Chap. V Observations on the Chili Trade
The town of St. Malo has always been noted for good privatiers. They annoyd the English and Dutch very much in their trade during the whole reign of king William, and part of queen Anne: and tho’ some religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. Malo men are as rich and florishing as any people in France. It has thrived so well with them, that all their South Sea trade is owing to their privatiering; and in the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts to Lewis XIV. And tho’ our English Admiralty always kept a stout squadron cruising in the Atlantic ocean, yet we never took one of their South-Seamen; and my reason for it is this, they kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the Loo, being one of the convoys that year to Newfoundland, we saw upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she was French built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little time. She had just been cleand at Placentia: and we might well wonder to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards informd by French prisoners that she was a South-Seaman bound to St. Malo, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. But since Placentia has been yielded to Great Britain, they now make use of St. Catharine, the island Grande on the coast of Brasil, and Martinico in the West Indies.
This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail together on the coast of Chili in the year 21: among which were several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the Flower de Lis, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the Assiento treaty between Spain and Great Britain, frequent memorials were presented at Madrid: and the king of Spain willing to keep up his ingagements with England, resolved to gratify the British court by destroying the French trade to the South-Sea. His Catholic majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with the navigation of Cape Horne, or could bear the extreme rigor of the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and commanded by Frenchmen, according to the old saying, Set a thief to catch a thief.
The first was the Glocester of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an English man of war: the second was the Ruby 50 guns and 350 men another English ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men: the fourth was the Leon Franco, a Spanish man of war of 60 guns and 450 men all Spaniards. Monsieur Martinet a French gentleman was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the Glocester: Monsieur La Jonquiere had the Ruby; the rest I forget. The French performd their navigation well enough, and got round the Cape tho’ it was in the middle of winter: but the last of the four being Spaniards, after several attempts, could not weather Cape Horne, but was forced by utter necessity to bear away back to the river of Plate, where at last the ship was unfortunately cast away.
It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the Spaniards were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The Biscayners indeed are robust fellows enough, and if the Leon Franco had been mand with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three ships: but the Spaniards in general, ever since their possessions in America, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation.
The great advantage of the trade of Chili this way is so manifest, that his Catholic majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all nations from it as well as the English, tho’ he makes nothing of it himself: and it’s very rare that a Spanish ship has gone by Cape Horne. From hence arises the extraordinary price all European goods fetch at Chili and Peru: I have been told at Lima that they often are sold at 400 per cent. profit; and I may say the goods that are carryd from France by Cape Horne are in themselves 50 per cent. better than those that go in the Flota from Cales to Cartagena, or La vera Cruz: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before they can come to Chili: so that the French, during the foresaid interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.
When Martinet arrived at Chili, in the year 17, with the king of Spain’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St. Malo men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.
Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his Catholic majesty, and doing a sensible pleasure to the British South-Sea company: yet the Creole Spaniards, especially the trading part of them, found themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of the French men of War, tho’ they liked the French merchantmen well enough. On the other hand, the French imagining they had done the Spaniards effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment while they stayd among them. But as soon as Martinet brought his prizes into Callao, and the Frenchmen had received their proper shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the Spanish to the French nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking and drinking that still incensed the Creolians more against them, who calld them Gavachos and Renegados for falling foul on their own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so high that the Frenchmen were forced to go in parties about Lima and Callao, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the Ruby and nephew to captain Jonquiere, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at Callao. Martinet, Jonquiere and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy, that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body. Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of Callao; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last Jonquiere unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore Martinet, that he might make the best of his way home.
About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got together at the town of Conception, intending when this squadron came by, to take their passage to Europe: for they knew that all ships bound by Cape Horne must touch at Conception, or thereabouts, for provision. Herein Jonquiere got the whip hand of his commodore having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for as the king of Spain has no officers at Conception to register the money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers and missionaries put on board the Ruby. The reason why there are no such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the north way to come home in the Flota.
By this opportunity the padres and others gaind two great advantages; first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to Panama or Acapulco; and thence traversing the continent to Portobello or La vera cruz, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited to see if the Indulto to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because the Ruby touchd first in France, where no cognisance at all was to be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty payable in America, they likewise got clear of the other payable in Spain, because the ship arrived in France where they put all their money ashore.
There was on board the Ruby beside these passengers money, a considerable sum arising to his Catholic majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron. All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’ Shelvocke’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship Ruby found us in the harbour of St. Catherine; Jonquiere’s company, as I said in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there, lest the Success should come in: and if Shelvocke had not wilfully lost company with Clipperton, and perversly determined never to joyn him, which he might have done at Canarie, there is probability enough that we should have met with Jonquiere at sea, if not at St. Catherine: then our business had been done for this time without going any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the Ruby our selves, had we known her condition.
After captain Martinet had cleard the coasts of Peru and Chili of his countrymen; he sent express with the news to Madrid his brother in law monsieur de Grange, who came by way of Portobello, Jamaica and London. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he should do for him. De Grange humbly beggd, that his majesty would please to give him the command of a ship to go round cape Horne again. He accordingly had the Zelerin of fifty guns. He came first to Cales where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find a very cold reception from the French merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the French aboard that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with him.
Captain Fitzgerald who was then at Cales seeing this, made him a considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer, and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. De Grange being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the Zelerin chiefly with French, and some English seamen; and away they went, getting very well round the cape. When our two privatiers Success and Speedwel were known to be in the South-Sea, this same ship Zelerin was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of Peru to cruise for us. Fitzgerald sold his goods at Lima to great advantage, where he continued, while De Grange served as captain under the admiral Don Pedro Midranda who took me and the rest of us prisoners.
The St. Malo merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found the Solomon of St. Malo carrying 40 guns and 150 men at Hilo on the coast of Chili with several small Spanish barks at her stern. She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision and left the coast without interruption; for by this time Martinet’s squadron was all come away. The Solomon’s good success gave them such incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together; all which arrived in the South-Sea beginning the year 1721: three of whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the Creolians, quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.
About this time the people of Lima judged the English privatiers were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon the three Spanish men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the Advice boat calld the Flying Fish in company with the said three men of war, when they came up with the eleven sail of St. Malo men altogether on the coast of Chili; and instead of firing upon them, the Spaniards joynd them like friends. The French expecting to be attackt, kept all together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always in sight: and when any of the French ships steerd to the shore, the Spaniards sent their pinnace or long boat with the Spanish flag hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the Creoles from treating or trading with the French. Thus they made shift to hinder all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out, the Frenchmen got leave to take in provision, and went home with at least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe edicts against it in France, I know they still continue the trade, tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a commerce, except some other power prevent it.
With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable: even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so remote a part of the world.
Don Pedro Midranda the admiral who took us, used us with great humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.
Monsieur de Grange his second captain who gave me a whole sute of apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers that first boarded us.
Don Jeronimo Baldevieso and Don Antonio Chierose, who handsomly entertaind three of us at Piura at the admiral’s request, before we were sent to Lima.
Captain Nicholas Fitzgerald who passd his word for me at Lima; entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more our passage to Cales, and wages to those who workd.
Don Juan Baptista Palacio a worthy Spaniard of Biscay, knight of the order of St. James, who came weekly to the prison at Lima, and gave money to all our men as well as Clipperton’s, according to their degree.
To captain John Evers of the Britannia, who gave me his table and my passage to London.
And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me ten guineas each upon my appearance in London, as a token of their concern for my hardships.
The Right Honorable Henry Earl of Lincoln
| Edward Hughes | Esquires. |
| William Sloper | |
| Alexander Strahan | |
| Samuel Winder | Merchants. |
| Beake Winder | |
| Henry Heal | |
| John Barnes | |
| Humphry Thayer | Druggists. |
| Thomas Stratfield |
Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.—When I first thought of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous reflexions of captain Shelvocke; but being authorised by men of worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole expedition: for Shelvocke’s is no account of the voyage at all, but a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind those who knew nothing of the story. And tho’ the undertaking proved abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others, tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all.
An ACCOUNT of the Jesuits settlement in the province of Paraguay in south America. (translated from the French.)
Tho’ many of the European powers have planted colonies in America since the Spanish conquest, yet there never was in any country one so remarkable, as the settlement of the jesuits in Paraguay: The beginning of it was only about fifty families of Indians, which these fathers collected together, and seated in the middle of the country: since which it has multiplyd so fast, that there are now 300,000 families; which at the usual computation is two million of souls. These possess some of the finest land on all the continent, lying along the river Paraguay, between twenty and thirty degrees south latitude; 600 mile north of Buenos Ayres; as much to the south of the Portuguese Paulists, and 400 from the province of Tucuman: being separated from Chili by the Cordileer mountains.
The jesuits have not been able yet to carry their mission farther among the Indians for want of more fathers: otherwise they could take in 5 or 600 mile of as good pasturage as the world affords. But the country they now possess is as fruitful as any, and as well waterd; having their meadows full of sheep and black cattle. They have also stock enough of timber, corn, indigo, flax, cotton, sugar, pulse and fruit: and what excels all this, they have mines of gold and silver tho’ the good fathers won’t own it: however, there have been so many proofs of it, that it is now indisputable.
The natives are good humourd, tractable and laborious; and by management of the jesuits learn all useful trades. They are divided into forty two parishes, which like towns lye five, ten and twenty mile asunder. Every parish has a Padre for their sovereign, who is obeyd with exact fear and respect. He punishes every crime as he thinks fit: so that he is both their absolute priest and king.
The common discipline is a certain number of stripes with a whip, according to the nature of the transgression. The magistrates whom they put in under them, are not excused from the same punishment: but which is very particular, he that is soundly flogd comes humbly and kisses the father’s sleeve, owns his fault and thanks him for the chastisement. And this is the way one man governs seven or eight thousand families: so that there never was a more complete dominion, or a more passive, obedient people.
The same method is not only observed in all the parishes, but is also attended with perfect satisfaction of mind. The Indians are content with food and rayment; and happy in their condition, tho’ the jesuits intirely reap the fruit of all their labour. They are taught to expect the felicities of another life, and stedfastly believe the reverend fathers have the distribution of that happiness. There are warehouses in each parish, where the people carry all their manufacture, goods and provision: for they must not eat a chicken of their own, without it comes in their daily allowance.
Next let it be considerd what vast profit these sovereign ecclesiastics make of the work of such a multitude of hands. If it is only allowd that each family brings them clear three pound a year: the total produce of 300,000 families will be nine hundred thousand pound per annum. Then consider the trade they have to all Chili, Peru and Mexico for the herb Camini, or Paraguay tea; where a prodigious quantity is drank, and at a moderate computation brings them 200,000 pound a year, (all East-India tea being there prohibited.) Their other commodities must be likewise sold to good advantage; and the gold dust which the Indians gather up from the washes, when the river waters have left them, is an unknown revenue. Nevertheless, these fathers will tell ye, their gospel mission costs them a great deal of money and pains, and that their income is inconsiderable: but the jesuits gold and silver coind and uncoind, which comes every now and then into Europe, the shining magnificence of their churches, and their commerce, which is known to all the Spaniards as well as others, are demonstrations to the contrary.
’Tis not amiss here to describe the church and habitation of one of those fathers, as it was related by two Frenchmen belonging to a ship of Nants commanded by monsieur d’Escaseau.
When that ship set sail from the port of Maldonad designing for France, the said two Frenchmen happend to be ashore; and at so great a distance, that when they came down the boat was gone off without them. One of these was captain of the small arms, and the other a serjeant. Being at a loss what to do on a desert coast, they resolved to advance up the country, and live upon what their muskets would bring them. In three days they met Indians with beads round their necks, who kindly received them; and, understanding they were French, made many signs of respect: for they are taught to love that nation and distinguish them from all others.
They led them up to the Mission, several days journey from the place where they met; and in their way lived upon wild cows, which the Indians catch when they please, by throwing a noose at ten or fifteen yards distance so cleverly round their horns, that they easily come to: which done, they hamstring them and cut their throats.
The Frenchmen being arrived at the Mission, were handsomly entertaind by the jesuit, lord of that parish; at whose apartment they stayd four months without going once abroad. After this they returnd to Buenos Ayres under a guard of Indians.
The account they gave is as follows. That Father’s parish church is long and spacious, enterd by a portico of several handsome steps; and supported by eight columns of a good order and well wrought. Over the door within is a gallery for the music in divine service, which consists of sixty persons, voices and instruments. There are seats in the church, where the men are placed according to their seniority and office: the women sitting in a neat gallery by themselves. The great altar is defended by a ballustrade of India wood curiously turnd. The military officers are placed on the right, and the Caciques or civil magistrates, on the left.
The back of the altar is very richly coverd. In the middle are three large paintings, framed with solid gold and silver. Above these are several gravings, and base relieves in gold. The top is finisht with wood-work richly wrought and gilt up to the roof. On either side the altar is a wooden pedestal, plated at top with gold, upon which stand two saints of solid silver. The tabernacle is gilt with gold; and the pyx wherein the host is kept is of solid gold, set round with emeralds and other costly stones. The ends and foot of the altar are hung with brocades fringed with gold. In short, the candlesticks and other vessels of plate, with which the altar is drest in service time amidst a great number of wax-lights, make a splendor beyond expression.
There are two small altars, on the right and left of the church, adornd in proportion to the other: and in the middle towards the ballustrade, is a large silver candlestick of thirty gilt branches, hanging from the roof by a silver chain. By all which a man may form some idea of the riches of that settlement, if the other parishes are like this, which is very rational to believe.
The presbytery or father’s dwelling consists of several rooms and a hall furnisht with images and pictures, where the Indians wait the good father’s levee till he comes forth to give audience. These lodgings are surrounded with green walks, gardens, and out-houses for servants. The whole with the church making a large noble square and walld in.
The forty two jesuits are independent of each other’s government; and are answerable to no power on earth, but the principal of the convent of Cordova in Tucuman; who makes a general visitation once a year through the Mission, attended by a numerous guard of horse. When he arrives at the parish, the Indians are to shew all respect and joy. The magistrates approach him with fear, and a down cast head; while the common people kneel, and cross their hands as he passes along. While he stays in the Mission, every parish makes up the last year’s account of their whole expense and income.
All their merchandizes are carryd by water to Santa Fe, which being their great magazine, they keep there a general factor. from thence they are carryd to Buenos Ayres by land; where they appoint another factor. From these chief towns they dispose of their goods to the chapmen of Peru, Chili, and the three provinces of Paraguay, Buenos Ayres and Tucuman. And we may justly conclude, that this Mission of jesuits carries on more trade than the three provinces together.
The business of the civil officers is to write down the number of families, visit their houses, overlook their work, and deliver the jesuits orders. And as kissing the father’s sleeve is counted an earnest of their future immortal happiness, this welcome kiss is promised them as a reward in this life for doing their duty and minding their work. There are other task-masters for the country, to whom they strictly declare the produce of every thing, even to an egg; and are obliged, under certain penalties, to carry all into the proper store-houses. Servants also are appointed to parcel out to each family twice a week their allowance of provision: which is done with surprizing order in the father’s presence. And tho’ these priests are sufficiently paid for their care and vigilance; yet, to their praise it must be ownd, they are indefatigable in their labor, to prevent the people murmuring or misimploying their time. Formerly two jesuits were in each parish; but since their great increase there is only one, till they get more from Europe.
The Indians are not sufferd to drink wine, or any spirituous liquor. Herein the good priests copy the law of Mahomet, who likewise forbid his disciples the use of wine; lest being spirited up, they should rebel, shake off their yoke, and overturn the empire he had founded.
The jesuits marry their men and women young, to fulfil perhaps the first commandment given to Adam, Increase and multiply, or for other wise ends. The first precepts the children learn, are to fear God and the jesuit; to be humble and patient, and not in love with this world.
As the civil government is well orderd, so is the military. Every parish according to its power, is obliged to maintain some regiments of horse and foot. Each regiment hath six companies of fifty men with proper officers, and an adjutant who exercises them every sunday evening. Those officers are traind up from father to son; so that the military discipline becomes natural, and their forces march in great order. For this reason the parishes have all an easy communication, that their army may soon be formd under their proper commanders, of whom one of the jesuits is generalissimo. Their small arms are swords, muskets and slings; which last being natural to them, they can throw heavy stones; and hit a mark at a great distance.
The whole Mission can draw together 60,000 men in a week’s time. Their pretense for keeping up so great a number is, because the Portuguese Paulists sometimes make excursions and take away their people: but the Spaniards laugh at this, well knowing that the jesuits keep these standing forces to prevent any foreign power giving disturbance to their colony.
Their omitting to teach the Indians the Spanish tongue, and forbiding them to converse at all with that nation when they are sometimes sent to work in the towns for the king of Spain’s service, is plain they mean to keep their government to themselves. For when any stranger, as these two Frenchmen, are driven there by accident, they are shut up while they stay. And when the Spaniards themselves passing up the river Paraguay have occasion to touch upon their settlement, they dare not go beyond their church walls: and when they beg leave to see the town, the jesuit is sure to walk with them, and all the Indians are taught to keep in, and shut their doors. They have other precautions, one of which is, to send out good detachments of troops to clear their frontiers from St. Gabriel’s isles to the Maldonad hills, and hinder all communication with their country, for the sake of their gold and silver mines; of which we shall give two instances. The Falmouth of St. Malo being lost in 1706 near the Flores islands, some of these troops plunderd part of her cargo; which they afterwards restored by the interposition of the governer of Buenos Ayres. Two years after this, the Atlas was cast away at the Castiles, and the crew having saved some of their best effects, were marching over the country to the Maldonades, thinking to get home again by sea; but were met by the Indians, who took all from them. However, they had luckily buryd their silver upon the coast, to the value of several thousand dollars, which they afterwards took along with them.
At the foot of the Maldonad mountains are good mines, which were discoverd by Pacheco, who lived at Buenos Ayres and was formerly miner of Potosi in Peru: they are about seventy mile from the port, and forty from Montevide. The governer of Buenos Ayres being acquainted with it, sent workmen with Pacheco, who dug up the place and returnd with a good quantity of gold ore. But Valdes Inelau the governer being bribed by the father of the Mission, gave out that he had made trial of the ore, and it would not answer the charge and trouble. However Pacheco kept what he had got, and saw it was only a trick of the jesuits, to prevent any new settlement near their dominions.
Some of the said ore was lately tryd in France, but yielded little, being taken from neat the surface. But Pacheco, who is known to be as good a miner as any, says, there is no richer earth in America than that place affords: and doubts not the rivers thereaway are fertile of gold dust, as those near the Paulists. The young Indians in the parish of St. Dominic, have several times brought gold to Buenos Ayres, which they got privately from the Mission; from whence we may infer there is a good deal of it.
In the year 1706, the aforesaid D’Escaseau, being in Maldonad port, met with some of these Indians, who came in a small detachment to drive some cattle up to the Mission. He talkd with them, and made them a present. In return, they told him if he would go up the country to a place they pointed at, he might get silver enough. The priests have all along been jealous, lest the Spaniards should find any of these mines, because a settlement of that kind might be of dangerous consequence: and they have taken care to clear the country on that side of all cattle and provision whatsoever.
From the foregoing particulars, ’tis evident that the jesuits affect sovereignty and arbitrary rule; and the three chief objects of their desire are power, splendor and riches. Their method of educating and governing their people, from whose industry arises all they enjoy, allowing them the bare necessaries of life; their care to prevent any communication with the Spaniards; their caution when any stranger comes to their Mission by accident; their standing forces, and scowring their borders to prevent any new settlement near their limits; are all manifest arguments that they design to continue independent: and not only conceal what revenues they have, but many other advantages they are not yet quite possest of.
Some casuists will say, that all these nations round Paraguay belong to his Spanish majesty as king of the Indies; Paraguay it self being possest by the Spaniards in 1540, and governd by the viceroy of Peru. According to these gentlemen, the true divine right is the right of conquest: so that all these Indians are his natural born subjects, and should obey him alone. They ought freely to parcel out their land, and dispose of their own crop, and otherwise injoy the fruit of their labor, whether in the mines or manufactures: this would make it a regular colony, and cause a general circulation of trade and money. Doubtless the poor Indians would be glad of all this: but the wise fathers argue a different way, That since they have got them under subjection, and brought them into great rule and order, they have at present a fair title to their allegiance: especially since all this is done without cruelty or force of arms. ’Tis true, the Indians can call nothing their property, but give up all as the inheritance of two and forty ecclesiastical kings ruling two million of good natured loyal subjects.
We shall give one instance of the great authority of these fathers, and the duty of their people. When the governer of Buenos Ayres was orderd to besiege St. Gabriel belonging to the Portuguese, a body of 4000 jesuit Indians came to assist him. After lying a short time before the town, the said governer orderd the attack at four in the morning. The Indians not receiving their orders from their own commander, refused to obey; and threatend to revolt: whereupon the right reverend general was acquainted with it, who not being yet come from his tent, made haste to the army, and put himself at the head of his forces: when the Indians immediately formd themselves, and executed his commands.
The jesuits ought to pay the king a yearly subsidy of so much a head for every Indian through their settlement, according to the capitation tax. But this, if paid, is sufficiently returnd by the wages the Indians receive, when they work for the king, who at the year’s end is often made debtor to the Mission. For, in the first place, the jesuits dont give in the number of half their families to be taxt. Then the governer of Buenos Ayres, who ought once in five years to visit all their Mission, and take an exact list, is stopt in his journey, and gratifyd for his trouble: so that he finds it better to take their own list. And lastly, when 500 Indians are imployd in the king’s service, the good fathers charge him 1000.
Thus is his Catholic majesty served, not only in the south Indies, but in all other parts of America; where his revenues are half sunk in feignd imployments and imaginary applications. As for the settlement of the jesuits, I shall only make this observation upon it, That all people are more naturally led than driven; and the same policy that founded this government will probably maintain it, if the fathers keep a succession out of their own society. If ever they make a present of this colony to a foreign power, it must be that of France: for the Spaniards and Portuguese are hated by all the Americans for their tyranny and pride: and no other Romish power except France, would be able to defend and support its title.