was not however universal, and I think only applied to some Surgeons who were not free of the Company. In some cases the Bishop licensed Surgeons, without reference to the Company, and thousands have been licensed by the Company without regard to the Bishop. It is almost impossible to say now what course was followed, the practice certainly varying with the times (see Surgery).
1513. In this year an Act of Parliament was passed exempting Surgeons from juries, inquests, etc. This must have been passed in the interest of the Surgeons’ Guild, as the Barber-Surgeons were surely exempt under their Charter from Edward IV.
1512. The Barbers’ Company having applied to the King (Henry VIII) for a confirmation of their Charter, their request was acceded to. Henry is, on more than one occasion, spoken of in the books as “our patron,” and there is no doubt but that he was very friendly both to our Company and to individual members of it, as witness his gift of the grace cup, and the legacies in his will to various members of the Company, with some of whom, as Pen, Harman, Ayliff, etc., he was on as intimate terms as a king could be with a subject; there would therefore be, we may be sure, but little difficulty in obtaining an Inspeximus.
In one of our Minute Books, Thomas Knot (Master 1555) has transcribed what purports to be a copy of Henry’s Inspeximus Charter with the date 12th of May “in the xviijth yere of our Reigne” (i.e., 1526), and he appends a certificate that he has compared and agreed it with the original! Now we possess the original at Barbers’ Hall and it is dated 12th March 3rd Henry VIII (i.e., 1512), and it would indeed be a strange thing for Henry VIII in 1526 to recite and confirm Henry VII’s Charter, when he had already done so in 1512. Moreover I have searched the Patent Rolls and whilst there is no record in 1526, there is the entry of the 1512 Charter, and further to fix the date, both Philip and Mary, and Elizabeth in their Inspeximus Charters recite the 1512 Charter.
It has been necessary to enter into this detail, as the date of the Charter is important when we come to consider Holbein’s picture; and as my friend Mr. D’Arcy Power has (p. 338) quoted this pretended Charter not having seen the real one, he, very naturally trusting old Thomas Knot’s statement, has fallen into the pit dug some three hundred years ago.
The following is the Text of the Charter, and it will not be necessary to append a translation, as it follows much on the same lines as that of Henry VII:—
Henricus dei gracia Rex Anglie et Francie et Dominus Hibernie Omnibus ad quos presentes Irẽ pˀvenerunt saltmˀ Inspeximus litteras patentes domini H. nuper Rˀgis Anglie septum patris nostri precarissimi de confirmacione factas in hec verba Henricus dei gracia...... Teste me ip̃o apud Westmonasterium quinto die Decembrˀ Anno regni nr̃i quinto decimo. Nos autem litteras predictas ac omnia & singula in eisdem contenta rata hentẽs & grata ea pro nobis & heredibus nr̃is quantum in nobis est acceptamus & approbamus ac dilectis ligeis nr̃is Johĩ Peerson Wil̃l̃o Kyrkeby Thome Gybson & Thome Martyn nunc Magistris sive Gubernatoribus mistere Barbitonsorum et Sirurgicorum infra Civitatem nrãm predictam & eorum successoribus per presentes ratificamus & confirmamus sicut lrẽ predicte rõnabiliter testantur. In cujus rei testimonium has lrãs nrãs fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ip̃o apud Westmonasterium duodecimo die Marcii Anno regni nr̃i tercio.
Yong.
pro viginti solidis solutis in Hanapˀio.
The Great Seal, though still pendant, has been considerably damaged.
1525. This year the Company received a Precept from the Mayor, ordering them to provide for the “Midsummer Watch.”
To the Wardens of the Barber Surgeons,
We woll and charge you that for the hounour of this Citie ye do ordeyne & pˀpare ageinst the watches to be kept within this Citie in the nightꝭ of the vigilles of Sent John Baptist & Seint Peter nowe next comynge iiij honest & comely pˀsones suche as ye will answere for, wt Bowes & arrowes clenely harneysed and arrayed yn Jakettꝭ of whytte, havynge tharmes of this Citie, to waytte and attende uppon us in the said Watches, And to come to Blackwell Hall and there to be, for the not fayllynge hereof as ye tendre the honour of this Citie and also will answere at your pẽlls. Gyven in the Guihall of the said Citie the xiiij day of Junij the xvij year of the Reigne of our Soveraigne lorde King Henry the viijth.
An Act of Parliament was passed in the 20th Henry VII, which provided that the governing bodies of Guilds should not make any by-laws or ordinances, without the same should be approved by the Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, and the Chief Justices of the King’s Bench and Common Pleas, or any three of them, etc., and in 1530 our Company, being desirous of settling many points for the government of the mystery, drew up a long set of interesting Ordinances, which were presented to Sir Thomas More the Chancellor, Sir John Fitzjames and Sir Robert Norwiche the Chief Justices, and were signed by them on the 14th May, 1530. The original (with More’s autograph) is at the Hall, and after reciting the Act of 20th Henry VII, ordains the following oaths and articles:—
The oath of a freeman.
The oath of the Masters and Governors with directions as to searches.
Ordinance as to attending on summons.
" " quarterage.
" " presentation of apprentices.
" " number of servants to be kept by freemen and liverymen.
" " wages of servants.
" " enticing away of servants.
" " opening shop.
" " teaching the mystery to any but apprentices.
" " sueing brother freemen at common law.
" " “opprobrios condicions or dishonest wordes.”
" " refusal to come on the Livery, and admission into the Livery.
" " Sunday trading.
" " presenting patients in danger of death.
" " reading Lectures concerning Surgery.
" " supplanting another of his patient.
" " the Dinners.
" " excess of words in debate.
" " departing from the Common assembly.
" " seniority.
" " Barbers setting up shop.
Sir Thomas More’s Ordinances, as above, will be found in full in the Appendix B, the transcript being made from the original.76
1540. This year is one of the most memorable in the annals of the Barber-Surgeons, as it witnessed the union of the unincorporated Guild of Surgeons, with their more accredited fellow-craftsmen, the incorporated Company of Barbers. It has been suggested by more than one writer that such an union is shrouded in mystery, difficult of explanation, and that in those days, with science advancing (slowly, it is true), it might have been expected that we should read of a divorcement, rather than a combination of two crafts, which then, as now, were dissimilar both in their operations, and in the training and intelligence necessary for their practice.
But it is essential to bear in mind that though the Charter of Edward IV was ostensibly to the Barbers, it really was granted to a fraternity, which to a great extent practised as Barber-Surgeons, some of whom were Surgeons pure and simple, others combined both branches, while others still carried on the more humble craft of Shavers and Hair-Dressers; those of the Company who practised Surgery did no doubt consider it a reproach to be dubbed “Barbers,” and for distinction sake called themselves and were well known as “Barber-Surgeons,” indeed they had so far established this title to themselves and to their Company, as to get it recognised and so named in the Inspeximus Charter of Henry VII (less than forty years after their original Charter as “Barbers” had been granted to them). This is to a great extent confirmed by the words of the Act now about to be referred to, which distinctly says that there was then a Company of “Surgeons occupyinge and exercisynge the sayde scyence and faculty of surgery...... commonly called the Barbours of London.”
The Union therefore was not a joining of Barbers with Surgeons (THAT had existed from the earliest times), but was the consolidation of the “Guild of Surgeons” with another body of Surgeons who were incorporated, and practised under the name of “Barbers” in conjunction with actual working Barbers; and, as the Act provided what the Surgeons should and should not do, and the like as to actual Barbers, limiting their operations also, most if not all difficulty and apparent incongruity in the union seems to vanish.
The Act (32 Hen. VIII, cap. 42) which will well repay perusal, settled the Barber-Surgeons in their corporate capacity for many a long year; under it the old rival society disappeared, it being declared that the two Companies should be united, so that by their assembling together, the science of Surgery might be fostered and improved; whereupon it was enacted that they should be incorporated under the style of “The Maisters or Governours of the Mystery and Comminalte of Barbours and Surgeons of London.” The property of the old Company of Barbers was handed over to the new Corporation (the Guild of Surgeons are not said to have had any property to bring into the new concern). The usual grant of a common seal, of power to plead and to be impleaded, to hold lands, etc., will be seen at large in the Act. The Surgeons of the Company were to be exempt from bearing armour or being put into watches and inquests. The dead bodies of four malefactors were assigned to the Company yearly for dissections. And, inasmuch as various persons exercising the faculty of Surgery used to take into their houses for cure, people afflicted with the pestilence and other contagious diseases and “do use or exercise barbari, as washynge or shavyng and other feates thereunto belonging,”77 the same was declared “veraie perillous,” and it was enacted that no one using the faculty of Surgery should practise Barbery, and that no Barber should practise any point in Surgery, the drawing of teeth only excepted. The Surgeons were to exhibit a sign in front of their houses, and no Barber was to exercise his calling unless free of the Company. Four Masters were to rule the Company, whereof two were to be Barbers and two Surgeons. A penalty was named for offenders against the articles, all were to pay scot and lot, and private persons might keep their own Barber or Surgeon, without interference by the Company.
The Act was passed on the 24th July, 1540, and will be found in Appendix C. being taken from the original Black-letter copy in the Author’s possession.
We now refer to the Company’s chief treasure, the Holbein picture, and are at once met with a difficulty; does it represent the granting of a Charter to the Company? if so, the year was 1512; or does it illustrate the union of the Barbers and Surgeons by Act of Parliament? if so, the year was 1540.
The picture exhibits a Charter with the Great Seal pendant, and has always been popularly known and described as the “granting of the Charter to the Barber-Surgeons.” On the other hand, however, the King was but 21 years of age in 1512 and 49 years in 1540, which latter age accords with the picture; moreover, Vicary, Ayleff, Harman, and the others represented, were members of the Court in the latter year, but not in 1512. These considerations are sufficient to demolish the “Charter” theory, and point to the hypothesis that it is the Union of the Barbers’ Company with the Guild of Surgeons, accomplished by Act of Parliament in 1540, which is commemorated, but then we must admit a licence on the part of Holbein (which deceived no one at the time), when he indulged his artist’s fancy by putting into the King’s hand a Charter with seal pendant, instead of an Act of Parliament, which latter would not indeed have been the King’s function to hand to the Company, and would probably, if represented, have been depicted as a mere roll, and not therefore so artistic or effective as a Charter with a Seal in the King’s hand.
The Act received the Royal Assent 25th July, 1540; this would be towards the close of the year of John Pen’s mastership. Vicary, who is receiving the Instrument, was Master from September, 1541, to September, 1542; there is every probability that the painting was executed during his year of office, and that is why Holbein paid him the compliment of putting him in the chief position in the painting, which after all was intended, not as a strictly historical, but rather as a commemorative picture.
The picture is 10 feet 2 inches long by 5 feet 11 inches high, painted on oak panel and contains nineteen figures; it represents a room in the palace (said to have been Bridewell), which is hung with beautiful tapestry and appears to have been gilded; the King is seated on a throne, his age apparently about fifty, the complexion florid, the hair sandy, the eyes small but animated and restless; the expression on the countenance is impatience, and he seems thrusting the document hastily into the hand of Thomas Vicary, who receives it kneeling, on his left; the face altogether might be pronounced handsome, were it not for the low forehead and contracted eyebrows; he has on his left thumb a signet ring, and other rings on the first and fourth fingers of his right hand with which he holds a sword of state resting on his knee; on his head is a jewelled crown; on his left leg the garter, and round his neck the collar of the Order; the mantle is short and of crimson velvet; all these ornaments are most beautifully executed and are as fine as miniature painting; every hair of his head is distinct, and the texture of his robe is finely given; his impatience seems to have warmed him, and the rising colour flushing over his face is most admirably painted. On the King’s right are three grave and closely shaved personages on their knees. The first is Dr. John Chambre, one of the Royal Physicians, he is represented in a skull cap and furred gown, the sleeves very large and in which his hands are enwrapped; from the expression of his countenance it would seem that he was anything but pleased with the provisions of the Act, as the face has a sullen and discontented look; next to him is the celebrated Dr. William Butts, also one of Henry’s Physicians, and behind him is Thomas Alsop, the Royal Apothecary, his hair is long and lank, and features coarse and hard.
On the King’s left are fifteen members of the Court on their knees, and in livery gowns, evidently specially sumptuous for the occasion, being of brocaded or damask silk, trimmed with fur, and each man wears a livery hood of red and black upon his shoulder. The first of these is Thomas Vicary, Serjeant-Surgeon, who wears a gold chain; next comes Sir John Ayleff, Surgeon to the King, also with a gold chain and a ring on his finger, the next is Nicholas Simpson, King’s Barber, who, like Vicary and Ayleff, wears a skull cap, all the others have their heads bare. Then comes Edmund Harman, King’s Barber, and one of the Witnesses to Henry’s Will, he wears a gold chain; next him is James Monforde, King’s Surgeon, then John Pen, the King’s Barber, and Nicholas Alcocke; the expression on the countenances of all these men is grave and solemn; the next, Richard Ferris, who has a somewhat merrier face, and was also King’s Surgeon, completes the front row. The moustaches and beards of the whole, including the King, would appear as if they had had great care and attention bestowed upon them. Of the remaining seven figures in the back row, the names of but two have been preserved, viz., Christopher Salmond and William Tilley.
This picture of Holbein’s is not surpassed, if indeed it is equalled, by any other of that master, every part is most elaborately and delicately finished; the position of none of the figures is constrained, and there is no attempt at theatrical effect, yet every person represented is in action, the colouring is chaste, and kept down, nor is there any of that hardness and stiffness often observed in Holbein’s pictures. Its reputation has been truly said to be world-wide, whilst it has been eulogistically described by some one to be “as glowing as a Titian, and minutely faithful as a Gerard Dow.”78
The names of the persons represented have been somewhat rudely affixed to their effigies, probably a few years after the picture was painted, and whilst we cannot but deplore the disfigurement, it is more than compensated for, as the means of identification of so many of our illustrious predecessors. The tablet, with inscription, has been said to be of later date than Holbein’s work, and to have been painted over a window, through which was once seen the old church of St. Bride; this, however, is most improbable, as it is personally dedicatory to Henry. The inscription is as follows:—
HENRICO OCTAVO OPT MAX: REGI ANGLIÆ FRANCIÆ
ET HIBERNIÆ FIDEI DEFENSORI AC ANGLICANÆ HIBERNICÆQ
ECCLESIÆ PROXIME A CHRISTO SVPREMO CAPITI SOCIETAS
CHIRVRGORVM COMMVNIBVS VOTIS HÆC CONSECRAT.
TRISTIOR ANGLORVM PESTIS VIOLAVERAT ORBEM
INFESTANS ANIMOS CORPORIBVSQVE SEDENS
HANC DEVS INSIGNEM CLADEM MISERATVS AB ALTO
TE MEDICI MVNVS JVSSIT OBIRE BONI
LVMEN EVANGELII FVLVIS CIRCVMVOLAT ALIS
PHARMACON AD FECTIS MENTIBVS ILLVD ERIT
CONSILIOQ TVO CELEBRANT MONVMENTA GALENI
ET CELERI MORBVS PELLITVR OMNIS OPE
NOS IGITVR SVPPLEX MEDICORVM TVRBA TVORVM
HANC TIBI SACRAMVS RELIGIONE DOMVM
MVNERIS ET MEMORES QVO NOS HENRICE BEASTI
IMPERIO OPTAMVS MAXIMA QVE QVE TVO.
TRANSLATION.
To Henry the Eighth, the best and greatest King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and next to Christ, supreme head of the Church of England and Ireland, the Company of Surgeons dedicate these, with their united prayers.
A grievous plague had ravaged the region of England,
Afflicting man’s spirits and penetrating his frame;
God, pitying from on high this remarkable scourge
Commanded thee to perform the office of a good physician.
The light of the gospel flies around on glowing wings,
This will be the balm to enfeebled minds:
Whilst the disciples of Galen meet to raise a monument to thee,
And all disease is swiftly dispelled by thy power.
We, therefore, a suppliant band of thy Physicians,
Solemnly dedicate this house to thee,
And mindful of the favour with which thou, O Henry, hast blessed us,
Invoke the greatest blessings on thy rule.
The following fragmentary notices of the persons represented in the picture, will be found of some interest.
The first figure to the left is Thomas Alsop; he was the King’s Apothecary, and Henry VIII, by his will, left him 100 marks.
Next to him is Dr. William Butts, one of the King’s physicians, ever famous for his memorable interference with the King on behalf of Archbishop Cranmer in 1544, when the Roman Catholic party in the Council endeavoured to procure Cranmer’s committal to the Tower. A full account of this incident will be found in Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer (Oxford Ed., 1812, pp. 177–181), and Shakespeare in his play of Henry VIII (act v., sc. 2) has also graphically described it. Cranmer’s Secretary, aware of Butts’ great influence with the King, sent for the Doctor, and acquainted him with the slight which had been put upon the Archbishop by keeping him standing in the ante-room of the Council Chamber among lacqueys and servingmen, upon which Butts immediately repaired to the King, and said:—
“I’ll show your Grace the strangest sight,
The high promotion of his Grace of Canterbury:
Who holds his State at door, ’mongst pursuivants,
Pages and foot boys.”
whereupon Henry replies,—
“Ha! ’tis he indeed!
Is this the honour they do one another?
’Tis well there’s one above them. Yet, I had thought
They had parted so much honesty among ‘em
(At least good manners) as not thus to suffer
A man of his place and so near our favour,
To dance attendance on their lordships’ pleasures,
And at the door too, like a post with packets,
By Holy Mary! Butts, there’s knavery.
Let them alone, and drawn the curtain close:
We shall hear more anon.”
Henry spoke his mind so freely to the Council, that they one and all shook hands with the Archbishop, and, as Strype says, “Never more durst any man spurn him during King Henry’s life.”
Dr. Butts must have had the best practice of any man of his time; there are several references to him among the State papers at the Record Office, of which the following are a few examples, and indicate that his patients were the aristocracy of the day.
25th May, 1524. Among the funeral expenses of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G., is this item:—“To John Hewson, riding to Cambridge, to fetch Dr. Buttes when my master was sick, 4s. 8d.”
28th April, 1525. The Duke of Norfolk, writing to Cardinal Wolsey, says that last night at 7 o’clock the Lord Marney was “drawyng the draghts of deth, and Mr. Butts determyned he shuld not lyve after 5 owrys” (hours).
14th October, 1525. A warrant was signed by Wolsey, directed to Sir Andrew Windsor, for delivery to Dr. Butts, who had been appointed physician to my lady Princess, of a livery in blue and green, in damask for himself, and in cloth for his two servants.
17th May, 1528. In a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to Wolsey, the Duke says that Mr. Butts had come to him from the King, without whose aid he thought that he should not have recovered from his sickness.
23rd June, 1528. In a letter from Brian Tuke (to Cardinal Wolsey) he speaks of an infection which had been much about of late, and how the King told him that Mistress Ann Boleyn and my lord Rochford both have had it; what jeopardy they have been in, by the turning in of the sweat before the time; of the endeavour of Mr. Buttes who hath been with them in his return; and finally of their perfect recovery.
19th January, 1530. A letter from De Augustinis, written from the palace at Esher, to Cromwell, desires that Dr. Butts or Dr. Walter Cromer may be sent to the Cardinal and requesting that Balthazar the physician, may be spoken to, to obtain some leeches; no time was to be lost and the doctors were to bring with them some vomitive electuary.
Dr. Butts was a personal friend of Henry’s, who, in 1537, granted him the manor and advowson of Thornage, in Norfolk. He died 17th November, 1545, and lies buried in Fulham Church, where there is (or was) a monument to his memory.
Next to Butts, and immediately to the King’s right, is Dr. John Chambre; he was physician to and a great favorite of Henry’s, holding several clerical preferments as well. He was a Fellow and Warden of Merton College, Oxon, where he was admitted Doctor of Physic, 29th October, 1531. In the list of persons to whom Wolsey, in 1526, assigned lodgings at the King’s house, when they should repair thither, occurs the name of Dr. Chambre. There is also a catalogue of the King’s new year’s gifts, in 1528, by which it appears that the Doctor had a piece of plate weighing 243⁄8 ozs., at the same time the Cardinal’s gift was 401⁄4 ozs., and that of the Archbishop 31 ozs.
In Brian Tuke’s letter (23rd June, 1528), before referred to, he tells Wolsey that when he called on the King with his letters, he found him in “secret communication with his physician, Mr. Chambre, in a tower, where he sometimes sups apart.”
Dr. Chambre was Dean of St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster, Canon of Windsor, Archdeacon of Bedford, Prebendary of Comb and Harnham in Salisbury Cathedral, Treasurer of Wells Cathedral, and beneficed in Somersetshire and Yorkshire. Truly the lines had fallen unto him in pleasant places!
He was one of the physicians in attendance on Queen Jane, at the birth of Edward VI, and in a letter written by him to the Privy Council, concerning the Queen’s critical state, he signs himself “priest.” He was also in attendance on Anne Boleyn, in her confinement with Elizabeth. His name is mentioned with that of Linacre and three others, in the Charter to the College of Physicians, in 1518.
Sir William Compton, K.G., in 1522, nominated Dr. Chambre one of his executors, in conjunction with the Bishop of Exeter, and Sir Henry Marney, Lord Privy Seal.
Dr. Chambre built a “very curious cloyster,” in St. Stephen’s Chapel, which cost him 11,000 marks, and he gave the canons of that chapel some lands. He died in 1549.
On the King’s left is, first, Thomas Vicary (sometimes Vicars and Vyccary), Master of the Barbers in 1530, and of the Barber-Surgeons in 1541, 1546, 1548 and 1557. He was a man of great eminence in his profession, having been Surgeon to St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, and Serjeant-Surgeon to Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth. He was the author of “The Profitable Treatise of Anatomy” in “The Englishman’s Treasure, with the true Anatomie of Man’s Body.” An account of Vicary will be found in D’Arcy Power, pp. 102, etc., and several particulars relating to his connection with St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, are recorded in a paper by Dr. Norman Moore (Hospital Reports, vol. xviii, pp. 333–358); see also Dr. Furnivall’s exhaustive account (Early English Text Society).
Next comes Sir John Ayleff (Aylif, Aylyff, etc.). He was Master of the Barbers in 1538, and Surgeon to the King, with whom he was doubtless on terms of friendship, as Henry bequeathed him 100 marks. Ayleff treated Henry for fistula and cured him, at Brinkworth in Wilts, for which the King bestowed upon him a great estate there in gratification. He subsequently became a Merchant of Blackwell Hall, Sheriff of London in 1548, and Alderman of Bridge Without in 1550.
17th July, 1550. In the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen is a Record that the Court of the Barber-Surgeons gave their assent to the Translation of Sir John from theirs to the Grocers’ Company, of which Company he was crowned Upper Warden 9th June, 1556.
Sir John Ayleff was buried 20th October, 1556, in the Church of St. Michael Bassishaw, where there was formerly a marble tomb with this inscription thereon—
In Chirurgery brought up in youth,
A Knight here lyeth dead;
A Knight and eke a Surgeon such
As England seld hath bred.
For which so soveraigne Gift of God
Wherein he did excell,
King Henry VIII call’d him to Court,
Who lov’d him dearly well.
God gave the Gift, the King gave Goods,
The Gift of God t’enhance;
Where God and such a Prince do joyne,
Such Man hath happy Chance.
King Edward for his service sake,
Bade him rise up a Knight,
A name of Praise and ever since
He, Sir John Ailiffe hight,
Right Worshipful, in name and charge
In London lived he than,
In Blackwell Hall the merchant chiefe
First Sheriffe, then Alderman.
The Hospitals bewaile his death
The Orphan children mone,
The chiefe Erector being dead
And Benefactor gone.
Dame Isabel who lived with him,
His faithful Wife and Mate,
With him (as dearest after death)
Doth not her Knight forsake
The Knight the 2479 of October.
Yeelded up his breath,
And she soon after followed
To live with him in death.
19 April, 1558. My lady Aylyff gave a fyne table cloth of damaske worcke to sr̃ve for the uppermost table in the hawle the wch of her jentyllness she gave frely unto this hawle.
John Ayleff (son of the Knight) was admitted to the freedom of the Barber-Surgeons, 3rd June, 1552.
Next to Sir John Ayleff, is Nicholas Simpson, concerning whom nothing is known to me, but that he was “King’s Barber,” and Master of the Barbers in 1537.
Edmund Harman, “King’s Barber,” follows next; he was admitted to the freedom in 1530, and served Master in 1540. Henry VIII bequeathed him 200 marks, and he was one of the attesting witnesses to the King’s will. There are several references to him among the State Papers and Household Ordinances. His dignified bearing and expression in the picture are very striking.
James Monforde (or Mumford), “King’s Surgeon,” is next; he was Upper Warden in 1540 and again in 1543, but never served as Master. He gave the Company their silver hammer, still used by the Masters in presiding at Courts.
Then comes John Pen (Penn or Penne), “King’s Barber,” and Groom of the Privy Chamber; he was admitted to the freedom in 1527 and was Master 1539. He married Lucy, daughter and heiress of Edmond Chevall, of Coddicote, Herts, by whom he had a good estate and seven children (vide Harl. Soc. Pub. xxii., 82 & 116).
In Liber Niger Domus Regis (Harl. MS. 642) among the orders made for the regulation of the Household of Henry VIII was one, that none but fifteen persons whose names are specified should be allowed to enter the Privy Chamber, and one of these is John Penne.
The following quaint regulation, concerning the King’s Barber, is to be found in the same MS.—
Item. It is alsoe ordeyned that the Kingꝭ Barbor shalbe daylie by the Kingꝭ upriseinge readdye and attendant in the Kingꝭ Privye Chamber there haveinge in reddynesse his Water Basons Knyvesꝭ Combes scissourꝭ and such other stuffe as to his Roome doth appertaine for trymminge and dressinge of the Kingꝭ heade and bearde. And that the sayd Barbour take a speciall regarde to the pure and cleane keepinge of his owne p’son and apparrell useinge himselfe allwayes honestlye in his conversationne withoute resortinge to the Companye of vile personnes or of misguided woemen in avoydeinge such daunger as by that meanes hee might doe unto the Kingꝭ most Royall person not fayling thus to doe uppon payne of looseinge his Roome and farther punnishement at the Kingꝭ pleasure.
In this MS. is also to be found an earlier order, of the time of Edward IV touching the King’s Barber, which is curious, as indicating that Saturday night was then (as still it is with many) “tub night” with the King; and we may also infer from the expression “if it please the King to cleanse his head, legs or feet,” that it was not a fixed rule for him to do so every Saturday night.
A Barbour for the Kingis most highe and drad p’son to be taken in this Court, after that he standeth in degree gentleman yoman or groome. It hath bin much accustomed to one or two well knowne officers of the Ewrie in housold Daily of such as bene for the monthe Sergeant or othir. Also we finde how this hath bene used amonge by a weele betrusted yoman of chambre ffor lacke of cunning of these other men. It is accustomed that a knight of the Chambre or elles squire of the bodie or both be p’sent every time when the Kinge wolle shave. This Barbour shall have every satterday night if it please the Kinge to cleanse his head leggꝭ or feete and for his shaveing two lovis80 one pitcher wine. And the usher of chambre ought to testifie if this be necessary dispensed or not.
It is said that the portrait of Pen was greatly admired by Sir Robert Peel, who frequently came to the Hall to look at it, and who is reported to have offered the Company £2,000 for the head, if it might be cut from the picture, he undertaking to make good the damage! He is also alleged to have said at one of his visits, that he should like to sleep on the table at the Hall, so that the first thing he would see on waking in the morning might be Pen’s head. Had Sir Robert known the legend81 of the table he would perhaps have suggested a different bed. Henry VIII left, by his Will, 100 marks to Pen.
Concerning the next man, Nicholas Alcocke, nothing is known beyond that he was Surgeon to Edward VI, and was admitted to the freedom in 1523. He was doubtless a member of the Court, though he never served as Warden.
The last on the front row is Richard Ferris (or Ferrers), Master in 1563 and Serjeant-Surgeon to Elizabeth. Like others of his brethren, he also benefited under Henry’s will, to the extent of 100 marks, and was one of the King’s Surgeons.
In the back row are seven figures, but of these the names of only two survive, viz., William Tylley, Upper Warden 1546, and Christopher Samon (Salmon, Sammond), admitted to the freedom in 1528, and Master in 1553. By Domestic Papers, Henry VIII, vol. 5, p. 690, it appears that one Christopher Samon was living in Lombard Street in 1532: this might be the same man.
29 August, 1668. Dear old Samuel Pepys visited us this day, and thus records his intentions and opinion concerning the picture—
And at noon comes by appointment Harris to dine with me: and after dinner he and I to Chyrurgeons Hall, where they are building it new, very fine; and there to see their theatre, which stood all the fire, and which was our business, their great picture of Holben’s, thinking to have bought it by the help of Mr. Pierce,82 for a little money: I did think to give £200 for it, it being said to be worth £1,000; but it is so spoiled that I have no mind to it, and is not a pleasant, though a good picture.
James I seems to have entertained a high opinion of this picture, and borrowed it of us to be copied: his letter applying for it is preserved at the Hall, and is as follows.
James R.
Trustie and welbeloved Wee greete you well. Where we are informed of a Table of painting in yor Hall wherein is the Picture of or Predecessor of famous memorie K. Henry the 8th, together with diverse of yor Companie, wch being both like him, and well done, Wee are desirous to have copyed. Wherfore or pleasure is that you presently deliver it unto this bearer Our Welbeloved Servant Sr Lionell Cranfield Knight, One of Our Maisters of Requests, whome Wee have commaunded to receave it of you and to see it wth all expedition copied and redelivered safely; and so Wee bid you farewell. Given at Our Court at Newmarket the 13th day of Januarie 1617.83
The Court of course agreed to lend the picture, though doubtless with some misgivings; contrary however to the practice of the time when money was “lent” to the King, it found its way back to the Hall.
In 1627, Charles I, a more suspicious borrower than his father, had it to Whitehall, but here again we fortunately had it returned.
The Royal College of Surgeons possess some Cartoons, from which, it has been said, this picture was painted; this is, however, very doubtful. Some particulars as to these Cartoons may be seen in Mr. D’Arcy Power’s book, p. 96.
In 1734 the Company agreed with Mr. Bernard Baron for him to engrave the picture for 150 guineas, and several details relating thereto are recorded in the Minutes. It was published in 1736, and is a faithful reproduction, much sought after by collectors. Baron has however copied the picture, exactly as he saw it on to the copperplate, so that when the impressions were struck off, everything was reversed. His original study, a red crayon, beautifully executed, is preserved in the Court Room, and the copperplate is still used, each Assistant on his election being presented with a copy of the engraving. The Company also possess a rather rough proof before letters.
The print is dedicated to the Earl of Burlington, with a Latin inscription, of which the following is a translation.
“To the Most Noble Lord Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington and Cork, &c., Knight of the Most Illustrious Order of the Garter. For the restoration, with the greatest liberality, at his own costs, of the Anatomical Theatre built a hundred years before, with the greatest skill, by the very celebrated Architect Inigo Jones, and decayed by lapse of time. This painting of Holbein representing the granting of a Charter given with his own hand by Henry VIII, King of England, &c., to the Society of Surgeons in London and preserved in their Hall, is by the Society of Surgeons of London humbly dedicated.”
This inscription, written at a time when the relations between the Barbers and the Surgeons of the Company were becoming strained, was evidently drawn by a Surgeon, who coolly ignored the Barbers throughout.
A very good pen and ink drawing of the picture was made by Austin Travers Young (aged 16) in 1883, and presented by him to the Company, for which he received the thanks of the Court.
1537. In “Chapter House Book” B. 1. (at the Record Office) is a list of the freemen of the several Companies of London at this date, which gives the names of 2,468 freemen in 39 Companies (an average of about 63 to each). The Barbers outstripped in numbers all the others, having a roll of 185 members; next to them came the Skinners with 151, then the Haberdashers with 120, so on down to the Bowyers, who mustered but 19. The premier Company, the Mercers, numbered but 55, whilst the ancient Weavers had only 30 members.
The following is the list of our freemen, the first twenty-six being members of the Court, and Nicholas Symson, Master that year.
| Nicholas Symson. | John Raven. | Thomas Wilson. |
| Willm Kyrckby. | Robert Hutton. | John Smythe. |
| Thomas Vycars.84 | Henry Pemberton. | Willm Hiller. |
| John Bankꝭ. | Willm Shirborne. | Richard Tholmod.85 |
| John Potter. | George Genne. | John Awcetter. |
| Thomas Twyn. | Thomas Johnson. | |
| John Johnson. | Robert Spegnall.86 | Richard Sermond. |
| John Holland. | Richard Boll.87 | Hugh Lyncocke. |
| Willm Rewe. | Nacholas Alcoke. | John Bordman. |
| John Aylyff. | Willm. Tylley. | Rauf Stek. |
| Edmond Harman. | John Northcote. | Henry Hogekynson. |
| John Peñ. | Willm. Wetyngton. | John Tomson. |
| Richard Tayler. | Henry Yong. | Hugh Dier. |
| Harry Carrier.88 | Cristofer Samond. | Edward ffreman. |
| Rauf Garland. | Robert Waterford. | Thomas Mone. |
| John Enderbye. | Henry Atkyn. | Willm Yenson. |
| Peter Devismand.89 | Christofer Bolling. | John Banester. |
| Robert Postell. | Robert Stocdale. | Willm Trewise. |
| John Bird. | Mathiewe Johnson. | Christofer Hungate. |
| James Tomson. | Davy Sambroke. | John Hutton. |
| Willm. Kydd. | John Atkynson. | John Browne. |
| John Yong. | Thomas Waryn. | John Grene. |
| Thomas Sutton. | Robert Grove. | John Tymber. |
| Charles Wyght. | Robert Brownhill. | John Shrene. |
| John Newman. | Willm Spencer. | Thomas Staynton. |
| Thomas Grome. | Thomas Butfilane.90 | Thomas Pays. |
| Robert fforster. | Thomas Mede. | |
| Willm Higgꝭ. | Edmond Tyrell. | John Anger. |
| John Dene. | John Philpott. | Thomas Worseley. |
| Thomas Surbutt. | John Thowlmod.91 | John Gilberd. |
| Willm Billing. | Edward Ingalby.92 | Cristofer Haynes. |
| Willm. Lyghthed. | Richard Elyott. | Willm. Smythe. |
| John Mosseley. | Willm. Downham. | John Smerthwaite. |
| Willm. Hill. | Rogier Skynner. | John Lybbe. |
| George Wenyard. | John Gerard. | George More. |
| John Barker. | Richard Rogiers. | Thomas Burnett. |
| Willm. Barker. | Thomas Dicson. | John Hamlyn. |
| James Wod. | Thomas Gylman. | Richard Child. |
| John Stere. | Thomas Dester. | Thomas Baily. |
| Willm Hetherley. | Edward Hewett. | George Vaughan. |
| Olyver Wilson. | John Dormot. | Thomas Wetyngh’m. |
| Willm. Grene. | George Batman. | John Bonair. |
| Henry Rawshold. | Thomas Vivian. | Richard Cokerell. |
| Bartilmewe Dobynson. | George Brightwelton. | Willm. Walton. |
| Henry Patterson. | John Waren. | Geferey ffraunceis. |
| Philip Pegott. | John Greenway. | Thomas ffayles. |
| Robert Downys. | John Bell. | John Edlyn. |
| Antony Barowes. | Laurens Mollyners. | John Samond. |
| James Hogeson. | John Cobbold. | Henry Bodeley. |
| Robert Wevir. | Willm. Draper. | Thomas Stanbrige. |
| John Surbut. | Richard Smythe. | Willm. Borrell. |
| Willm Sewell. | Robert Ledꝭ. | Richard Nicols. |
| John Denys. | John Gamlyn. | Edward Hughbank. |
| John Page. | Thomas Cutbert. | John Charterane. |
| Robert Dodwell. | Robert Chamber. | Henry Wotton. |
| John Cutberd. | Lewis Bromefeld. | Robert Hastyngꝭ. |
| John Gray. | Richard Worseley. | Alex Mason. |
| Willm. Dauntese. | John Oskyn. | Thomas Darker. |
| Thomas Appilton. | John Robynson. | Thomas ffyshe. |
| John Cragell. | Richard Coley. | Edward Rollesley. |
| Thomas Arundell. | John West. | John Braswell. |
| Willm. Johnson. | Willm. Welfed. | Willm. Symsyn. |
| Henr’. Adam. |
The forty-two names following the Court and ending at John Awcetter were Liverymen, the remaining hundred and seventeen being Yeomanry.
1543. A few years previously the King had set the example of wearing his hair and beard short, and now the City seems to have discountenanced long beards, as I find the following in Letter Book Q. 87. (10th July, 35 Henry viij.)
An acte agaynst
bearded men.
Item for dyvˀse & sundrye consyderac͠ons & causes movyng this Cor̃te it is this daye orderyd & decreid & establyshed by the same that from henseforward there shall no Cytezen or other iñhitaunte93 of this Cytie usyng or havyng a greate berde of more notable pˀlyxitie94 or length then other the seid Cytezens of this Cytie do nowe use or have hertofore of late yeres usyd to were, either be iñhited pˀmytted or suffred to Receyve or take eny orphanage into his handes and custodye albeit that he wolde fynde nevˀ soe good suertyes for the same nor yet be admytted from henseforward to this Corte for eny Recognitons or suertye for eny suche orphange And yt is also assentyd & agreid that no pˀson havynge eny such berde shalbe admytted by redempc͠on into the lybt̃ies & fredome of this Cytie as longe as he shall were eny such berde.
1544 and 1545. In Repertory XI (at Guildhall) ff. 73B., 176, 187B., 229B., 232 and 234 are various records relating to the vexed question of the Barber-Surgeons going on inquests, bearing armour and serving as constables, from all which offices they claimed exemption under their Charters and Act of Parliament.
By the earlier entry, it seems that the Wardens were warned to appear before the Court of Aldermen to shew cause why they refused to pass upon inquests, etc.; then came a petition from the Company praying to be discharged of all offices save the Inquest of Wardmote once a year; this does not appear to have satisfied the Authorities, and the Company were directed to draw up further Articles to be submitted to the Court of Aldermen. Great pressure was no doubt put upon the Barber-Surgeons, the result being that they abandoned most of the privileges of exemption which they had claimed, and submitted a Bill of Articles, which was finally approved, and entered of record on fo. 234. A copy of this lengthy document is at the Hall, and from it it appears that on the 22nd October, 1545, the Company appeared before the Court of Aldermen as “humble Besechers” to be shorn of their privileges, the ground of their petition being “That forasmoche as some grudge and displeasure is lately sith the unyon and conjunction of their said ffelowshippes in to one entyre Company growen conteyned and taken against them and their said ffelowship, by dyverse of theire neighbours being citezeins of this citie, as they be, by reason that they your said suppliauntꝭ” are discharged by their Charters and Act of Parliament from bearing offices, etc., “that other the Cittzeins of this citie are ellygible and lyable unto, ffor the whiche grudge and displeasure your besechers are not a little sorye. ffor the playne declarac͠on thereof and for the eschewyng advoyding and utter extinguysshement of the said grudge and displeasure from hensforwarde,” they are content that it shall be ordained that they shall go upon all Wardmote Inquests, but not upon any inquests between party and party (i.e., sit as jurymen in civil actions); that all freemen of the Company not practising Surgery shall be contributory to all assessments, serve as Constables and keep watches in their turn as other citizens, but that all Surgeons shall be free from bearing armour, etc.
Notwithstanding this compromise, entered in the City books, it seems in course of time to have been overlooked, and, as has been previously remarked, the exemption of all freemen of the Company from juries, etc., has been claimed and allowed down to quite recent days.
1550. The first of our Court Minute Books which has been preserved, commences in the 4th Edward VI, and bears this title,
Orders and Awardes made ordered and awarded within the tyme of Maister George Geen Thomas Johnson Thomas Stocdall and Mathew Johnson Maister and Wardeins of the Company and fellowship of Barbors Surgeons of London for one hole yere begynnyng the xxvjth day of Auguste in the fowerthe yere of the reigne of our Sovereigne Lorde Kynge Edward the Syxte with thassent and consent of the Assistaunces of the same Companye as hereafter ensuethe.
From this and the succeeding Minute Books, the following extracts are principally taken as illustrative of the Company’s History from this period:
1556. At the end of the first book is a very long memorandum written and signed by Thomas Knot, Master, to the effect that on the 26th March, 1556, he made humble suit to the Lord Mayor, Sir Willm. Garrett and the Aldermen, in the name of the Company, for the exemption of the Company from finding or setting forth any soldiers or men of war at any time thereafter, when it might be that the Citizens of London should be required to do so, either by sea or land, “fforasmoche as the same Company are alwayes at every such tyme and tymes very sore burdened and chardged otherwise hereafter expressed, that is to saye, They are comaunded and bounden to prepare and fynde so manye Surgeons and so many other men attendinge upon them at every tyme and tymes that it shall fortune the King” to send out soldiers by sea or land, and “the same Company doe alwayes prepare fynde and send furthe for every one houndreth of suche Souldyers one Surgeon and a man attending upon him.” Upon which representations the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were pleased to grant to the Company, that on future occasions when the like requisitions might “fortune to be layed or appointed to or upon theym, that then they in every suche case upon their gentle suyte and request made unto the Lorde Mayor and courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge for and concernynge their sayd dischardge for and in consyderac͠on of the causes above remembered, shalbe as gentelye and charytably holpen eased and releaved in that behalf as the wayte and ymportaunce of the burden that the Cytie at every suche tyme shalbe chardged wth all will reasonablye permytt and suffer.”
The memorandum then proceeds to state that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen advised the Master to cause a remembrance of the above (being only a promise by word of mouth) to be entered and recorded in the Book of Ordinances of the Company, which was done.
1555. In Henry Machyn’s Diary for this year, is the following reference to a Romish procession, winding up with a dinner at Barbers’ Hall.
The xxvij day of May was the Clarkes prossessyon from Yerdhall95 college, and ther was a goodly masse to be hard, and evere clarke havyng a cope and garland, with C.96 stremers borne, and the whettes97 a playng round Chepe, and so to Ledynhall unto Sant Albro98 chyrche, and ther thay putt off ther gayre, and ther was the blessyd sacrament borne with torche-lyght abowt, and from thens unto the Barbur-hall to dener.
1558. This year (8th June) the Company procured an Inspeximus Charter from Philip and Mary, which is still in our possession, and has a most beautifully executed title, the initial letter representing the King and Queen seated on the throne, and the border containing various heraldic badges; the seal unfortunately is damaged.
PHILIPPUS ET MARIA, Dei gracia Rex et Regina Anglie hispaniarum ffrancie utriusque Sicilie Jerusalem & hiᵬine fidei defensores Archiduces Austrie Duces Burgundie Mediolani & brabantie Countes haspurgi fflandrˀ & Tirolis.
Omnibus ad quos presentes lr̃e pervñint salt̃m.
Inspeximus quasdam lrãs patentes domini H. quondam Regis Anglie septum99 fc̃as in hec verba, Henricus dei grã, &c........... Teste me ip̃o apud Westmonastiũm duodecimo die marcii Anno regni nr̃i tcĩo. Yong. pro viginti soliᵭ solut̃ in hanap̃io. Nos autem lrãs pˀdcãs ac omnia & singula in eisdem contenta rata heñtes & grata ac ea pro noᵬ heredibʒ & Successoribʒ nr̃m prefate Regine quantum in noᵬ est acceptamus & approbamus ac ea dilc̃is noᵬ Thome Vicary nunc magistro mistere barbitonsoꝜ Thome Whytyngame Jacobo Wood & Johĩ Warren Gubernatoribus ejusdem mistere & Successoribʒ suis ratificamus & confirmamˀ p’ut lrẽ p’dc̃e in se r̃onabiliter testantur. In cujus rei testimonĩu has lr̃as nrãs fieri fecimus patentes. Testibus nobis ip̃is apud Westmonasterium octavo die Junii Annis regnorum quarto & quinto.
Lutley.
Taxat̃ finis ad xl.
Nico eboꝜ Canc.100
It is noticeable in this Charter that the confirmation is to the Governors of the “Barbers,” and not “Barber-Surgeons,” although the latter was then the legal style of the Company, but probably this was another clerical error.
1560. This year (6th January) the Company obtained an Inspeximus Charter from Elizabeth, still preserved at the Hall; it has a title in much the same style as the preceding charter, but the seal is very much damaged.
ELIZABETH, Dei gracia Anglie FFrancie, et hibernie Regina fidei defensor, &c. Omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem.
Inspeximus litteras patentes Dn̄i P. et Dn̄e M. Sororis nr̃e precharissime nuper Regis et Regine Anglie de confirmac͠oe factas in hec verba Philippus et Maria dei gracia, &c......... Testibus nobis ip̃is apud Westmonasterĩu octavo die Junii Annis regnoꝜ nr̃oꝜ quarto et quinto. Nos autem lrãs predcãs ac omĩa et singula in eisdem contenta rata habentes et grata ea pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nr̃is quantum in nobis est acceptamus et approbamus ac ea Diɫcis nobis Georgio Geñ nunc magistro mistere BarbitonsoꝜ Willm̄ Grene Thome Bayly et Joh̃i Smarthawyte Gubernatoribus ejusdem mistere et Successoribus suis ratificamus et confirmamus prout lrẽ predcẽ in se racionabiliter testantur. In cujus rei testimonium has lrãs nrãs fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ip̃a apud Westmonasteriũ sexto die Januarii Anno regni nr̃ secundo.
Cotton.
Taxat̃ finis ad xl. vjs. viijd.
In Machyn’s quaint Diary, we find the following entries:—
1561. The xxiiij day of Feybruary whent to hang xviij men and ij women, and serten ware browthe101 to be bered in serten parryches in London; the barbur surgens had on102 of them to be a notheme103 at ther halle.
1562. The xx day of June was a gret shutyng104 of the Compene of the Barbur Surgeantes for a gret soper at ther owne hall for a xxx mess of mett,105 for they dyd make ij godley106 stremars agaynst that day of their harmes,107 the whyche they wher agmented by the most valeant kyng at armes master...... and they had vj drumes plahyng and a flutt; and ij gret ansutts,108 and as a shot was wone, downe whent that and up the thodar,109 and as they whan the shut; and master Gall110 and ys syd111 wan the soper—the master of the Compene.
The x day of August was Barbur surgyons fest, and they capt ther communion at Sant Alphes112 at Crepull-gat, and master Recherdson dyd pryche,113 the skott; ther was good syngyng; and after to ther halle to dener, and after dener a play.
1567. Elizabeth inaugurated the first State Lottery in England, as a means of providing money, and a very peremptory mandate was directed by the Lord Mayor to the various City Companies, commanding them to adventure therein.
1st February, 1568. The Barber-Surgeons put in 40s. for the “use, profet and benefyt of the hall,” but did not draw a prize, and indeed none of the Companies reaped any advantage by the speculation, the Lottery being simply a trap into which they were ordered to walk.
The proposal for this Lottery was as follows:—
A verie rich Lotterie Generall without any Blancks contayning a great No. of good prices, as well of redy money, as of Plate & certaine sorts of marchaundizes having been valued & prised by the commaundement of the Queenes most excellent Majestie by men expert & skilfull and the same Lotterie is erected by hir majesties order, to the entent that such Commoditie as may chaunce to arise thereof, after the charges borne, may be converted towards the reparation of the Havens and strength of the Realme, & towardes such other publique good workes. The No. of lots shall be foure hundreth thousand, and no more: and every lot shall be the summe of tenne shillings sterling onely, and no more.
Stow says that this Lottery was commenced to be drawn on the 11th January, 1569, at the West Door of St. Paul’s, and continued drawing day and night until the 6th May following.
It was a common practice of the Companies to put in their money under mottoes, and some curious ones are recorded, many being composed with a quaint sarcasm on the probability of prizes being obtained.
Herbert (Hist. of the Twelve Livery Companies) gives some interesting particulars of the State Lotteries, and quotes a motto used by the Merchant Taylors which pretty clearly indicates their opinion of the business;
One byrde in the hande is worth two in the wood,
If we get the great lot, it will do us good.
Some of the prizes were ridiculously small, e.g., 1s. 2d., 2s. 1d., etc., and great dissatisfaction was expressed at the principal prizes remaining unpaid to the winners.
1573. The Company received a precept from the Lord Mayor for a “loan” of money to make provision of wheat for the City, and the same was by the Court ordered to be complied with. This “corn custom” is very fully treated of by Herbert, and was virtually a tax upon the companies, who were each rated and compelled to find a certain proportion of corn to be stored by the City, and sold at such times as when, there being a scarcity, the markets would otherwise rise, were it not for the immense stock kept by the City. This custom survived for many years under certain modifications; as we shall see hereafter, our Company built a granary in 1633, and stored their own corn.
The precept above referred to was as follows—
Forasmuche as all comon polecye requyreth the prevenc͠on of extremities, and consideringe as you knowe the urgent and present necessitie, and the lacke of provision of wheate and other grayne for furniture of this so great and populous citie, of the want whereof the queenes matie and her most honorable coñsell are not ignorant; but havinge spˀcial regard to the same, are not a lytle offended and displeased, with some grefe that there bene no better pˀvision heretofore made, and that presentlie the cittie shoulde be no better stored, by reson wherof the prices of corne and grayne is now muche dearer in this cittie than in any other parte of this realme, have not only at sundrye times and gentle meanes, but also wth some terror, as welle in the Starre-chamber as in other places afore the counsell, given us admonicion that the same her maties cittie and chamber may not be unfurnished for lacke of good pˀvision. And we, as our duties is, havinge great care and especial consideracion of the same, and pˀcevynge by order of the harvest past, and the unkynd season of the yeare, sith that the prices of corne is verry likely to encrease and be advanced to a greater and higher price than yet is, have thought good and verrye necessarye for the avoyding of greater inconvenyences, to make immediate pˀvision of a great masse and quantity of wheate and other grayne, as well wthin the realme as beyond the seas for the provision aforesaid, wch cannot be done wthout a great some of money presentlie to be defrayed, wch is not to be levyed but by the good assestens of you and others, good coustomers and cittezens of this cittie; have therefore assessed your Company of Barber Surgeons at the some of114 which is agreed upon by acte of coˀen counsell, wch some of we do not only require you, but also streaghtle charge and comande you, immediatelie upon the recept hereof, calling your companye together in your comon hall, you do forthwth tax, levy, and gather of the welthiest and most able persones of the same the sum aforesaid, in such wise that you fayle not to pay the same, and evrie pˀcell thereof, to the hands of George Helton, of the cittie of London, wth all expedicion, and wthout repayment thereof to you. Fayle not hereof, as you tender the mytigac͠on of our sovereigne ladye the queens majesties displeasure already conceived, and do tender the com̃on weale of this cittie, together wth your private condytte, and as you will answer for the contrarye.
The next entry would seem to indicate some contemplated State interference with the Company’s property, and the answer was probably not in exact accordance with the truth, for on the 28 May, 1576, a precept in the Queen’s name, having been received, calling upon the Master and Wardens to return to class="tal plhir"nt of the revenue of their lands, and of their goods, “the answere was that the true revenewe of the landes was xxti markes whereof the most pˀte went forthe and is disbursed in peñcons, and that we had no goods.”
1578. A precept was received as follows,
To the Wardens
of the Companie
of Barbor
Surgins.
By the Maior.
Thyes shalbe to will and require you and in her maiesties name streitlie to charge and comaunde you that wth all convenient spede you appointe and pˀvide the number of twelve hable and sufficient pˀsons being Iournemen appnˀtices or others wch are fremen of this Cittie and inhabitinge wthin the same beinge of agilitie and honest of behavior betweene the age of xix yeres and xlti wch are fitt to be trayned for harquebus shott, evˀy one of them havinge a murrion, a sworde and dagger, and a caliver wth sufficient furniture for the same, and one half pounde of powder, besides touche powder whereof Three of the same pˀsons to be house holders and free men of yor saide Companie, and that you certyfie me the saide Maior the names and sir names of all yor saide number where and wth whome they dwell, of what Companie they be free, and what Captaynes or other skilfull men that be of yor saide Companie or whome you knowe inhabitinge wthin this Cittie fitt to trayne or leade the same men of there names and dwellinge places. And that they be all in a redines furnished as aforesaide to muster in there hose and dublets onlie, or dublets hose and jerkins wthin xiiijen daies next ensuinge the date hereof. And for the levyenge of monie for the saide furniture And for the charge of powder you shall collect suche reasonable somẽs of monie as you shall finde mete for the saide pˀporc͠on, by waie of reasonable assesment of evˀy sevˀall welthie and hable pˀson of yor Companie. Wherein we require you in anie wyse to spare the powrer sorte of ffremen although you somewhat more largelie burden the ritche. Yoven at the Guildhall of this Cittie of London the xvth daie of Marche 1577.115
Sebright.
In pursuance of this precept a levy was made upon ninety freemen, who contributed £19 17s. 11d. (in sums ranging from 1s to 6s 8d) and upon ten “foreins” who paid in all £3. The Expenses of the soldiers, and their arms, powder, etc., are all set out in detail (see Appendix D).
1585. It was agreed “that or Companie by reason of the often and earnest preceptes from the Lorde maior to move unto some liberall puttinge in of monie into the Lottery for Armor, that or Companie should put in xli yf that might satisfie for all the Companie vizt the Clothinge vjli xiijs iiijd and the yeomanry v m’kes.”
29th September, 1586. The Lord Mayor had issued sundry precepts to the Company for the “buyeinge of certein goune powder amountinge in waight to of one Mr. Henry Dale Hab’dassher at the price of xd le ɫi. and yt was agreed the saide powder should be bought and that Mr. Swaldell [Master, 1593] should go to chuyse it, and he to have the same powder for viijd the pounde.”
10th March, 1589. It was ordered that the gunpowder directed by another precept to be provided by the Company, should be bought and that it should be kept “in the Armorie howse in convenient place for feare of daunger of ffier.”
29th March, 1596. It was ordered that £40 “ship money” should be “lent” by the Company to the City, which is the earliest mention of this obnoxious tax in our books.
8th August, 1596. “Yt was agreed that the som̃e of £xxxti shalbe lent unto the Cytty for the payenge of Souldiers wages and other charges diffrayed about the Spanishe voyage.” This was an Expedition of certain ships (furnished by the City) under the Earl of Essex and Sir Walter Raleigh “to annoye the King of Spaine.” The English then sacked and burned Cadiz, burnt the Spanish navy, and on their return home, says Stow, “great triumph was made at London for their good successe.”
18th August, 1598. At this Court came a precept from the Lord Mayor, commanding the Company in Her Majesty’s name to “lend” £100 to the Queen for six months, for suppressing rebels in Ireland. The demand was, as usual, of a most peremptory nature, and the Court ordered £100 to be paid to the Treasurers appointed by the City.
6th August, 1599. A precept came from the Lord Mayor in the Queen’s name, commanding the Master and Wardens to deliver to the freemen the Company’s armour in “suche order as it maye be, in safetye readie for her Maiesties service,” whereupon the Master took for his own use “one muskett fflaske and tuche boxe one headepeece and one rest.” Eleven other members of the Company had armour delivered out to them, as “one caliver fflaske and tuche boxe, sworde and dager girdle and hangers and headepeece.”
1599. A precept was received on 11th November, commanding the Company to be in attendance on the Queen in her progress from Chelsea to Westminster, which is not only curious for the quaintness of its description of the persons who were to be appointed, but affords a glimpse at the magnificence of Royal processions three hundred years ago.
To the Maister
and Wardens of
the Companye of
Barbor-surgeons.
By the Maior
Where her Mats moste gratiouse pleasure and comaundement is this pˀsente daie signified unto me the lorde Maior from the right ho: the lorde Chamberline of her Maties moste honorable householde that myselfe and my Bretheren thaldermen with a conveniente number of the beste and moste graveste Cittyzens of this Citye shoulde uppon Tewesdaie nexte in the Afternoune wayte and attende uppon her highnes royall pˀson from the Towne of Chelsey unto her highnes princlie pallace at Westminster in as honorable and statelye sorte as conveinentlye maye be pˀformed. In accomplishment of wch her highnes said comaundement, These shalbe to chardge and comaunde you in her Mats name to pˀpare not onlye your selves, but alsoe provide and have in a readines the full number of eighte pˀsons of the moste graveste talleste and comliest pˀsonages of your saide Companye, everye of them to be well horsed and appareled in velvet coates and chaynes of goulde And that not onlye your sealves but alsoe everye of the saide eighte pˀsones maye have one footeman with twoe staffe torches to waite and attende upon him, and to be all in a readines well and substancially horsed appareled and appointed as aforesaide in Cheepeside by twoe of the clocke of the saide afternoone to attende uppon me and my bretheren thaldermen to waite upon her moste excellente Matie from Chelsey aforesaide to her highnes saide pallace of Whitehall, Whereof see you faile not at your pˀill and as you will answere the contrarye if throughe your negligence any parte of this service shall not be thoroughelye pˀformed. Guihalde the ix of November 1599.
Sebrighte.
In pursuance of the above precept the Master with seven other Members of the Court were appointed to attend, and eight freemen were nominated as torchbearers.
1600. The fee simple of three houses in Monkwell Street was this year purchased by the Company of William Fyninge for £112!
11th November, 1600. In obedience to a precept it was ordered that twelve members of the Court “well mounted on horseback and apparrelled in all poynts accordingely,” together with twelve freemen “to wayte uppon them wth evˀy one twoe staffe torches in his hande,” were to meet at the Hall on the following Thursday (13th November) and to ride with the Lord Mayor to Chelsea to conduct the Queen to Westminster. This procession is thus referred to in Stow’s Annals; “On the thirteenth of November 1600, her Maiestie being most honourablie attended on, by the most honourable Prelates, and Nobles, and Judges of the Realme, was received neere unto Chelsey, by the Lord Maior of London, with his brethren the Aldermen all in Scarlet, besides to the number of five hundred citizens, in coates of velvet, and chaines of gold, on horesbacke, every of them having two staffe torches to attende on them: And they all waited on her, to her royall Pallace at Westminster.”
9th November, 1602. Various members of the Company “were appoynted to ryde wth the Mr to meete her Matie on Saterdaie next” at Chelsea.
9th April, 1603. A precept was received commanding the Company to contribute £12 10s. 0d. towards the cost of the reception of James I by the City, whereupon an assessment was made upon the freemen for the same, and the Masters made “choyce of sixe pˀsonable menn for Wiflers to attend the Livˀye of this Companye when his Matie goeth to be crowned.”
20th April, 1603. The following precept requiring the Company to assist in the reception of the King “in greater number and more statelie and sumtiows shewe then hath bene at any time heretofore within the memory of man in the like case pˀformed,” will be read with interest;
To the Mrs and Wardens
of the Company of
Barbor Surgeons
By the Maior
Where the most high and mightie Prince James or most dread & soveraygne Lord is by the grace of god shortlie to make his repaire from his Kingedom of Scotland into this his Realme of England and so consequentlye to this his honorˀble Cittie and chaymber of this his imperyall Crowne. And for that it is agreed by mee and my Breethrn the Aldrẽn of the same Cittie that not onelie or selves but the full number of five hundred of the best and gravest Cittizens should accordinge to or dueties wayte and attend uppon his royall pˀson at his approch nere to this Cittie in greater number and more statelie and sumtiows shewe then hath bene at any time heretofore within the memory of man in the like case pˀformed, Towards the accomplishmt of wch number your company is appoynted to pˀvid the full number of Twelve pˀsonns, These therefore shalbe to chardge and commaund you in his Maties name to prepare not onely yourselves but also to p’vid the full number of Twelve persons of the most grave and Comlyest pˀsonages of youre said Companye, everie one of them to be well horsed and apparrelled wth velvet Coates and wth sleaves of the same and chaynes of golde, and not onely yourselves but every of the saide pˀsons to have one comely pˀson well apparrelled in his dublet and hose to attend uppon him one116 foote. All which pˀsons to be in redines well and substonciallie horsed apparrelled and appoynted as aforesaid wthin one daies warneing to be signified unto you to attend on mee and my Bretheren the Aldrẽn of the same Cittie, to attend and wayte uppon his most exelent Matie as aforesaid. And that uppon Saturdaie morneinge next you doe certifye to mee in wrytinge the names and Srnames as well of youre selves as of all other pˀsons free of youre company that you shall appointe for this service. Of all wch pˀsons you are to have a regard that noe man for insufficiency in any respect be turned back to the disgrace and discredit of youre company, nor a mann unfitt furnished and appointed for so honorable a service. And hereof fayle you not, as you will answer the contrary if through youre defalt any parte of this service shal not be fullie pˀformed.
Guyldhull this Twenteth of Aprill 1603
Sebright.
9th August, 1603. James soon attempted to borrow (as he termed it) of the Companies. “Where a pˀcept was directed to õr Mrs. for the lone of money to the Kinge, wee are to answer that wee have none.”
Perhaps this reply sufficed on this occasion.
22nd October, 1603. London was this year visited with a great Plague, and in consequence there was no Lord Mayor’s Show.
To the Wardes̃ of
the Compãie of
Barbor Surgeons
By the Maior.
Theise are to will and require you that you take speciall knowledge herby that for avoydinge of infecc̃on by assemblie of people this tyme of gods vizitac̃on It is thought meate therbe noe shewe made the morrowe after Simond and Judes daie next, it is intended that youre Companie be dischardged thereof for their Attendac̃e for that tyme.
Sebright.
This xxijth of October 1603.
7th February, 1604. The Court having considered the many abuses “comited against the weale of this Company” decided to apply for an Act of Parliament which should confer upon them extended powers, and appointed a Committee for the purpose, with the Recorder and Mr. Wilbraham as counsel.
20th October, 1604. From an entry of this date, it seems that it had been decided to apply for a fresh Charter, instead of an Act of Parliament, and a summary of the clauses (twenty-seven in number) which it was desired to have embodied therein is set out in full. As the Charter was obtained, it is unnecessary to give these suggested clauses here (they may be seen in Mr. D’Arcy Power’s book, p. 361). The 16th one is, however, curious enough, declaring the “openinge searinge and imbalmeinge of the dead corpes to be pˀply belongeinge to the science of Barbery and Surgery, And the same intruded into by Butchers Taylors Smythes Chaundlors and others of macanicall trades unskillfull in Barbery or Surgery, And unseemely and unchristian lyke defaceinge disfiguringe and dismembringe the dead Corpes, And so that by theire unskillfull searinge and imbalmeinge, the corpes corrupteth and groweth pˀntlie contagious and ofensive to the place and pˀsons approachinge.”
30th January, 1605. The Charter of James I is of this date, but not now in our possession; there are, however, two copies of it at the Hall, one of which was made in a vellum book in 1658. It was in Latin of prodigious length; but the following are the clauses as I make them out, and will suffice for this work.
1. It grants to the Company of Barber-Surgeons that it shall be ruled by four Masters or Governors and twenty-six Assistants.
2. Power given to the Masters to make lawful assemblies, to keep Courts in their Common Hall, and therein to consult, counsel and decree touching their Statutes, Laws and Ordinances, for the good rule, state and government of the Company.
3. Power to make laws, etc., for the government of the Masters or Governors, and of all and singular persons using the mysteries of Barbery or Surgery within the City of London, the liberties and suburbs thereof.
4. Power to punish offenders by penalties, fines, and imprisonments.
5. Fines to be levied by distress by the officers of the Company.
6. Nomination of John Laycock as Master, and of the three Wardens.
7. The present Masters to continue in office until the Monday next before the feast of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, and until the election of new Masters.
8. The present Masters and Assistants to continue on the Court for life, unless removed for misbehaviour or other good cause.
9. Upon the death or dismissal of an Assistant, the vacancy to be filled up by the Court.
10. Assistants to be sworn on admission.
11. The Masters, or the more part of them, to choose twelve persons of the mystery (six whereof to be expert Surgeons), which twelve were to be the Electors to choose the new Masters or Governors on the Monday next before the feast of St. Bartholomew.
12. Of the four Masters, two to be Surgeons.
13. The Masters elected to be sworn to the due execution of their offices.
14. Any member elected a Governor, to be ever after an Assistant.
15. If a Governor be dismissed for misconduct, another to be chosen in his place in the form provided.
16. The twelve Electors to be sworn.
17. Power of search, oversight, reformation, government, and correction, as well of free as of foreign professors of Barbery and Surgery in London and its suburbs.
18. Power of entry into Shops of Barbers and Surgeons.
19. Power to oversee and approve or condemn plasters, ointments, instruments, etc.
20. Power to examine Barbers and Surgeons.
21. Power to prohibit ignorant persons, or such as shall wilfully refuse to be examined, from practising.
22. Power to admit skilful persons to practise Surgery.
23. Power to reject and destroy all noxious or improper medicines, ointments, instruments, etc.
24. The Masters finding on their search any impostors, ignorant persons, or refusers to be examined, the same to be bound to their good behaviour.
25. No butcher, tailor, waxchandler or other persons, to cut, dissect or embalm any dead body, but the same to be done by members of the Company approved and appointed by the Masters or Governors of the Barber-Surgeons.
26. The Masters or Governors and admitted Surgeons, to be discharged from Watch, Ward, Inquests or Juries, and the office of Constable, and from assessments for the same.
27. Power to purchase lands, etc.
28. Ratification of the old liberties and franchises of the Barber-Surgeons, and of their lands.
29. All Mayors, Bailiffs, etc., to be aiding and assisting the Masters or Governors in the execution of their offices.
Teste meipˀo apud Westm̃ Tricesimo die Januarij Anno Regno nr̃i Anglie ffrancie et Hibernie sc̃do et Scotie Tricesimo octavo.
pˀ Brẽ de privato Sigillo.
Christian IV, King of Denmark, brother-in-law of James, paid a visit to England in 1606, and was sumptuously entertained. In accordance with the custom of the time, there was a grand pageant and procession in the City, in which all the Companies took part, and the following precept for the same was received by us;—
By the Maior.
To the Mr & Wardens of the
Company of Barbor Surgeons
Ffor the bewtefieinge of the streetꝭ and lanes wthin this Cittie against the passage of the Kingꝭ most excellent matie and the Kinge of Denmarke their nobilitie and trayne from the Tower through this Cittie. Theis are in his Matꝭ name straightlie to charge and command you that all delayes & excuses sett aparte you have and provide yor rayles in a readines for the livery of yor company to stand in and to be sett up in the streetꝭ against wednesday the xxxth day of July at the furthest. And likewise that yor railes against that tyme be hanged with blew azure cloth & garnished wth Banners & streamers in the most bewtifull manner that may be, as formerlie in like solempnities hath bin accustomed. And that you likewise have and provide sixe whifflers at the least to evˀy score of yor livery well apparrelled wth white staves in their handes to stand with their backꝭ to the Common railes over against your yor Companies railes for the better and quieter ordering of the streetꝭ through which his matie shall passe. And hereof faile you not at yor pˀill. This xxjth of July 1606.
Sebrighte.
Three days after the receipt of the above, came another precept demanding £5 from the Barber-Surgeons towards the City’s expenses to be incurred about the Pageant.
The two Kings landed at the Tower, from Greenwich, on the 31st July, on which day the City gave itself up to the gayest doings and rejoicings. A curious and interesting description of the pageant is to be found in a rare tract by H. R., 1606, preserved at Guildhall Library. Howes also gives an entertaining account of the proceedings, and relates how the King of Denmark “seriously observed the unimaginable number of gallant Ladies, beauteous virgins, and other delicate Dames filling the Windowes of every houss with kinde aspect saluting” him as he passed by. He also tells us of the melodious harmony, the Latin speech, the pastoral device, and the fountains which ran with wine, etc.
It seems that on this great occasion one of the Marshalls had endeavoured to take our Company “down a peg” in order of precedence. This was, however, successfully resisted, and the Clerk proudly records the following in the Minutes on the same day:
Memorand: that the Kingꝭ matie wth the Kinge of Denmarke & the Prince of Wales came through this Cittie from wardes the Tower of London attended uppon with the Lordes and gentry of this Land on the last day of this instant moneth of July Att which tyme Mr. ffoxe beinge one of the Comittees for placeinge of the Companies standingꝭ would have displaced us But by the Lord maiors order wee were placed in the seaventeenth place accordinge as wee ought to be placed.
1606. Notwithstanding the new charter granted in the previous year, the Court found itself unable to regulate the practice of Barbery and Surgery without an extended set of By-Laws, which were now obtained and are still preserved at the Hall. They are in English, on eight large skins of parchment, beautifully engrossed with a handsomely illuminated title, the initial containing the Barber-Surgeons’ arms, and distributed over the heading are the arms of the Master and Wardens in 1606, viz.: John Peck, Edward Rodes, William Fynynge and John Fenton.
The By-Laws are allowed by Thomas Lord Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor; Thomas Earl of Dorset, Lord Treasurer; and Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; who send “greeting in our Lord God Everlasting,” and enact Ordinances of such fearful length, that to a layman it passes comprehension how the draughtsman could have kept his head clear whilst he travelled through such a sea of prolixity, and, to a great extent useless, repetition. If the Chancellor and his colleagues troubled themselves to read through and understand the document to which they have appended their seals, they must have uttered very sensible sounds of relief when they came to the sealing; the recapitulation of the mere heads of this extraordinary production, will probably be found wearisome to the reader, vizt:
1. Recital of an Act of Parliament, 24th Feby., 19 Henry VII.
2. Oath of a freeman.
3. Oath of the Masters or Governors.
4. Oath of an Assistant of the Livery.
5. Oath of the Electors.
6. Oath of the Clerk.
7. Oath of a “foreign” Surgeon.
8. Oath of the Wardens of the Yeomanry.
9. Oath of an Assistant of the Yeomanry.
10. Oath of the Beadle.
11. Oath of the Porter.
Note.—Some of the foregoing oaths contain over 500 words in each!
12. Every person shall appear upon summons under a penalty of 3s. 4d., and for not keeping the hour, a fine of 2d. to be imposed.
13. Masters neglecting the day of Election, the distribution of Ferbras’ alms, or the payment of rents, to forfeit £5.
14. No great Election dinner to be kept without the consent of a Court of Assistants, under a penalty of £5.
15. The allowance for a great dinner to be 20 marks, and for a small one £4.
16. Manner of Election of Masters or Governors.
17. Time of Election.
18. Twelve Electors to be chosen.
19. Electors to be sworn.
20. The Masters omitting any next in Election out of their Bills, the Electors to choose others.
21. The order after Election.
22. A refuser of the office of Master or Governor to be fined 40s. and to be eligible to be chosen again.
23. Or may be absolutely discharged of such office on payment of £10.
24. And on refusal to pay such fines, to be dismissed out of the Court of Assistants and out of the Livery.
25. If the Electors choose such refuser to further place, before he have paid his fine, each Elector to forfeit 40s.
26. Every person chosen into the Livery to pay £5 if he have not served as Warden of the Yeomanry, and if otherwise then 40s.
27. Election of two Stewards of the Mayor’s feast, and two Stewards of the Anatomy; £8 to be allowed to the former and £6 to the latter.
28. Refusers of the Office of Steward to forfeit £13 6s. 8d. each.
29. The Common Seal to be kept under lock and key.
30. Time of the audit and appointment of eight auditors.
31. Day for reading “General Rules.”
32. View of the Company’s lands to be made yearly in October.
33. Allowance for the view dinner.
34. “Search” to be made twice in the year.
35. Apprentices to be presented within one month after they are retained in service, under a penalty of 40s.
36. Indentures to be prepared by the Clerk before presentation.
37. The Clerk to make all indentures.
38. Every liveryman may keep three apprentices.
39. No decrepit, diseased or deformed apprentice to be retained by any Barber or Surgeon.
40. No person to teach any but his apprentice.
41. No person to put away his apprentice, without an order of Court.
42. No person to entice away another’s apprentice or servant.
43. Every person to enroll his apprentice.
44. The Court to punish disobedient apprentices after its discretion.
45. No freeman to “open shop” before he hath served one year as journeyman.
46. No Barber to use more than one shop.
47. No Surgeon to serve by sea or land before he and “his furniture” be examined and viewed.
48. Reformation of abuses in disobedient masters and servants.
49. No person to serve as a journeyman unless free of the Company.
50. No person to use surgery before he be examined and admitted.
51. No person to examine but the Examiners.
52. No Examiner to be chosen but by the Court.
53. Every Surgeon to be at every lecture on Surgery.
54. No Surgeon to defraud another of his patient.
55. No Person to shew his porringers, saucers or basons with blood therein.
56. Every patient in danger of death or maim to be presented to the Masters.
57. No person to take such presentation but a Master or Governor.
58. Ordinance against unskilful practice in Surgery.
59. No Anatomy to be dissected out of the Common Hall.
60. Anatomies to be decently buried.
61. Warrant to create a Yeomanry.
62. No “Courts of Assistants” to be held on Tuesdays.
63. No Court of Assistants to be under the number of sixteen persons.
64. Order of precedence in speaking.
65. Every Member to go and sit in his due place.
66. Ordinance against contentious and troublesome persons.
67. Ordinance against revealers of Court secrets.
68. No alien or stranger to bear the office of Master or Governor.
69. Ordinance against unseemly behaviour towards the Masters or Governors.
70. Ordinance against blotting or defaceing of books, pictures or monuments.
71. Ordinance against any of the Livery refusing to attend in his Livery gown.
72. Pensions for decayed members.
73. Warrant to search for hurt persons and malefactors.
74. As to quarterage.
75. Third Warden’s duties as to receipts.
76. And as to payments.
77. Duties of Fourth or Renter Warden.
78. Renter Warden to furnish accounts.
79. As to the Audit.
80. Ordinance against Sunday trading by Barbers.
81. As to fines and penalties.
82. Power to the Beadle to distrain (under a Warrant signed by the Masters) for all fines; also power to dismiss disobedient persons, and to inflict corporal punishment.
Penalties of varying amounts are specified for breaches of any of the foregoing Ordinances.
The By-Laws are signed “Ellesmere, Canc̃,” “T. Dorset” and “Jo: Popham,” and the three seals of their arms are pendant.
8th September, 1606. This daie it is ordered that the Mrs shall pay vli to Mr Michaell the Lord Cheif Justices man for his paynes in penninge of or ordynaunces.
5th February, 1607. This day it is ordered that a Court howse be errected upon the Bulwarke behind the Hall of this Company for the Mrs or Governors to kepe their Courtꝭ at the charge of this Company And Mr. ffenton and Mr. Jenkins are to joyne with the Mrs of this Company in the same buildinge.
This Court Room was built within the circular Bulwark at the west end of the old Livery Hall, from which it was shut off by a screen wall or partition; many years later this screen was removed, and the whole thrown into one large apartment, and used as the Livery Hall.
21st January, 1608. The pˀnt Mrs are this daye authorized to furnishe the newe Roome in the Bulwark wth cloth of Arras or tapestry or wth waynscot as they shall think fittest at the chardge of this howse, and the Chimney peece & wyndowes to be waynscotted.
1608. The Colony of Virginia (so named from the Virgin Queen Elizabeth, in whose reign it was discovered) was in an unsatisfactory condition by reason of its scanty population, want of enterprise and other causes; whereupon the Council of Virginia endeavouring the prosperity of the Colony, sent a letter to the Lord Mayor propounding a scheme of emigration and colonisation to be undertaken by the City, which should ease the Metropolis “of a swarme of unnecessarie inmates,” make the fortunes of the emigrants (and of the “undertakers”) and benefit the Colony. This letter is so interesting that no apology is necessary for reproducing it here.
Whereas the lords of his Mates councill, commissioners for the Subsedie, desirous to ease the cittie and suburbs of a swarme of unnecessarie inmates as a continuall cause of dearth and famine, and the verie origenall of all plagues almost that happen in this kingdome, have advised yor lordshippe and yor brethren, in an ease of state, to make some voluntarie contribuc͠on for their remove into the plantation of Virginia, wch we understand you all seemed to like as an action pleasing to God and happie for this com̃onwealth; We the councell and companie of this hoble plantation, willing to yelde unto your lop̃p and them all good satisfac͠on, have entered into consultac͠on wth orselves, what may be everie mans chg̃es, and what of everie private familie, wch we send herewth at large, not as a thing wch we would exact from you, but that you may see, as in a true glasse, the true chg̃e, wch we wholly commend unto yor grave wisdoms, both for the somme and manr of leavie; onlie give us leave thus farre to enforme you that we give no bills of adventure for a lesse some than 12li 10s. ps̃uminge it wont be an infinite trouble now, and confusion in the retribuc͠on, but if your lop̃ make any seasment, or raise any voluntarie contribuc͠on out of the best disposed and most able of the companies, we are willing to give or bills of adventure to the mr and wardens, to the general use and behoof of that companie, yf by wards, to the good of that ward, or otherwise as it shall please you and your brethren out of yr better experience to direct. And if the inmate called before you and enjoyned to remove shall alledge that he hath no place to remove unto, but must lie in the streats, and being offerd this journey shall demand what shalbe their pˀsent maintenance, what their future hopes, yt may please you to lett them know that for the pˀsent they shall have meat, drink, and clothing, wth an house, orchard, and garden for the meanest familie, and a possession of lands to them and their posteritie, one hundreth acres for everie man’s pˀson that hath a head or a body able to endure labour, as much for his wife, and as much for his child that is of yeres to do sˀvice to the colonie, wth further pˀticular reward according to theire pˀticuler meritt and desert; and yf yor lordshipp and yor brethren shalbe pleased to put in any private adventure for yor selves in pˀticuler, you shalbe sure to receive according to your pˀporc͠on of the adventure, equall pˀts wth us adventurers from the beginning, both of the comodities returned or land to be divided; and because you shall see (being aldermen of so famous a cittie) we beare you due respect, we are contented, having but one badge of grace and favor from his Matie, to participate wth you therein, and to make as many of you as will adventure 50li. or more, fellow councellors from the first day wth us who have spent double and treble as much as is required, abidden the hazard of three sevˀall discoveries, wth much care and diligence, and many days adventure, and as yor deputies, and yor assistants, in yor private wards, so shall as many of them as will adventure but 25li. present money, be made pˀties of this companie and assistants of this councell; and thus as an action concerning God and the advancement of religion, the present ease, future honr and safety of this kingdome, the strength of or navie, the visible hope of a great and rich trade, wth many secrete blessings not yet discovered, we commend the cause to the wisdome and zeale of yor selfe and yor brethren and you, and it, and us, to the holie pˀtection of the Almightie.
The City took up the scheme heartily, a large sum was subscribed and a great number of emigrants crossed the water. The Barber-Surgeons invested £25, but never received anything for it again.
23rd March, 1609. This daye it is ordered that the pˀnt Mrs shall adventr xxvli. uppon a Bill of Exchange for the plantac͠on of Virginia, of the stock of this howse.
6th January, 1609. In obedience to a precept from the Lord Mayor, £10 was paid to the Chamberlain, towards the construction of a Garner for the use of the City.
25th May, 1610. A precept came from the Lord Mayor calling upon the Company “to be readie in yor bardge well and richlie sett forthe before vii of the clocke in the morning” on the 31st January, to go to Chelsea to meet the eldest son of James I, on which occasion he was to go from Richmond to Whitehall to be created Prince of Wales; whereupon the following minute is recorded:—
At this Court a precept beinge sent from my lord Maior unto this Company wch beinge at this Court read, the effect whereof was that our Company on Thursdaie next shalbe reddie to attend my Lord Maior in their barge for the honor of this Citie in the enterteynement of the high & mightie prince at Chelsey. It was ordered that none of the Company shold be warned for this service but onely those wch ware of the Assistaunce of the Clotheinge to goe in the Barge, the reason thereof is that a barge cold not be gotten large enough to carry the whole lyvery.
1611. In this year came a precept from the Lord Mayor, by authority of the King, complaining of “the abuse growing by excesse and straunge fashions of apparell, used by manye apprentises, and by the inordynate pryde of mayde servaunts and women servaunts in their excesse of apparell and follye in varietie of newe fashions, and to admonish them to have a due and speciall care to see a spedye reformac͠on had in everye one of their servaunts.” What effect this had upon the apprentices and servants of the Barber-Surgeons we are not told, but doubtless they were properly admonished.
1st July, 1614. A precept was received to the effect that the King had determined to borrow £100,000 of the City, and that the Barber-Surgeons were assessed at £600 towards this loan, which they were to lend, or which they were coolly informed they could compound for, by an absolute fine of £30! As the Court well knew that they would never again see a halfpenny of the £600 if lent, they quickly and wisely determined to pay the £30.
Profiting by past experience, the next extracts show that the Court proceeded warily in the matter of “adventuring” in the State Lottery.
29th April, 1614. Att this Court the Mr propounding how they had receaved Letters from the Lordꝭ of the privy Councell and from the lord Maior thereby exhorting & intreating them to call their assistauntes together and to admonishe the genˀall body to be adventurers in the great lottery wch is comyng forth, Whereupon the same lrẽs being considered on at this Court, it is thought fitt and ordered that the Mrs shall att their pleasures call together the body of the Company, and they being gathered together, to admonish & pˀswade them to be adventerers in the same Lottery.
17th October, 1614. The Court having collected a sum of money for the Lottery, it was ordered that it should not be paid to the Treasurer, Sir Thos. Smith, until the Company shall be “assured” by a Bill of Adventure under seal “for their adventure unto virgynia, as also that it shalbe published in print certeynelie when the lotterey shalbe drawen.”
The College of Physicians had been for many years very jealous as to the Barber-Surgeons trespassing on their preserves, and as far back as 12th November, 1595, wrote a long letter to their “verie loving freends” the Master and Wardens, cautioning the members of the Company against practising physic, and stating that no few of them were culpable in the matter, but that the College had hitherto forborne to molest or punish them; the letter continues, “but for that we now see by daily experience that upon our lenetie and sufferance this inconvenience more and more increaseth, insomuch that both in credit and otherwise, it seemeth to touch us more neere than well can be indured; We have therefore thought it good to put you in mynd thereof, and therewithal earnestly and freendlie to request you, that among yourselves some such discreet order may be taken heerin, that the like offence hereafter maie not be committed by them or any of theirs. Wherein if we shall perceave you as ready to fulfil our honest request, as we are willing to maintain good amytie and concord with you and your Companie, we wilbe very glad thereof and geve you thanks therefore. If not, then as we are fully minded to defend our privileges and to deal with the particular offendors therein, as order of law and our ordinances in that behalf requireth; so we trust the body of your Societie will not be offended therewith. And so we bid you most hartelie farewell.”
The above letter is taken from Dr. Goodall’s History of the College of Physicians. Dr. Goodall gives several instances of Barber-Surgeons and Apothecaries being fined or imprisoned for practising physic; and, indeed, there seems to have been a strife waging between the College and the Company for a long period.
1617. The Physicians in 15 James I obtained a Charter confirming their Charter of 10 Henry viij, with several additional privileges and clauses in restraint of the privileges of the Barber-Surgeons, who thereupon petitioned the King that that Charter might not be confirmed by Act of Parliament, as the Physicians were desirous that it should be. The King on 4th February, 1620, ordered that the petitioners should be left to seek any lawful remedy either in Parliament or otherwise, as they might be advised, and accordingly on 23rd April, 1624, they presented a petition to the House of Commons, who ordered that the Physicians’ Patent should be brought into the Committee of Grievances, and both parties heard by Counsel, the consequence of which was that the Physicians proceeded no further with their Bill.
1632. Later on the Physicians endeavoured again to obtain a supremacy over the Barber-Surgeons, and on 13th June, 1632, procured an Order in Council which made it incumbent upon Surgeons in certain serious and specified cases of Surgery, to call in a “learned Physitian,” and to enforce this order they procured the Attorney General to exhibit a Bill in the Star Chamber in which the obnoxious clause was inserted, but on a Petition of the Barber-Surgeons complaining of the injury that would thereby accrue not only to themselves, but to the public, the King, by an Order of Court dated 22nd July, 1635, directed the clause to be struck out.
After the Restoration, the Physicians again endeavoured to procure an Act of Parliament confirming their Charter, whereupon the Barber-Surgeons claimed to have a clause inserted in the Act in the nature of a proviso that nothing therein contained should be construed to the prejudice of their privileges, and again the Physicians seem to have been checkmated, for they allowed their proposed Act to fall through.
Kings’ Barbers and Kings’ Surgeons seem to have secured substantial benefits from their official positions, as the following notices (from Domestic State Papers at the Record Office) testify.
25th August, 1625. There is a letter of this date from Sir James Fullerton to Secretary Conway, intimating that it is His Majesty’s pleasure to grant to Michael Andrews (Master 1635 and King’s Surgeon) a pension of £150 per annum for life.
17th December, 1625. And at this date is a grant to Thomas Caldwell (Master 1627 and King’s Barber).
A graunt to Thomas Caldwell esqr his Mats servant of ye som̃e of one thousand poundes To be received as well out of the remainder of three hundred pounds due to his Matie by Richard Harbin sometime Collector of his Matꝭ greenwax before his accesse to the Crowne and out of the arrerages of grenewax money then due unto his Maty. As also out of the other grenewax moneys now accrewing to his Matie not being in farme. And is granted to him as of his Mats bounty in lieu of 800li formerly graunted unto him by his Maty of wch he received no benefitt. Subscrˀ by Mr. Attorney Genˀall upon significac͠on of his Matꝭ pleasuere by the Lord Trẽr.
In addition to stray grants like the above, the perquisites and fees attaching to the Office of King’s Barber were very lucrative, and Mr. Caldwell must have done exceedingly well out of the following stroke of business.
January, 1626. Whereas his Matie hath bene pleased to appoint Mr. Thomas Caldwell his Mats servant and Barber to make provisions of all such necessaries as are to be used at the Ceremony of Bathing the Knts of the Bath at this his Maties Coronac͠on to be holden on the 2d day of February next at Westmr as to his place by auntient custome belongeth I do therefore will and require all such whome it may concearne to take notice thereof hereby for permitting him to doe and performe all such services as hath bene accustomed in that behalfe & for delivering such necessaries in kynd or allowance of money to the valeu thereof as shalbe by him required for the same according to the auntient custome heretofore used therein. The number of the said Knts for whome such provisions are to be made being 80, by his Matie appointed to receave that degree.
Arundell & Surrey.
Examined by Wm Ryley
Lancaster Herald
Mr. Caldwell does not appear to have left his widow well provided for, as we read under date 10th July, 1643:
Upon the distressed Petic͠on of Widdow Thamar Caldwall late Wife of Mr Thomas Caldwall deceased there is given to her of the gift of this House vli.
1624 and 1625. In the minutes of this period are constant notices of the “visitation,” and of “the contagious tyme.” The Plague raged with great severity in London in 1625, and it is said that over 40,000 died of it in the year. The Company appear to have been very liberal in their gifts of money to any who had the least claim upon them, the relief being frequently stated to have been given by “reason of the hardnes of the tymes.”
11th April, 1625. This daye the pˀcept for provision of corne sent unto or Companie by the lord Maior of london was here read in Courte, And this Courte is fullie resolved that the present Mrs doe give unto the Lord Maior and returne him this answeare that the Companie is provided of their proportion of corne and more they are not able to provide or receive into their charge.
1628. This year the Company were compelled to “lend” the King £360, which they with great difficulty raised, the greater part being borrowed at interest to enable them to do so. They also paid £30 towards a “present” (?) of £5,000 given by the City to the Palsgrave (Frederick, Prince Elector Palatine, son-in-law of James I).
15th August, 1629. On this day was sealed the Company’s new Charter from Charles I. It is in Latin on five large skins of parchment with the Great Seal of England pendant. There is a portrait of the King with a stiletto beard in the initial letter, and an ornamental heading along the top of the first skin. This Charter ratifies that of James I, directs that public lectures on Surgery shall be given, and confirms and somewhat varies the old regulations for the governance of the practitioners of that science.
22nd October, 1629. The Company evidently began now to kick at the numerous demands made upon its purse by the authorities, for a precept coming from the Lord Mayor demanding £12 10s. contribution towards a pageant, it was ordered that it be not paid until the Court was satisfied that it could be legally demanded, and enquiry made as to whether or no other Companies had paid similar contributions.
1632. The fabric of old St. Paul’s being in a lamentable state of decay, the celebrated Archbishop Laud wrote a letter to the Barber-Surgeons asking a contribution towards its repair. Ever ready to assist in good works, the Company cheerfully devoted a very considerable sum towards that object, notwithstanding the comparative poverty to which they had been reduced (in consequence of the grievous impositions made upon them by the authorities in the shape of forced loans and other unconstitutional demands). Moreover, they recorded their benefaction, in a delightfully expressed minute, which will be found at the end of the following letter.
9th April, 1632. The letter written by William Lord Bishopp of London and directed to this Court concerneing our contribuc͠on towardꝭ the repaire of St Paulls Church in London being now much ruined was here in Court reade, the tenor whereof is as followeth, vidzt
To the right worpll my very worthy ffreindꝭ the Maister Wardeins and Assistantꝭ of the Companie of Barbar surgions London, theis
S. in xp̃o.117 After my verie hartie comendac͠ons, you cannot but take notice of his Matꝭ most honble and pious intention for the Repaire of the decayes of St Pawles Church here in London, being the Mother Church of this Citty and Diocess, and the greate Cathedrall of this Kingdome. A greate dishonor it is not onely to this Citty but to the whole State to see that Auncient and goodly Pyle of building soe decayed as it is, but it will be a farr greater if care should not be taken to prevent the fall of it into ruin, And it would be noe lesse disgrace to Religion happily established in this Kingdome, if it should have soe litle power over the mindes of men as not to prevaile with them to keepe those eminent places of Gods service in due and decent repaire which their fforefathers buylt in tymes by their owne confession not soe full of the knowledge of gods truth as this present age is. I am not ignorant how many worthy workes have bene done of late in and about this Citty towardꝭ the building and repayring of Churches which makes me hope that every mans purse will open to this greate and necessary worke (according to Gods blessinge upon him) soe much tending to the service of God and the honor of this nation. The generall body of the Cittye have done verie worthily in their bounty allready as alsoe the lord Maior Aldermen and Sheriffes severally for their owne pˀsons. Theis are therefore accordinge to their examples hartily to pray and desire you the Maister Wardeins and other Assistants of the worthy Company of Barbar Surgions to contribute out of ye publicke Stock, to the worke aforesaid what you out of yr Charitye and devotion shall thinke fitt, and to pay the Summe resolved on by you into the Chamber of London at or before our Lady Day next, praying you that I may receave by any servant of yor Companye a note what the Summe is which you resolve to give. And for this Charity of yors whatsoever it shall prove to be, I shall not onely give you harty thankes, but be as ready to serve you and every of you, as you are to serve God and his Church. Soe not doubting of yor love and forwardnes to this greate worke, I leave you to the grace of God, and shall soe rest
Yor very loving ffreind
Guil: London:
London house, January 30. 1632.
And thereupon this Court deepely considering the contentꝭ of that letter together with the pˀnte ruines and dilapidac͠ons of the said Church, and as faithfull and charitable members obliged largely to contribute to soe pious and religious a worke Doe nowe order that out of the stock and revenew of this house there shalbe paid into the Chamber of london towardꝭ the said repaire xli pˀntely and xli yearely for nine yeares followeing to make it upp compleate a Cli as of the free guift of this house. And if att any tyme hereafter the worke doe cease that then our payementꝭ to cease likewise.
1633. This year the Company built a granary at the Hall, for the store of Corn.
12th July, 1633. A new set of By-Laws was framed and allowed by the proper authorities. These are extant on twelve great skins of parchment, more wordy and of greater length than those of 4th James I! They are, however, very similar to those, with technical alterations and amendments here and there, and provision is made for Lectures on Surgery, demonstrations of anatomy, and for the better Examination of Surgeons. Clause 19 provides that any freemen of the mystery who shall use any arts, trades or sciences other than Surgery “shall be accepted, reputed, adjudged and taken for Barbars.” Empirics and impostors were to be rigorously dealt with, and the Court was to have supervision over all Navy Surgeons, their chests, medicines and instruments. No Barbers or Surgeons were to be impressed for the Navy without license of the Court, and numerous regulations were made for the government of the Company.
The document is signed by Richard Earl of Portland, Lord Treasurer; Sir Thomas Richardson and Sir Robert Heath, the Lords Chief Justices; the seals of the first two are still pendant, but that of Sir Robert Heath is missing.
1636. Spurred into further action for the advancement of the science of Surgery, which their extended powers under the new By-Laws had conferred upon them, the Company determined upon building a Theatre for the delivery of Lectures, and for anatomical purposes, etc. This they set about in 1636, employing the great Inigo Jones as their Architect, who about this period also designed and carried out the present beautiful Court Room or Parlour, one of the best proportioned and prettiest rooms in London.
11th February, 1636. Upon the moc͠on of or Mr to this Court concerneing the want of a publique Theater for Anatomycall exercises and Sceletons and a lesser roome for private discections, This Court doth order that if the Mrs or Governors upon their petic͠on to the Lord Maior and Aldrẽn they have the bullwarke & long stripp of ground lieing betwixt the gould smiths tenement & clothw: tenemtꝭ & london wall at the one end & the Companies hall & pˀlor & london wall at the other end, by purchase in fee farme or a long lease from the Cittie, that then a Theater to the largenes of the upper ground betwixt the goldsmithes tenem̃t & the clothworkers tenemt on the one side & london wall on the other side shalbe be ovally built for the Wor̃p118 and comiditie of this Companie at the Charge of this house.
The piece of ground on which it was proposed to erect the Theatre was then on lease to the Company from the City. The Lease was dated 29th March, 7 Charles I (1631), and made between the Mayor, &c., of London, of the one part and the Masters, &c., of the Barber-Surgeons, of the other part. In consideration of £20 paid by the Company the City leased to them lwark and the houses Roomes and buildings therein or thereupon made or erected, And all that ground or garden plott with thappurtenñces scituat lyinge and beinge in the parish of St Olave in Silver Street in the Citie of London next unto the Wall of the same Citie there of the one side, and the landes of the saide Maisters or Governors and others on the other side late in the tenure or Pg157 Pg158 Pg159 occupac͠on of the right honoroble Henry late Lord Wyndsor deceased or of his assignes and now in the tenure or occupac͠on of the said Maisters,” etc., from the feast of the Annunciation, 1631, for forty-one years at a rent of £3. The lease contained the usual covenants of a repairing lease, as also one “that neither they the saide Masters or Governors their successors nor assigns shall or will att any time or times during the said Terme suffer any Inmate or Inmates to dwell in any part of the premises afore demised.”
5th May, 1636. There is an Indenture of Lease of this date made between the Mayor, &c., of London, and the Masters, &c., of the Barber-Surgeons, which after reciting the last mentioned lease proceeds: “And whereas the said Maisters or Governors of the Misterie and Comonaltie of Barbars and Surgians of London for the better enhableing of them in the Arte of Surgerie Doe intend to erect and build a decent Roome or Theatre on part of the premisses for the keeping therein A learned and constant Lecture in the Theorie and practiqʒ partꝭ of Surgerie As also to pˀforme their publique operac͠ons of Anatomies and other exercises thereunto belonging, Which will be verie chargeable to them Wherein the said Maior and Cominaltie and Citizens are desirous and willinge to aide and further the saide Maisters or Governors in the setting forward of soe necessarie and comendable a worke tendinge to the generall good of the whole kingdome,” wherefore the Mayor, &c., leased the said premises to the Company for a further term of 200 years upon the expiry of the lease then running, at the same rent of £3 per annum, the Lessees covenanting to build the Theatre within seven years.
16th May, 1636. Upon or Mrs report to this Court that the Lord Maior & Aldrẽn have freely graunted to this house a new lease of CC yeares comenceing from the expirac͠on of or lease now in being It is ordered with the generall consent of the whole Court here present that the Theater shalbe proceeded in and built according to the plotts drawne by his Matꝭ Surveigher.
3rd August, 1636. It is ordered by this Court that the Companies Armes with Helmett Crest supporters and mantlings shalbe sett up in Portland Stone under the Cantilaver does of the Theater being over the Windowe next the Granarye.
Alsoe the mottoe vizt. Speciosum hoc Theatrum Anatomicum erectñ fuit Michaele Andrews Chirurgo Regio ac comunioni BarbitonsoꝜ et ChirurgoꝜ pˀ tempore præfecto, Guardianis vero Joanne Warde Nicolas Heath et Wilhelmo Huckle anno ab exhibito in carne Messiæ supra millesimum sexcentesimum trigesimo sexto shalbe engraven in the voyde stone worke over the greate doore into the Theater.
A plan of the Theatre is preserved in a collection of the works of Inigo Jones, at Worcester College, Oxford, and a short description of it is found in Hatton’s New View of London, 1708. The curiosities in the Barber-Surgeons’ museum of those days will excite a smile when compared with the collection now at Lincoln’s Inn Fields. Hatton says that the Theatre was built in “an elliptical form, and commodiously fitted up with four degrees of seats of cedar wood, and adorned with the figures of the seven liberal sciences, and the twelve signs of the zodiac. Also containing the skeleton of an ostrich, put up by Dr. Hobbs, 1682, with a busto of King Charles I. Two humane skins on the wood frames, of a man and a woman, in imitation of Adam and Eve, put up in 1645; a mummy skull, given by Mr. Loveday, 1655. The sceleton of Atherton with copper joints (he was executed) given by Mr. Knowles in 1693. The figure of a man flead, where all the muscles appear in due place and proportion, done after the life. The sceletons of Cambery Bess and Country Tom (as they then call them), 1638; and three other sceletons of humane bodies.”
Hogarth has, in ghastly style depicted the dissection of a criminal in this Theatre, in which the skeletons above referred to are seen in niches in the wall.
The plan of the Company’s Estate, has been kindly supplied for this work by Mr. Charles John Shoppee, as surveyed by him in 1869, previous to the demolition of the old Livery Hall, Kitchen, etc. The Theatre had been pulled down in 1784, and houses erected on its site; the Theatre is, however, shewn upon this plan, as being more interesting than the houses which supplanted it. In 1636 the Company commenced the erection of the Livery Hall and present Court Room, the work being carried out from the designs and under the superintendence of the celebrated Inigo Jones, the Livery Hall was, however, burnt in 1666, and that shown upon the plan is the one which was erected after the Great Fire.
5th September, 1636. The Plague was again abroad in London, and the Court, for fear of infection by meeting together, resolved as follows:
In regard of the now greate visitac͠on of the plague This Court doth deferre the Courts for the daye of Rules the Vew daye & other publique Courts till it shall please God to cease the Sicknes.
23rd September, 1636. The Lord Mayor having requested the Company to nominate “twoe Surgians to take care of those that were infected with the plague in this Cittie & liberties,” the Court thought that two was a wholly insufficient number and nominated six Surgeons to be presented to the Court of Aldermen.
2nd October, 1636. £5 was ordered to be paid in to the Chamber of London towards the relief of the poor, stricken with the Plague.
30th March, 1637. The Company were assessed to pay £10 “ship money,” whereupon an order was made that they should forbear to pay it, and a Committee appointed to wait on the Court of Aldermen to petition against the assessment. The application was, however, unsuccessful, as by an Order of Court, 29th March, 1638, the money was directed to be paid.
8th November, 1638. The Court of Aldermen having assessed the Company to furnish 80 quarters of corn in lieu of 60 as heretofore provided, it was resolved to petition against it. This would be a very important matter to the Company as the assessments for all public purposes were made upon the City Companies pro rata with their corn quarterages, and if the 80 quarters were allowed to stand, it would raise all the future assessments 33 per cent. The result however, of the protest does not appear in the minutes.
28th October, 1640. On receipt of a precept from the Lord Mayor, it was ordered that three barrels of Gunpowder should be bought and stored.
1640. The Company unwillingly agreed to lend the King £400, and were put to great inconvenience in raising the money, which was required by Charles for his campaign in Scotland.
After several skirmishes with the Scots, the English Army was at length disbanded, and the King went himself to Scotland to negotiate the difference which had arisen by his attempted interference in Church matters in that Kingdom; he returned to London in November, 1641, and the following minute refers to the preparations made by our Company to meet him.
22nd November, 1641. Upon reading the Lord Maiors precepts for the Companyes enterteyning the King upon his returne from Scotland It is ordered that the Mar and Wardens, Mr. Serjeant Clowes, Mr. Richard Wateson, Mr. Woodall, Mr. Powell, Mr. Burgin, Mr. Heath, Mr. Henry Wateson, Mr. Bignall, Mr. Dye, Mr. Arris, Henry Boone, and Thomas Turner, shalbe attendant on Twesday next well mounted on Horseback in plush or Velvett with Chaines of Gold, and that John Perkins shall beare the Pendon with our Coate of Armes on Horseback and that these 18 ffree men shalbe Decently cladd in the Companyes Colours of White and Greene, each of them with a greene flatt Cap with a white Ribbon about it, a greene Cassock and Drawers of the same Stuffe Whiffler like laced with a white Lace a white ribaning and a greene Ribbin athwart theire Brests, and each of them a Truncheon in theire hands in the forenoone, and in the aftˀnoone each of them 2 Torches, and these 18 to attend perticulerly one of them to each of the Horsemen, vizt.
(Then follows a list of the freemen chosen.)
The “Riding out” on this occasion must have been a magnificent sight, if all of the Companies spent proportionately to the outlay of ours, which was no less than £39 17s. 10d. upon decorations, etc., for those taking part in the procession. Strype informs us that—
The Lord Mayor on horesback wearing a gown of crimson velvet & a collar of SS, and attended by his suite, rode in the front of the procession to meet the King. Then followed the Aldermen in scarlet gowns and the City council and chief officers in black gowns. Upon reaching Moorfields, there waited in a readiness to attend his Lordship and the service, about five hundred horsemen selected out of the Liveries of the several Companies, being Masters, Wardens, and prime men of each Company in velvet or plush coats and suits, with chains of gold, being well horsed and gallantly furnished, every Company having a horseman in the front carrying a pendant with that Company’s arms to which he did belong (for distinction sake), and a footman to attend each horseman of the Livery with truncheons and torches as before, both horsemen with the pendants and footmen being suited cap-a-pee with the Company’s colours on which they waited. There were also fourteen Trumpeters, with trumpets, banners and scarfs, who were placed two between every hundred of the horse, and four at the head of the troop. The procession moved on to Kingsland, where the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and the Companies awaited the Kings approach, while the Sheriffs attended by seventy-two men in Scarlet Cloaks trimmed with silver lace (the colours of the City) with javelins and feathers and four trumpeters, rode as far as Stamford Hill, and there met their Majesties and escorted them to Kingsland.
His Majesty was accompanied by the Queen, the Prince, the Duke of York, the Princess Mary and the Prince Elector Palatine, and after receiving an address, the Royal party joined the civic procession to London, entering it at Moorgate, and proceeded through London Wall, Bishopsgate Street, Cornhill and Cheapside, to the banquet at Guildhall, amidst the City Companies in their formalities and stands on each side of the streets, the City conduits running with a diversity of wines.
1643. The relations between the King and the City having become estranged in the fearful distractions of these times, Charles endeavoured to conciliate the citizens with a message, which was publicly read at Guildhall on the 13th January, and later on he sent a circular letter to the Masters of the several Companies requiring them to call their freemen and apprentices together, to read to them a copy of a letter which he had sent to the City on the 17th January. The Court of the Barber-Surgeons met on Tuesday, 24th inst., and cautiously record that they would have summoned their freemen for the next day, but that it was a fast day and that in the interim an order had come from the Committee of Safety that the letter, etc., should not be read.
24th January, 1643. The Kings Letter sent to the Mrs & Wardens of this Company was read in Court and the printed Letter in it and the Cittyes Petic͠on and his Maties gracious answer unto it. And but that the morrow was fast day being the last Wednesday in this Moneth the ffreemen and apprentices of this Company could not be summoned to appeare then, it should have bin read. Soe that in the Interim an Order of Comand from the Lords and Comõns was directed to this Company to countermaund the said Letters in these words,
Die Martis 24to Januarii, 164 2/3. At the Comittee of Lords and Comõns for the safety of the Kingdome.
Whereas there are divers Letters pretended to be sent by his Matie to the Mrs and Wardens of the severall Halls in the city of London with Two litle Bookes therein closed the one intituled The humble Petic͠on of the Maior, Aldermen and Comõns of the City of London to his Matie. And the other intituled his Maties Letter and declarac͠on to the Sheriffes and City of London Dated the 17th of January, which evidently tendeth to sedition and setting of the whole State in a Combustion. These are therefore strictly to charge & comand the Mrs and Wardens of every Hall in the City to whome the said Letters and Bookes inclosed shalbe directed to forbeare to publish or open any of them till both the Houses of Parliament shall give further order therein. And the Mrs and Wardens of every Hall are required to bring the said Letters with the Messengers thereof to this Comittee which they will take to be an Argument of theire good Affection to the Parliament
| Pembroke | Montgomery | Bolingbroke | Ed: Manchester |
| W. Say & Seale | Ed: Howard | Jo: Evelin | Jo: Pym |
| Antho: Nicoll. |
17th January, 1644. It is ordered that in respect of the greate troubles and distractions of these times there shalbe noe publique Anatomy this yeare dissected.
1644. The Company seem to have become greatly impoverished by the venture in Ireland, the rebuilding of their premises, and the forced loans to the King and the Parliament. In a certificate given by the Master and Wardens (5th September, 1644) to be produced in a suit in which they were defendants, they state that their debts are £3,000, and that they can get no return of any of the money lent for public purposes, or even the interest of it.
If the Stuarts acted in an unconstitutional manner in their oppressive demands upon the Companies, the Roundheads were as bad, with just this difference, that, with all their pretensions to purity, piety and high-mindedness, they did not hesitate to practise actual dishonesty in their modus operandi of squeezing the Companies, as the following painful incident from our books testifies:—The Company had borrowed from Mr. Richard Wateson, one of the Assistants, £1,200 upon sealed bonds, for the express purpose of meeting the demands which had been made upon them by the King and Parliament from time to time. Mr. Wateson having been declared a “Papist and Delinquent,” his property was seized, and the Bonds of the Barber-Surgeons, found in his strong chest, were taken to the Committee for Gloucester and Hereford, sitting at Grocers’ Hall. These worthies, in conjunction with the Committee for Sequestrations, came down upon the Company and demanded payment of the £1,200 for which they had given their bonds to their brother, Mr. Wateson. The Court deeming this a monstrous piece of injustice, hesitated to comply, whereupon the Committees threatened to seize the Company’s entire estate; and then the Court resolved to petition Parliament, but the House not sitting for some time the petition could not be prosecuted, and the Committee being urgent, the Company most reluctantly agreed to pay down £400 and to have the bonds cancelled. Although these shameful terms were definitely agreed upon, the Committees a few days later broke faith, demanding £400 cash and the Company’s bond for another £100, to which the Company, like the lamb with the wolf at its throat, nolens volens, consented. The iniquity of this business was made apparent to the Committees, who were well aware that the Company had incurred the debt to Mr. Wateson in order to meet the previous rapacity of themselves, and yet they hesitated not to compel the Company to submit to a further fine of £500 for having complied with their demands in the past, besides manifesting the dishonesty proposed by them in offering to cancel the debt due by the Company to Mr. Wateson.
29th April, 1645. By the power and authority to this Court given by severall Orders of a late Court of Assistants, this Court for and towards the raiseing of the 400li agreed to be paid in part of the composic͠on for Mr. Watson’s debt unto the the Comittee for the releife of Gloucester, &c., did pawne all the Companyes plate both guilt and white, weighing 1,120 oz. 1/3 or thereabouts, unto Mary Crosse of London Widdow for the Sum̃ of 280li by a Writeing of Bargaine and Sale this day sealed with this Companyes Com̃on Seale bearing date the 16th day of this Instant Aprill with a provisoe of Redempc͠on. And borrowed of Mr. George Dunn 100li more at Interest at vjli 10s pˀ annum pˀ centum for wch he tooke the secureity of our Com̃on Seale.
A few years later on (14th September, 1648), Mr. Edward Arris presented to the Court a letter from Mr. Wateson, wherein was intimated that he expected the Company to repay him the money borrowed, the bonds for which had been seized by Cromwell’s party, and for which the Company had already compounded, whereupon we read “This Court doth declare theire acknowledgement of a great respect and esteeme they have and beare towards him and shalbe ready to doe him all the right they can without prejudicing the Company”; and again on 30th April, 1650, “Mr. Richard Wateson an ancient Mr of this Company Doth this day desire to know the mind of this Court concerning the 1,200li by him lent to this Company and sequestred in this Company’s hands and compounded ffor 500li in full of principall and Interest, The matter being of great Consequence, this Court doth take time to consider of it and to give him an answer therein.”
What answer Mr. Wateson got, I do not know; he was held in great esteem by the Company, and doubtless some honourable compromise was arranged.
In their negotiations with the Committees, the Company seem to have been able to impress the Chairman favourably on certain occasions, though there is grave reason to apprehend that this official of the party of purity was open to a bribe, as the following minutes would seem to indicate.
27th October, 1645. The Company having been threatened with sequestration of their entire estate unless an assessment made upon them was paid on Friday following, a Committee of the Court was ordered to wait on Mr. Scawin, the Chairman of the Committee for the Army, to beg his favourable consideration of the Company’s poor estate; the result is seen in the next entry.
14th September, 1648. This Court takeing notice of the greate Love and ffavour of Mr. Scawin Chaireman to the Comittee ffor the Army expressed oftentimes upon severall occasions towards our Company Doth thinke fitt in gratitude and accordingly doth order That the present Governours doe present to him a guift of the value of vjli 13s 4d The quality and price of the guift is left to theire discretions.
1646. To relieve them of their great debts, the Company about this period raised considerable sums by granting annuities; the following are examples in point:—
24th March, 1646. This day Mr Nicholas Heath payd the sum of 200li to the use of this Company and is the purchase money for an Annuity of 26li pˀ añn. for 10 yeares to himselfe and Grace his Wife Whereupon the Deed of Grant of the said Annuity was sealed with the Com̃on Seale and delivered to theire use.
Alsoe this day Mris Elizabeth ffreeman payd the sum of 200li the Purchase money for the like Annuity of 26li pˀ añn. for 10 yeares and the Deed for that purpose was sealed and delivered to her.
On the 30th January, 1649, the King’s troubles were ended by his murder, and very shortly afterwards we find this significant minute.
19th March, 1649. This Court doth order That the Oath conteyned in the Rules and Ordinances of this Company be administred unto every ffreeman upon his admission as before, The ffirst Words which doe concerne allegiance to the King and his Successors only to be left out.
The banners of the Company bearing the late King’s arms were destroyed, and any heraldic insignia at the Hall which contained the Royal Arms were ordered to be defaced. We may readily believe that this was most unwillingly done by the Court, who however, had no option in the matter.
1648–9. Fairfax had filled the City with troops, “billetting orders” being made upon the several Companies for the reception of the soldiers at their Halls. Herbert (Vol. I, p. 181) states that the Merchant Taylors were fortunate enough to procure an order of exemption which cost them £20 10s., and further that he believed their case to be unique, but it seems that the Carpenters by means of “Gratuities ‘to sevˀall men of qualitie,’” amounting to £13 2s. 6d., managed to get free of this imposition, whilst the Barber-Surgeons procured their immunity at a much cheaper rate, for we read in the Wardens’ accounts of the period,
Paid fforr the charges expended in procureing a Protecc͠on from the Lord General from quartering Souldiers in the hall 13s 3d.
These notices are clear indications that Cromwell and the “men of qualitie” about him, were accustomed to take bribes.
3rd February, 1654. The City entertained Cromwell at Grocers’ Hall, and our Company had to go out in procession to receive him, our “standing” being in St. Paul’s Churchyard.
1660. The Barber-Surgeons contributed £96 towards a present of £10,000 given by the City to Charles II at the Restoration. No money exacted under precept was more willingly paid than this, and indeed the Companies generally seemed to have cheerfully contributed, delighted to have escaped the gloom of the Commonwealth, and with a prospect of brighter times in store. On the 5th July, the King was nobly entertained at Guildhall, our Company taking part in the rejoicings (see Wardens’ Accounts of this date).
1666. Our Minute Books for this period having been lost or stolen, we unfortunately have no records of the Great Fire beyond those preserved in the “Wardens’ Accounts” (which see), and although these are somewhat meagre, they are highly interesting, especially those which relate to the fortunate preservation of the great Holbein picture. It has been stated (but without any other authority than that of gossiping Samuel Pepys, who had a special interest in disparaging the picture) that it was damaged in the fire, though no notice of such a mishap is known to me, and the Accounts (which are complete) are significantly silent as to anything having been spent on its restoration or cleansing, which, had it been injured, would have been necessary; it seems to have been taken away from the Hall by Major Brookes to a place of safety, and subsequently brought home again by six porters.
The Theatre, which was a detached building, as also the present Court Room, both the works of Inigo Jones, were saved, though the Hall was burned, entailing a great expense upon the Company in rebuilding (see Wardens’ Accounts).
The houses 33, 34 and 35, Monkwell Street (see plan, p. 135) were rebuilt 1671, when the gateway to the Hall Court Yard was formed and the grotesque coat-of-arms put up over the Lintol.
When the alterations were made under the superintendence of Charles J. Shoppee in 1869, the old lintol, corbels, tympanum, and door-head were very carefully taken down and refixed over the present entrance to the Hall in the Court Yard. This door-head is always an object of interest to visitors to Barbers’ Hall; long may it continue to be so!
25th August, 1681. A short set of By-Laws was this day enacted. It is on a single skin of parchment, and imposes penalties upon such persons, as, being elected, should refuse to serve as Masters or Stewards of Anatomy. It is signed by Heneage, Earl of Nottingham, Lord Chancellor, and Sir Francis Pemberton and Sir Francis North, the two Lords Chief Justices, all of whose seals are pendant to the document.
1684. This was indeed a troublous year for the Corporation and for the guilds of London. Charles having interfered with the privileges of the City by thrusting in his nominees for Sheriffs, had met with considerable opposition from the citizens, and being assured that this resistance would be continued and maintained by the City, he determined to strike a blow at the root of its franchise, by getting into his hands the Charter of the City, as also the Charters of the several Companies. It was not difficult to procure a venal tribunal which would be prepared to pronounce an iniquitous judgment upon any fictitious statement submitted to it by the King. Sir Robt. Sawyer, the Attorney-General, thereupon undertook, on behalf of the Crown, to prove that the City Charters were forfeited, and contrived the celebrated quo warranto, upon which judgment was (as a matter of course) obtained against the City, on the 12th June, 1684.
The Companies seem to have unanimously anticipated this decision, and by so doing and by “surrendering” their Charters and liberties before the delivery of the judgment, hoped to ensure the favour of the King.
The original of the “surrender” of the Barber-Surgeons is very neatly engrossed on extra thick parchment, but the seal was of course removed when it was returned to the Company. The text is as follows:—
To all to whom these prsents shall come. The Masters or Governors of ye Mystery and Coĩaltie of Barbrs & Surgeons of London send Greeting. Know yee yt wee considering how much it imports the Governmt of our company to have men of known Loyalty & approved integrity to bear offices of Magistracy & places of Trust. The sd Mars or Governrs have granted surrendred and yielded up, and by these prsents do grant surrendr and yield up unto his most gracious Majesty Charles ye second by the Grace of God King of England, &c., his Heires and Successors. All and singular ye Powers Franchises liberties priviledges and authorities whatsoever and howsoever granted to or to bee used or exercised by ye said Masters or Governors by vertue of any right Title or Interest vested in them by any Charters Letters Patents Custome or Prescripc͠on in force of or concerning the electing nominating constituting being or appointing of any person or persons into or for ye severall and respective offices of Mastr Wardens Assistants and Clerk of ye said Company. And ye said Masters or Governors do hereby humbly beseech his Matie to accept of this their surrendr and do with all submission to his Majesties good pleasure implore his grace and favor to regrant to ye said Masters or Governors the nameing and Chusing of ye said Officers and the said libertie and ffranchises or so many of them and in such mannr as his Majesty in his great wisdome shall judge most conducing for ye governmt of ye said Company, And with and under such reservacc͠ons restricc͠ons and qualificac͠ons as his Majestie shall bee pleased to appoint. In Witnes whereof the said Mastrs or Governors have hereunto affixed their Com̃on seal the sixteenth day of Aprill in ye Thirty sixth year of ye reign of or or sovˀaign Lord Charles ye second, &c., and in ye year of or Lord Christ 1684.
Similar forms of surrender were adopted by other Companies. I am unable to say whether or no the King interfered with the franchises of the Barber-Surgeons, but think not, as no record of such meddling is to be found in our books, though, doubtless, the Court took care, remembering the rod in pickle, to govern in accordance with the wishes of the King.
Some time in this year (1684) certain unquiet spirits, Surgeons of our Company, got up a petition to the King, setting forth that the union of Surgeons with Barbers hindered rather than promoted the end for which the two bodies had been united, and praying the King to incorporate the Surgeons a distinct and separate body. Nothing came of this application beyond a reference (ordered by the King, 15th May, 1684) to the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Lord Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, who were directed to examine and report upon the petition, but whether they ever did so or not, I don’t know.
27th February, 1685. James II, in the first year of his reign, granted us a Charter, which is contained on seven skins of parchment, all of which have handsomely designed head-pieces and borders, the first one having a fine portrait of the King as well; only a fragment of the great seal remains, and the charter itself is considerably damaged, apparently by rats. It is in Latin, of great length, and, like others granted to other companies at the period, is an “unreal mockery.” The Charter recites the “Surrender,” and proceeds to grant another charter in which, inter alia, the appointment of any Master, Warden, Assistant, or Clerk should be subject to the approval of the King, that all members of the Company should take the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, be in the Communion of the Church of England and receive the Sacrament, and that no person who frequented a conventicle should be eligible for the Livery.
4th April, 1687. The King having published a declaration, allowing liberty of conscience to all his subjects, suspending and dispensing with the penal laws and tests, and even with the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance on admission into offices civil and military, numerous addresses of thanks for this liberty were presented to the King, among others the following one from our Company, which is preserved in the “London Gazette” of 20th October, 1687.
The Humble Address of the Masters Governors Assistants and Members of the Mystery and Commonalty of Barbers and Surgeons of London.
May it please your Majesty
We having daily before our eyes the munificent Bounties of your Royal Brother of Blessed Memory, and other Your Ancestors, and also that of your Majesties Gracious Favour, in restoring to us our new Charter, we must be esteemed ever ungrateful and undutiful Subjects, if we did not with all humility acknowledge the same.
But we are in more especial manner bound to cast ourselves at Your Majesties Feet, and return our most humble and hearty Thanks for Your late Declaration; wherein You are Graciously pleased to give us Your Royal Word, whereby we are protected in the Profession and free Exercise of our Religion, and also in the Enjoyment of our Liberties and Properties in Peace and Safety; for which Your Gracious Condescension and Goodness (as God hath made it our Duty), Your Majesty hath made it our Interest duly to pray to the Divine Majesty for his Blessing upon your Royal Person, Family and Government. And that after the enjoyment of a long and prosperous reign here, over a Dutiful and Obedient People, You may receive an everlasting Crown in the World to come.
And that it may be so, it shall be as it becomes us, the constant and utmost endeavour, as well as the hearty Prayer of,
Dread Sir!
Your Majesties most humble, most Loyal,
and most obliged Subjects.
1688. Matters were now rapidly approaching a crisis with James, who in vain, when too late, sought to conciliate the citizens whom he had wronged. One of his acts of propitiation was the redelivery to the Companies of the “surrenders” which they had made of their franchises and charters in 1684. We have no note of the date of the return of our surrender; but it was towards the end of November and within about a fortnight of the King’s flight when this tardy act of justice was done, and the Barber-Surgeons thus partly restored to their ancient rights and privileges. The Bill of Rights was shortly afterwards passed, the quo warranto declared illegal, and all charters granted by Charles II and James II since the judgment on the quo warranto, declared absolutely null and void, thus practically reinstating the Guilds in statu quo ante.
28 July, 1690. Ordered that in pursuance of an order of the Com̃on Counsell & Lord Mayor &c. that the Company advance towards the provideing one Rigiment of Horse & one of Dragoone the sum̃e of one hundred pounds.
1699. Jealousies arose in the Company in consequence of the more frequent election of Surgeons than Barbers, as Governors. The By-Laws required that every year there should be two Barbers and two Surgeons chosen (a Barber being defined to be any member who did not practise Surgery). The Surgeons disregarding the law and the old custom, seem to have been able to procure the election of an undue number of members of their own craft to the offices of Master and Wardens, whereupon certain of the Company filed an information in the King’s Bench against the Masters or Governors; the Barbers were successful, and having obtained a Mandamus, a fresh election took place. This altercation between the Barbers and Surgeons was never forgotten, and, indeed, helped to pave the way to further estrangement and the absolute separation in 1745.
The following Minutes relate to these proceedings:
14th December, 1699. Ordered Mr. Srgeant Wright Mr. Srgeant Darnell Mr. Com̃on Srgeant & Mr. Dee bee advised with upon the Informac͠on agt the Governrs.
25th January, 1700. Ordered that the Cause agt the Governrs at the prosecuc͠on of the Barbers bee referred to Srgeant Darnell & his opinion to bee taken & to pˀceed thereupon, Mr. Oades Mr. Pleahill & Mr. Barnard to meet tomorrow at the raine bow to attend him by five in the afternoone.
2nd May, 1700. Ordered Mr. Dee bee consulted concerning the Rule of Court of King’s Bench for a copy of the by laws &c. & to follow his advice &c. He advised to give Copyes if required & not to oppose it.
11th May, 1700. Ordered that Mr. Srgeant Darnell have three guineys Mr. Com̃on Srgeant & Mr. Dee have two a peece given them for the Tryall of the Informac͠on on Tuesday next & that all the Court of Assistants bee desired to bee there.
28th June, 1700. Ordered that nothing bee done in the Cause agt the Company untill the Mandamus be served & then the Comittee to meete.
4th July, 1700. A pˀemtory Mandamus being served the last Court, Ordered that on Tuesday next by two of the Clock in the afternoon there bee an elecc͠on of two Wardens Expert in Barbery for the remainder of this yeare.
9th July, 1700. An election took place, with the result that Mr. John Pinke and Mr. Richard Marks, both being Barbers, were elected Wardens. Mr. Pinke was already a Warden, but the Mandamus required two Barbers to be elected, and he was simply re-elected. Mr. Marks took the place of Mr. Bartholomew King, Surgeon. The Master, Mr. Lichfield, and the second Warden, Mr. James Wall, were both Surgeons.
13th January, 1709. It was agreed that a new set of By-Laws which had been settled by the Common Serjeant and Sir Edward Northey should be presented to the Lord Chancellor, etc., for confirmation, it being considered that the existing By-Laws were defective in many parts, and that “good & wholesome Lawes were the life strength & support of this Company.”
6th April, 1709. A set of By-Laws of this date was confirmed. They are comprised on thirteen great skins of parchment, and, like previous ones, are far too voluminous, and indeed not of sufficient interest, to warrant transcribing, being practically the former set with sundry technical and minor alterations. There is a fine portrait of Queen Anne on the first skin, and the Document is signed by William Lord Cowper, Lord Chancellor, Sir John Holt and Sir John Trevor, Lords Chief Justices, whose seals are pendant. These By-Laws were brought into Court on 5th May, 1709.
13th January, 1709. The Court were informed that the Barbers of the Company were in treaty with the Peruke Makers “of the other end of the town,” about incorporating them into this Company, and that they were endeavouring to procure an Act of Parliament to that effect, whereupon the proposition was approved and leave given to the Barbers to petition Parliament in the name of the Court.
5th December, 1709. A petition was presented by sundry liverymen (Barbers) representing that Peruke making was an encroachment upon the art of Barbery, and praying the Court to obtain an Act of Parliament incorporating the Peruke Makers with the Barber-Surgeons; the petition was favourably received by the Court and a Committee appointed, who met the next day and recommended the proposed union, the Peruke Makers paying such fees as other members of the Company paid.
24th December, 1709. A petition for an Act was ordered to be drawn by the Clerk and submitted to several eminent counsel for their perusal.
9th January, 1710. Five hundred copies of the proposed Bill, and a similar number of the reasons for the suggested incorporation, were ordered to be printed; but in the result nothing came of this proposed union with the Peruke Makers.
25th August, 1714. The following precept relating to the Accession of George I was received:
To the Master and Wardens of
the Company of Barber Surgeons.
By the Mayor.
Whereas it hath been resolved in Com̃on Councill yt if our most Gratious Lord King George upon his comeing into this Kingdome be pleased to pass through this his City of London, yt he shall be received by us & our fellow citizens with all the Demonstrationes of Joy & affection as are suitable to our duty and Loyalty.
These are therefore to require you to have your Rayle Cloaths Standings Banners Streamers Ensignes & other Ornaments of triumph belonging to your Company in a readiness to sett up imẽadiatly upon Notice yt shall be given you of the time & place by any further precept & yt yor Cloaths Banners Streamers Ensignes & other ornaments be fresh & Good & yt you forthwith send to all the Liverymen of yor Company that they be well & decently apparrelled in their best Cloaths & Gowns to attend in their Standings yt so your Company may be ready (when required) to receive his Majtie to his satisfac͠on & the Honour of this City and thereof you are not to faile. Dated this 25th day of August, 1714.
Gibson.
23rd December, 1717. The Company having had great difficulty in getting in some of their rents, and various of the houses being empty, determined to sell their property in Mowse Alley, East Smithfield, and in Butcher Row in St. Botolph’s, Aldgate, agreeing to convey the fee simple to Mr. Robert Finlay for £1,250.
And it is further ordered by this Court that till such time as the said sume of 1250li can be laid out in a convenient purchase of houses or lands with the approbac͠on of the Court of Assistants, The same shall be forthwith placed out at Interest by the Governors upon such Government or other Publick securitys as they shall think fitt, But that the said sume of 1250li or any part thereof shall never be expended on the Company’s common occac͠ons or be any way lessened or broke into on any account whatsoever.
17th April, 1718. The following record was ordered to be made of the “reasons” for disposing of this property:
The Estate in East Smithfield in eleven years time produced to the Company above all disbursements relating thereto119 but £28 15s. in the whole, Whereas the annual interest of £1250 at 4 pˀ cent. is £50.
Eleven years interest at £50 pˀ ann. for £1250 amounts to without computeing Interest upon Interest £550.
The Company have run behind hand for severall years by means of the great sumes laid out upon this Estate.
Whoever goes backward every year must in time be undone.
The Estate is still in such a condition as to require a great sum̃e of money to be expended upon it in Repairing and Rebuilding in order to make it tenantable.
The Company had not money to lay out upon it.
If they had, the Estate is so scituated that there is no room to hope, even in case the whole had been rebuilt (as it wants to be) that it would have answered the laying out so much money.
And if the Company had let it upon building Leases The pˀsent method of building is so as to last exactly the term for which the Lease is taken, wouˀd have put the Company in the same condic͠on as they are now, when the term expired, besides loss of Rent, & disputes with such Tenants in the mean time.
It was therefore thought better to dispose of the Estate.
Following are the details of negotiations with one or two parties other than Mr. Finlay, and some curious particulars of the Company’s title to part of the Estate, which seems to have been an equitable rather than a legal one, whereby the Court apprehended some difficulty in disposing of it to another party from whom a somewhat better price might have been obtained, and therein, under the circumstances, showed themselves good men of business by concluding with Mr. Finlay: we cannot however now, but regret that this most valuable property should have passed from us for so comparatively insignificant a sum. The purchase-money was laid out in thirteen East India Bonds of £100 each.
7th April, 1730. Mr Serjt Dickins the Master of the Company informing the Court, That he having the honour to be acquainted with the Right Honourable The Earl of Burlington and with his Lordships most extraordinary genius and superior judgment in Architecture, had taken the liberty to address himself to the said noble Earl, and to make it his humble request to his Lordship that he would be pleased to favour the Company with his opinion, in what manner it would be safest and best to repair the anatomical Theatre built by the celebrated Inigo Jones about one hundred years ago.
That his Lordship had thereupon condescended to take a view of the Theatre and most obligingly directed the proper method of repairing a structure of so peculiar a frame, and afterwards out of his accustomed generosity, and in regard to the memory of that great Architect offered to defray the expence thereof.
It is thereupon resolved Nemine Contradicente by this Court, That the Master and Wardens of the Company together with the late Master William Cotesworth Esqr be, and they are hereby desired forthwith to wait on the Right Honb̃le The Earl of Burlington, and in the most gratefull manner to assure his Lordship in the name of the whole Company.
That they do receive this noble instance of his Lordships bounty and generosity as a most distinguishing & illustrious mark of honour shown by his Lordship to the Company & Profession.
And that this Court will take care so to record & transmitt the remembrance of this magnificent action of his Lordship to their successors That the gratitude of the Company to his Lordship’s person and memory may be for ever preserved among them.
13th August, 1730. A marble Bust of the Earl of Burlington was ordered to be set up in the Theatre.
27th April, 1739. “The Court taking into their considerac͠on that several of their By-Laws, which had been confirmed by the Lord Chancellor and Lord Chief Justices for the time being, were in want of alteration, by reason of the variation of the times and circumstances of the Company and their Members since such By-Laws were made, and several new By-Laws being also wanting for the better government of the Company in times to come,” It was ordered that a Committee of six should consult and draw up fresh By-Laws, to be submitted to a future Court of Assistants, but in the result no action was taken.
1744. The long slumbering animosity between the Surgeons and the Barbers had now reached a climax, and indeed it is a matter of surprise that an union which had become grotesque should have existed for as many years as it had. The Surgeons, many of whom had attained to great eminence, naturally chafed under a system which required their diplomas to be signed by Governors, two of whom were always Barbers, or members of some trade or profession other than that of a Surgeon, and with the rapid progress of science and of surgical skill and knowledge, they felt their alliance with the Barbers a restraint upon their advancement, as also that the exercise of their profession under Charters and By-Laws, antiquated in form, and more adapted to the times in which they were framed, a hindrance rather than an incitement to further proficiency.
There is little in the records as to this disagreement, it being tacitly agreed that neither side should place their arguments or grievances in the books, which were their joint property.
20th December, 1744. This day the gentlemen on the Surgeons side having made known at this Court their desire of being separated from the gentlemen on the Barbers and that each may be made a distinct and independent Body free from each other, and producing a Case intended to be offered to the Honourable House of Commons praying such separation, which being read at this Court It was agreed that the following gentlemen on the Barbers side vizt.—
Mr. Warden Negus Mr. Parker Mr. Maurice Mr. Truelove and Mr. Haddon.
& on the Surgeons side vizt.—
Mr. Serjt Dickins Willm Petty Esqr James Dansie Esqre Mr. Freke and Mr. Sainthill
be a Committe appointed to meet on Monday next at the Kings Arms Tavern in Saint Paul’s Church Yard at one of the Clock at noon to receive the proposals from the Gentlemen on the Surgeon’s side for such Separation, and that when they had so done that the Gentlemen on the Barber’s side members of this Court should lay the same before the Livery on their side, by a Meeting to be had for that purpose, and that a Court of Assistants should be held on the Tenth day of January next, at which time the Gentlemen on the Barber’s Side Members of this Court, should then report their opinion and assent or Dissent to such proposals made.
At the same time it was agreed that any Member of this Court should at any time have the free liberty of examining and inspecting into the several Books and writings belonging to this Company In case the same should be in the presence of the Master or one of the Wardens but not otherwise, but no such Books or writings be at any time removed from the Hall, on any account whatever unless by a special order of this Court first had and obtained for that purpose.
10th January, 1745. Pursuant to an Order of the last Court of Assistants the gentlemen on the Barbers side Members of this Court, did this day make their report on the proposals made by the gentlemen on the Surgeons side for a separation, by Dissenting in general to such proposals made.
By the Journals of the House of Commons, 18 George II, it appears that the Surgeons on 31st January, 1745, presented a petition to Parliament, in which among other things they recited the Act, 32 Henry VIII, and also that Charles I in the 5th year of his reign,
by Letters Patent under the great seal confirmed the Barber Surgeon’s Company in their possessions and privileges and gave the Company power to make by-laws and to constitute ten persons to be Examiners of Surgeons during their lives, and it was thereby further granted that no person whether freeman foreigner native of England or alien should practise Surgery in London or Westminster or within seven miles of the City of London unless previously examined allowed and admitted by the Company in manner therein mentioned; and that the Surgeons so examined might practise in any part of England; and that the Masters and Governors of the said Company might appoint and have a public lecture for the science of Surgery, for the better instruction and information in the principles and rudiments of the art and science of Surgery, and that no person exercising the art of Surgery within the limits therein mentioned should go out or send any apprentice or servant from the Port of London to serve in quality of a Surgeon for any ship without the approbation and allowance of the said Company, in such manner and under such penalties as are therein mentioned. That since the said Act for incorporating the two said Companies, those of the said Company practising Surgery have from their sole and constant study of, and application to the said science, rendered the profession and practice thereof of great and public benefit and utility to this Kingdom, and that the Barbers belonging to the said Corporation are now, and have been many years, employed in a business foreign to and independent of the practice of Surgery; and that the Surgeons belonging to the same Corporation, being now become a numerous and considerable body, and finding their union with the Barbers inconvenient in many respects and in no degree conducive to the progress or improvement of the art of Surgery, are therefore desirous that the Surgeons being freemen of the said Company, may be made a Corporation separate and distinct from and independent of the Barbers of, and belonging to the said Company; and therefore praying the House to give leave that a bill may be brought in dissolving and vacating the union and incorporation of the Barbers and Surgeons made by the said former act; and for making the Surgeons of the said Company a separate and distinct Corporation; and for making a partition and division of the real and personal estate and effects of and belonging to the said united Company, unto and for the separate benefit of the said two Companies so proposed to be separated, as to this House shall seem meet and reasonable.
Whereupon it was ordered—
That the said petition be referred to the consideration of a Committee and that they do examine the matter thereof, and report the same with their opinion thereupon to the House.
A Committee was at once appointed with power to send for persons, papers, and records.
On the 6th February the Barbers presented a Petition against the proposed separation, and asked to be heard by counsel; whereupon it was ordered—
That the said petition be referred to the consideration of the Committee to whom the petition of the Surgeons of London, whose names are thereunto subscribed, on behalf of themselves and other the Surgeons in the City and suburbs of London is referred: And that these petitioners the said Barbers, if they think fit be heard by their Counsel before the said Committee according to the prayer of the said petitioners.
This petition of the Barbers to the House of Commons was identical with a very scarce pamphlet “The Case of the Barbers,” a copy of which has been kindly given to me by Mr. D’Arcy Power, M.A. It is full of interest, and will be found in Appendix E.
27th February, 1745. The Committee brought up their report, which was read by the Clerk, and recited the various documents produced and the evidence tendered; among other matters it is stated that Mr. John Hayward, a Past Master, was examined and deposed, that the Master (who every other year was a Barber) and the Wardens present, sign the diplomas. That there are ten Examiners who have each half a guinea for their attendance, and the Master and Wardens have the like. That he did not know that the presence of Barbers at these examinations was any inconvenience, but he apprehended it would be more eligible if the Master were always a Surgeon. That the Barbers are generally present at the four public lectures of Anatomy, two of which are at the expense of the Company, the other two being at the expense of the Surgeons. That the Demonstrators of Anatomy and Osteology are chosen by the whole Court of Assistants (fifteen of whom are Barbers, and fifteen Surgeons). That he apprehends the present union is the reason why so many persons do not bind their sons apprentice at the Hall. He never knew of the Barbers interfering in or giving interruption to examinations, and he never heard any fact mentioned as a reason for the separation desired by the Surgeons, except that a great many foreign brothers (who are gentlemen that practise both in and out of town) refuse to come into the Company on account of the present expense.
Being examined as to the money generally given to the Poor’s Box by Sea Surgeons at the time of their receiving a Qualification, he said that it was always expected, but that if they are not in a capacity it is not insisted upon, and that he never heard of any person being denied a Qualification for refusing to pay it. That the Qualification is delivered to the party sealed up, to be carried to the Navy Office, and that the Master commonly signifies to him what fees are expected; that the said Box is examined every month, and about nine-tenths of the money distributed by the Master and Wardens, among the poor of the Barbers.
Being asked what proportion the Barbers pay to the Poor’s Box, he said that the greatest part of the income applied to that use arises from the examination of Sea Surgeons, but that the Apprentices of Barbers (who are as twenty to one) always pay when bound at the Hall, and at their admission to the freedom, as well as the Surgeons.
Mr. Hayward put before the Committee a statement of the fines received by the Company, which was as follows—
| Surgeons. | Barbers. | |||
| £ s. d. | £ s. d. | |||
| For | Freedom by purchase | 10 10 0 | 6 6 0 | |
| " | Livery fine, and all Offices to the Parlor door | 35 0 0 | 25 0 0 | |
| " | Examination for great Diploma | 6 6 0 | ||
| " | The fine for not serving the four several offices of Master and the three Wardens, which the Surgeons often pay, but the Barbers never do, sometimes 30 guineas but oftener | 40 0 0 | 40 0 0 | |
| " | The fine for Master and Stewards of Anatomy when called upon in turn (and if they serve, the expense is rather greater) | 40 0 0 | ||
| £131 16 0 | £71 6 0 |
The Clerk’s and Beadle’s fees are not included in the above.
Mr. Joseph Wheeler, the Clerk of the Company, was examined by the Committee, and generally confirmed Mr. Hayward’s evidence.
The next witness, Mr. Neil Stewart, was evidently called in the interest of the Surgeons, to show the inconvenience which had arisen (in his case at all events) by reason of the warrants being issued by the “Barbers and Surgeons.” He deposed that he was surgeon to H.M.S. The Looe, and, being taken prisoner by the French, was put in the common prison at Brest, where he petitioned to be removed to an open hospital at Dinan, and enclosed his warrant as a surgeon with his petition to the French authorities; some days after, he enquired of the “Linguist” as to the success of his petition, and was informed that “the Superintendent did not know by his warrant whether he (the witness) was a Barber or a Surgeon: that upon his desiring the linguist to read the warrant, by which it would appear he was a surgeon, the linguist replied that it might be so, but that if the witness had been taken on board one of the King of Great Britain’s ships it would have been out of doubt.” This witness further stated that he believed the unfavourable notice which was taken of his petition was because his warrant came from the Masters of the Barbers and Surgeons.
With reference to the gift of Edward Arris the Court minutes of 29th February, 1675–6 were produced which stated that “Mr. Edward Arris a very worthy member of this Company having formerly settled by Deed £30 a year for a dissection of a body yearly and Reading on the Muscles, desired that deed might be delivered up to him,” and he in return would pay the Company £510 to enable them to apply the interest to the same purposes, which was agreed to. Mr. Arris dying on the 28th May, 1676, the Company soon became involved in a Chancery suit with his son, Dr. Thomas Arris, and the Court minutes of 20th January, 1677–8 were produced and read to the Committee. These set forth the answer which the Company filed to the Bill of Complaint before the Master of the Rolls, and stated the circumstances referred to in the minutes of 29th February, 1675–6, and that Mr. Arris gave as his reason for this “That his only son and heir, the now Doctor, had and did then receive the profits of the said lands to his own use upon condition and under promise to pay the said £30 per annum for the said Dissection; but he found that he did never pay one penny of it, or ever would do, when he their benefactor was dead, without trouble or suit; with some severe and sharp expressions, which we will by no means mention, although they were the very words of the father spoken of the son.”
The answer goes on to express the hope that the Company will not be compelled to enter into any further covenant with Dr. Arris than they had done with his father their “pious benefactor,” for the carrying out of the trust, or be ordered to refund the £510 to Dr. Arris. It also prayed that he might be ordered to pay the costs of “this troublesome and unnecessary suit, which doth so much shew what they must expect from him hereafter, if they should part with the £510.” As the Company retained the £510 till the separation in 1745, there is no doubt but that Dr. Arris, as he deserved to do, lost his suit.
Various extracts from the Company’s books were read, on behalf of the Barbers, to show that the united Company had always assisted the Surgeons, and promoted the cause and interest of Surgery out of the common fund of the Barbers and Surgeons.
Part of the Will of Robert Ferbras, Citizen and Surgeon, dated 2nd December, 1470,120 was read, whereby it appeared that several estates formerly belonging to the said Company, were given to the Barbers before their union with the Surgeons in Henry VIII’s time. And a declaration of Bryan Sandford, dated 8th March, 1490, was read, whereby it appeared that the site of the Hall was purchased by the Barbers before the said Union.
The Committee of the House of Commons reported that they had recommended the parties to settle the dispute as to the division of the property between them, and that thereupon the Surgeons had proposed that they should have given up to them Dr. Gale’s Annuity of £16 per annum and Alderman Arris’ gift of £510; also that for about three years until the Surgeons could provide themselves with suitable premises, they should have the use of the Hall, Theatre, &c., at a nominal rent of one guinea per annum.
The Barbers agreed to give up Gale’s and Arris’ gifts, but proposed that the Surgeons should take a lease for such days in the year as they commonly used the premises, at £80 per annum, and pay the Barbers £100 towards the expenses to which they had been put by this suit in the Parliament.
In the result the Committee reported:—(a) That the Surgeons had made good the allegations of their petition. (b) That the proposed separation was desirable. (c) That the propositions of the Surgeons touching the division of the property were reasonable.
Subsequently the Bill passed both Houses and received the Royal Assent, the quaint union being dissolved 25th June, 1745.
By this Act (18 Geo. II) the Surgeons were erected into a separate Corporation, and the Barbers were re-incorporated under the style of “The Master, Governors and Commonalty of the Mystery of Barbers of London.” So much of this Act as relates to the Barbers will be found in the Appendix F.
The first Court of Assistants of “The Barbers’ Company” was held on the 25th June, 1745, at 10 a.m., and there were present:—
| Mr. Jonathan Medley | Master. | |||
| Mr. Humphry Negus | Second Governor. | |||
| Mr. William Parker. | Assistants. | Mr. Samuel Rutter. | ||
| Mr. John Barnwell. | Mr. Robert Scrooby. | |||
| Mr. John Truelove. | Mr. Richard Swithin. | |||
| Mr. William Haddon. | Mr. Edward Colebeck. | |||
| Mr. John Negus. | Mr. Togarmah Jones. | |||
| Mr. Edward Boxley. | Mr. John Gurney. | |||
The Act of Separation being read, and the Oaths as formerly required to be taken by Freemen, Master, Warden, Assistant, Clerk, and Beadle being also read and considered, the Court settled and formulated the various Oaths, and the same are entered in the Minutes.
The Election of nine fit and able persons to be Assistants was then proceeded with, and Mr. William Jackson, Mr. John Bearblock, Mr. Willm. Roberts, Mr. Thomas Cotton, Mr. John Whiting, Mr. Richard Lookes, James Theobald, Esqre., Peter Theobald, Esqre., and Mr. John Pepys, were unanimously elected.
Mr. Edward Boxley and Mr. Samuel Rutter were chosen third and fourth Governors or Wardens.
Thanks were voted to Mr. Jonathan Medley and Mr. Humphry Negus “for their great care in defending and preserving the Rights Priviledges and property of this Company on their Separation from the Surgeons.”
Thanks were also voted to Mr. John Paterson “for his great care and diligence in executing the orders and directions of the Master and Governor about the defence and preservation of the rights priviledges and property of the Company” and to further mark their sense of the same, the Court unanimously elected Mr. Paterson as Clerk.
The two Beadles, Henry Gretton and William Littlebury were re-elected.
It was ordered that all Charters, Books, Plate and goods belonging to the Company, then in the custody of Mr. Joseph Wheeler (the late Clerk) should be delivered to Mr. Paterson, who was to make and sign an Inventory of the same, and also to examine Mr. Wheeler’s accounts, and report thereon to the Court.
The Common Seal was directed to be altered by omitting the words Et Chirurgorum and by adding Anno MDCCXLV.
A Committee was appointed to peruse the By-Laws of the late United Company, and to report as to which of them required amendment or were fit to be repealed or added to.
8th August, 1751. Mr. John Brooks attended and produced a Deed to which he requested the subscription of the Court; this deed recited that by an Act of Parliament passed in the 10th year of Queen Anne, it was enacted that a duty of 2d. per lb. should be laid upon all starch imported, and of 1d. per lb. upon all starch made in Great Britain, that no perfumer, barber, or seller of hair-powder should mix any powder of alabaster, plaster of Paris, whiting, lime, etc. (sweet scents excepted), with any starch to be made use of for making hair-powder, under pain of forfeiting the hair-powder and £50, and that any person who should expose the same for sale should forfeit it and £20. Also that by further Acts additional duties were laid upon starch. And by an Act passed in the 4th year of George II the penalties were somewhat mitigated. “And whereas the said laws with respect to hair-powder have by experience been found not to answer the end proposed by the Legislature, the sum arising by the said duties upon starch and hair-powder having gradually lessened, whilst the fair traders have been great sufferers by the practice of those who by the greatness of the duty have attempted to make vend or use the said prohibited articles. And whereas the trade or business of making vending or dressing of Perukes or other Ornaments of hair for the head and also of cutting and dressing the hair of the head being considered as distinct from the business of Barbers is under no regulation whatever,” etc., the parties whom Mr. Brooks represented (and whose names were signed to the deed) had, therefore, agreed to join in an application to Parliament for reducing the duties on hair-powder, as also for incorporating all persons carrying on the trade of Barbers and Peruke-makers within the Bills of Mortality, into one joint Corporation or Body politick, and for restraining persons from exercising those trades who had not served seven years’ apprenticeship.
It was stated that subscriptions towards defraying the costs of the proposed Bill had been paid to Messrs. Gosling & Bennett, Bankers in Fleet Street, that John Paterson, Esq., Clerk of the Company, was Solicitor for the Bill, and Mr. John Brooks was Secretary of the Petitioners.
The Court, having considered the application, decided to contribute Twenty Guineas, but the matter seems to have been in abeyance for eighteen months, as the petition to the House of Commons was not sealed by the Company until the 7th January, 1753.
13th January, 1753. The petition was this day presented and is recorded in the Journals of the House; it states, among other things, that the Company “are in danger of being unable to support themselves and that the petitioners who exercise the art of Peruke making in the liberties and neighbourhood of the said City are not a body corporate, nor under any order or regulation; for want whereof great frauds are practised in the said manufacture to the discouragement of the fair trader, and manifest injury of the consumer, And therefore praying the House that leave may be given for the bringing in a Bill for incorporating the Peruke makers as well within as without the liberties of the City of London, and within such distance thereof as the House shall think fit, with the said petitioners”—the Barbers’ Company. This petition was referred to a Committee, but no report of that Committee is entered in the Journals.
4th December, 1764. The Peruke makers turned up again in 1764, for we find in the Minutes that certain of them attended with the draft of a petition to the King, to which they asked the assent of the Court. This petition which strangely commenced “We the Company of Barbers and Peruke makers,” stated that the suppliants laid before his Majesty the distresses into which the Peruke makers had fallen by reason of the change of fashion, and thus appeals to the King, “Where can we look for relief but there only where it is to be found, for as the Fashion your Majesty approves will very justly be a pattern to your subjects, We most humbly hope not to be too bold in wishing Perukes may soon be as much in fashion as the wearing of hair is at present, which will increase the Revenue, give happiness to the indigent and distressed Peruke makers, and increase the many great unmerited Favours, We as a Company have received from Royal Hands!”
16th January, 1765. The Court took this ridiculous petition into consideration, and of course refused to adopt it, informing the suppliants that they were concerned to observe the decay in their trade, as it was connected by usage with that of Barbery, but as the Charters of the Company did not extend to Peruke making, the Court could not with propriety address his Majesty on the subject.