The Engine of the First Flight, 1903
In commencing the design of the first engine, the first important decision arrived at was that of the number and size of the cylinders to be employed and the form in which they would be combined, although it is unlikely that this presented any serious problem. In a similar situation Manly, when he was working on the engine for the Langley Aerodrome,9 was somewhat perturbed because he did not have access to the most advanced technical knowledge, since the automobile people who were at that time the leaders in the development of the internal combustion engine, tended for competitive reasons to be rather secretive about their latest advancements and designs. But although the standard textbooks may not have been very helpful to him, there were available such volumes as W. Worby Beaumont’s Motor Vehicles and Motors which contained in considerable detail descriptions and illustrations of the best of the current automobile engines. The situations of Manly and the Wrights differed, however, in that whereas the Wrights’ objective was certainly a technical performance considerably above the existing average, Manly’s goal was that of something so far beyond this average as to have been considered by many impossible. Importantly, the Wrights had their own experience with their shop engine and a good basic general knowledge of the size of engine that would be necessary to meet their requirements.
Engine roughness was of primary concern to them. In the 1902 description of the engine they sent to various manufacturers, they had stated: “... and the engine would be free from vibration.” Even though their requirement for a smooth engine was much more urgent than merely to avoid the effect of roughness on the airplane frame, they were faced, before they made their first powered flight, with the basic problem with which the airplane has had to contend for over three-quarters of its present life span: that is, it was necessary to utilize an explosion engine in a structure which, because of weight limitations, had to be made the lightest and hence frailest that could possibly be devised and yet serve its primary purpose. However great the difficulty may have appeared, in the long view, the fault was certainly a relatively minor one in the overall development of the internal combustion engine—that wonderful invention without which their life work would probably never have been so completely successful while they lived, and which, even aside from its partnership with the airplane, has so profoundly affected the nature of the world in which we live.
It seems quite obvious that to the Wrights vibration, or roughness, was predominantly if not entirely caused by the explosion forces, and they were either not completely aware of the effects of the other vibratory forces or they chose to neglect them. Although crankshaft counterweights had been in use as far back as the middle 1800s, the Wrights never incorporated them in any of their engines; and despite the inherent shaking force in the 4-inline arrangement, they continued to use it for many years.
The choice of four cylinders was obviously made in order to get, for smoothness, what in that day was “a lot of small cylinders”; and this was sound judgment. Furthermore, although the majority of automobiles at that time had engines with fewer than four cylinders, for those that did the inline form was standard and well proven, and, in fact, Daimler was then operating engines of this general design at powers several times the minimum the Wrights had determined necessary for their purpose.
What fixed the exact cylinder size, that is, the “square” 4×4-in. form, is not recorded, nor is it obvious by supposition. Baker says it was for high displacement and low weight, but these qualities are also greatly affected by many other factors. The total displacement of just over 200 cu in. was on the generous side, given the horsepower they had determined was necessary, but here again the Wrights were undoubtedly making the conservative allowances afterwards proven habitual, to be justified later by greatly increased power requirements and corresponding outputs. The Mean Effective Pressure (MEP), based on their indicated goal of 8 hp, would be a very modest 36 psi at the speed of 870 rpm at which they first tested the engine, and only 31 psi at the reasonably conservative speed of 1000 rpm. The 4×4-in. dimension would provide a cylinder large enough so that the engine was not penalized in the matter of weight and yet small enough to essentially guarantee its successful operation, as cylinders of considerably larger bore were being utilized in automobiles. That their original choice was an excellent one is rather well supported by the fact that in all the different models and sizes of engines they eventually designed and built, they never found it necessary to go to cylinders very much larger than this.
A second basic determination which was made either concurrently or even possibly in advance of that of the general form and size was in the matter of the type of cylinder cooling to adopt. Based on current practice that had proven practical, there were three possibilities, all of which were in use in automobiles: air, water, or a combination of the two. It is an interesting commentary that Fernand Forest’s10 proposed 32-cylinder aircraft engine of 1888 was to be air-cooled, that Santos-Dumont utilized an air-cooled Clement engine in his dirigible flights of 1903, and that the Wrights had chosen air cooling for their shop engine. With the promise of simplicity and elimination of the radiator, water and piping, it would seem, offhand, that this would be the Wrights’ choice for their airplane; but they were probably governed by the fact that not only was the water-cooled type predominant in automobile practice, but that the units giving the best and highest performance in general service were all water cooled. In their subsequent practice they never departed from this original decision, although Wilbur Wright’s notebook of 1904-1907 contains an undated weight estimate by detailed parts for an 8-cylinder air-cooled engine. Unfortunately, the proposed power output is not recorded, so their conception of the relative weight of the air-cooled form is not disclosed.
One of the most important decisions relating to the powerplant—one which was probably made long before they became committed to the design itself—was a determination of the method of transmission of power to the propeller, or propellers. A lingering impression exists that the utilization of a chain drive for this purpose was a natural inheritance from their bicycle background. No doubt this experience greatly simplified the task of adaptation but a merely cursory examination shows that even if they had never had any connection with bicycles, the chain drive was a logical solution, considering every important element of the problem. The vast majority of automobiles of the time were chain driven, and chains and sprockets capable of handling a wide range of power were completely developed and available. Further, at that time they had no accurate knowledge of desirable or limiting propeller and engine speeds. The chain drive offered a very simple and inexpensive method of providing for a completely flexible range of speed ratios. The other two possibilities were both undesirable: the first, a simple direct-driven single propeller connected to the crankshaft, provided essentially no flexibility whatsoever in experimentally varying engine or propeller speed ratios, it added an out-of-balance engine torque force to the problem of airplane control, and, finally, it dictated that the pilot would be in the propeller slipstream or the airflow to it; the second, drive shafts and gearing for dual propellers, would have been very heavy and expensive, and most probably would have required a long-time development, with every experimental change in speed ratios requiring a complete change in gears. Again, their original choice was so correct that it lasted them through essentially all their active flying years.
The very substantial advantages of the chain drive were not, however, obtained at no cost. Torque variations in the engine would tend to cause a whipping action in the chain, so that it was vulnerable to rough running caused by misfiring cylinders and, with the right timing and magnitude of normal regular variations, the action could result in destructive forces in the transmission system. This was the basic reason for the Wrights’ great fear of “engine vibration,” which confined them to the use of small cylinders and made a fairly heavy flywheel necessary on all their engines. When they were requested to install an Austro-Daimler engine in one of their airplanes, they designed a flexible coupling which was interposed between the engine and the propeller drive and this was considered so successful that it was applied to the flywheel of some engines of their last model, the 6-70, “which had been giving trouble in this regard.”11
Although flat, angled, and vertical engines had all been operated successfully, the best and most modern automotive engines of the time were vertical, so their choice of a horizontal position was probably dictated either by considerations of drag or their desire to provide a sizable mounting base for the engine, or both. There is no record of their ever having investigated the matter of the drag of the engine, either alone or in combination with the wing. The merit of a vertical versus a horizontal position of the engine was not analogous to that of the pilot, which they had studied, and where the prone position undoubtedly reduced the resistance.
Having decided on the general makeup of their engine, the next major decision was that of just what form the principal parts should take, the most important of these being the cylinders and crankcase. Even at this fairly early date in the history of the internal combustion engine various successful arrangements and combinations were in existence. Individual cylinder construction was by far the most used, quite probably due to its case of manufacture and adaptability to change. Since 4-cylinder engines were just coming into general use (a few production engines of this type had been utilized as early as 1898), there were few examples of en-bloc or one-piece construction. The original German Daimler Company undoubtedly was at this time the leader in the development of high-output internal-combustion engines, and in 1902, as an example of what was possible, had placed in service one that possibly approximated 40 hp, which was an MEP of 70 psi. (Almost without exception, quoted power figures of this period were not demonstrated quantities but were based on a formula, of which the only two factors were displacement and rpm.) The cylinders of this Daimler engine were cast iron, the cylinder barrel, head, and water jacket being cast in one piece. The upper part of the barrel and the cylinder head were jacketed, but, surprisingly, the bottom 60 percent of the barrel had no cooling. The cylinders were cast in pairs and bolted to a two-piece aluminum case split at the line of the crankshaft. Ignition was make-and-break and the inlet valves were mechanically actuated. Displacement was 413 cu in. and the rpm was 1050.
Although a few examples of integral crankcase and water jacket combinations were in use, the Wrights were being somewhat radical when they decided to incorporate all four cylinders in the one-piece construction, particularly since they also proposed to include the entire crankcase and not just one part of it. It was undoubtedly the most important decision that they were required to make on all the various construction details, and probably the one given the most study and investigation. Many factors were involved, but fundamentally everything went back to their three basic requirements: suitability, time, and cost. There was no obvious reason why the construction would not work, and it eliminated a very large number of individual parts and the required time for procuring, machining, and joining them. Probably one very strong argument was the advanced state of the casting art, one of the oldest of the mechanical arts in existence and one the Wrights used in many places, even though other processes were available. What no doubt weighed heavily was that Dayton had some first-class foundries. The casting, though intricate and not machinable in their own shop, could be easily handled in one that was well outfitted. The pattern was fairly complex but apparently not enough to delay the project or cause excessive cost.
The selection of aluminum for the material was an integral part of the basic design decision. Despite the excellence and accuracy of the castings that could be obtained, there was nevertheless a minimum dimension beyond which wall thickness could not be reduced; and the use of either one of the two other proven materials, cast iron or bronze, would have made the body, as they called it, prohibitively heavy. The use of aluminum was not entirely novel at this time, as it had been utilized in many automobile engine parts, particularly crankcases; but its incorporation in this rather uncommon combination represented a bold step. There was no choice in the matter of the alloy to be used, the only proven one available was an 8 percent copper 92 percent aluminum combination.
By means of the proper webs, brackets and bosses, the crankcase would also carry the crankshaft, the rocker arms and bearings, and the intake manifold. The open section of the case at the top was covered with a screw-fastened thin sheet of cold-rolled steel. The main bearing bosses were split at a 45° angle for ease of assembly. The engine support and fastening were provided by four feet, or lugs, cast integral on the bottom corners of the case, and by accompanying bolts (Figure 2). Although the crankcase continued to be pretty much the “body” of the internal combustion aircraft engine throughout its life, the Wrights managed to incorporate in this original part a major portion of the overall engine, and certainly far more than had ever previously been included.
The design of the cylinder barrel presented fairly simple problems involving not much more than those of keeping the sections as thin as possible and devising means of fastening it and of keeping the water jacket tight. They saved considerable weight by making the barrel quite short, so that in operation a large part of the piston extended below the bottom of it; but this could be accepted, as there were no rings below the piston pin (Figure 6). The barrel material, a good grade of cast iron, was an almost automatic choice. In connection with these seemingly predetermined decisions, however, it should be remembered that their goal was an engine which would work without long-time development, and that, with no previous experience in lightweight construction to guide them they were nevertheless compelled to meet a weight limit, so that the thickness of every wall and flange and the length of every thread was important.
With the separate cylinder barrel they were now almost committed to a three-piece cylinder. It would have been possible to combine the barrel and head in a one-piece casting and then devise a method of attachment, but this would have been more complex and certainly heavier. For housing the valves, what was in effect a separate cylindrical, or tubular, box was decided upon. This would lie across the top of the cylinder proper at right angles to the cylinder axis, and the two valves would be carried in the two ends of this box. The cylinder barrel would be brought in at its head end to form a portion of the cylinder head and then extended along its axis in the form of a fairly large boss, a mating boss being provided on one side of the valve box. The cylinder barrel would then be threaded into the valve box and the whole tightened or fastened to the crankcase by means of two sets of threads, one at each end of the barrel proper. This meant that three joints had to be made tight with only two sets of threads. This was accomplished by accurate machining and possibly even hand fitting in combination with a rather thick gasket at the head end, one flat of which bore against two different surfaces. This can be seen in Figure 6, where the circular flange on the valve box contacts both the crankcase and the cylinder barrel. Altogether it was a simple, light, and ingenious solution to a rather complex problem.
At this point the question arises: Why was the engine layout such that the exhaust took place close to the operator’s ears? It would have been possible, starting with the original design, to turn the engine around so that the exhaust was on the other side. This would have little effect on the location of the center of gravity, and the two main drive chains would then have been of more equal length. However, of the many factors involved, probably one of the principal considerations in arriving at their final decision was the location of the spark-advance control, which was in effect the only control they had of engine output, except for complete shutoff. In their design this was immediately adjacent to the operator; with a turned-around engine, an extension control mechanism of some sort would have been required. The noise of the exhaust apparently became of some concern to them, as Orville’s diary in early 1904 contains an entry with a sketch labeled “Design for Muffler for Engine,” but there is no further comment.
The problem of keeping joints tight, and for that matter the entire construction itself, were both greatly simplified by their decision to water-jacket only a part of the cylinder head proper, and the valve box not at all. This was undoubtedly the correct decision for their immediate purpose, as again they were effecting savings in time, cost, complexity, and weight. There is nothing in the record, however, to show why they continued this practice long after they had advanced to much greater power outputs and longer flight times. Their own statements show that they were well aware of the effect of the very hot cylinder head on power output and they must also have realized its influence on exhaust-valve temperature.
The cylinder assembly was made somewhat more complicated by their desire to oil the piston and cylinder by means of holes near the crankshaft end in what was, with the engine in the horizontal position, the upper side of the cylinder barrel. This complication was no doubt taken care of by not drilling the holes until a tight assembly had been made by screwing the barrel into place, and by marking the desired location on the barrel. Since this position was determined by a metal-to-metal jam fit of the crankcase and cylinder barrel flange, the barrel would reassemble with the holes in very nearly the same relative position after disassembly.
With the valve box, or housing, cylindrical, the task of locking and fastening the intake and exhaust valve guides and seats in place was easy. The guide was made integral with and in the center of one end of a circular cage, the other end of which contained the valve seat (see Figure 5). Four sections were cut out of the circular wall of the cage so that in effect the seat and guide were joined by four narrow legs, the spaces between which provided passages for the flow of the cylinder gases. These cages were then dropped into the ends of the valve boxes until they came up against machined shoulders and were held in place by internal ring nuts screwed into the valve box. The intake manifold or passage was placed over the intake valves so that the intake charge flowed directly into and through the valve cage around the open valve and into the cylinder. The exhaust gas, after flowing through the passages in the valve cage, was discharged directly to the atmosphere through a series of holes machined in one side of the valve box.
1 and 2. Bearing caps in one piece with plate 3.
3. Plated screwed over hole 4 in crankcase end.
4. Key-shaped hole as hole 5 in intermediate ribs.
6. Inter-bearings cap (white-metal lined) and screwed to inter-rib halves 7.
8. Splash-drip feed to bearings.
9. Return to pump from each compartment of crankcase base (“sump”) via gallery 10 and pipe to pump 11 underneath jacket.
12. Oil feed from pump via rubber tube 13.
13. Drip feeds to cylinders and pistons.
14. Gear drive to pump.
15. Big-end nuts, lock-strip, and shims.
16. Gudgeon-pin lock.
17. Piston-ring retainer pegs.
18. Cylinder liner screwing into jacket.
19. Open-ended “can” admits air.
20. Fuel supply.
21. (Hot) side of water jacket makes surface carburetter.
22. Sparking plug (comprising positive electrode 23 and spark-producing make-and-break 24).
25. Lever attached to lever 26 via bearing 27 screwed into chamber neck 28.
26. Levers with mainspring 29 and inter-spring 30, and rocked by “cam” 31.
31. Cam with another alongside (for adjacent cylinder).
32. Positive busbar feed to all four cylinders.
33. Assembly retaining-rings.
34. Sealing disc.
35. Exhaust outlet ports.
36. Camshaft right along on underside of jacket and also driving oil pump 11 via 14.
37. Spring-loaded sliding pinion drives make-and-break shaft 38 through peg in inclined slot 39.
40. Cam to push pinion 37 along and so alter its angular relation with shaft 38 (to vary timing).
41. Exhaust-valve cams bear on rollers 42 mounted in end of rocker-arms 43.
44. Generator floating coils.
45. Friction-drive off flywheel.
46. Sight-feed lubricator (on stationary sleeve).
47. Hardwood chain tensioner.
The intake and exhaust valves were identical and of two-piece construction, with the stems screwed tightly into and through the heads and the protruding ends then peened over. This construction was not novel, having had much usage behind it, and it continued for a long time in both automobile and aircraft practice. One-piece cast and forged valves were available but here again it was a choice of the quick, cheap, and proven answer.
The entire valve system, including guides and seats, was of cast iron, a favorite material of the Wrights, except for the valve stems, which were, at different times, of various carbon steels. Ordinary cold-rolled apparently was used in those of the original engine, but in later engines this was changed to a high-carbon steel.
The piston design presented no difficulty. In some measure this was due to the remarkable similarity that seems to have existed among all the different engines of the time in the construction of this particular part, for, although there were some major variations, it was, in fact, almost as if some standard had been adopted. Pistons all were of cast iron and comparatively quite long (it was a number of years before they evolved into the short ones of modern practice); they were almost invariably equipped with three wide piston rings between the piston pin and the head; and, although there were in existence a few pistons with four rings, no oil wiper or other ring seems to have been placed below the piston pin. The Wrights’ piston was typical of the time, with the rings pinned in the grooves to prevent turning and the piston pin locked in the piston with a setscrew. In designing this first engine they were, however, apparently somewhat unsure about this latter feature, as they provided the rod with a split little end and a clamping bolt (see Figure 6), so that the pin could be held in the rod if desired; but no examples of this use have been encountered.
The Wrights’ selection of an “automatic” or suction-operated inlet valve was entirely logical. Mechanically operated inlet valves were in use and their history went back many years, but the great majority of the engines of that time still had the automatic type, and with this construction one complete set of valve-operating mechanisms was eliminated. They were well aware of the loss of volumetric efficiency inherent in this valve, and apparently went to some pains to obtain from it the best performance possible. Speaking of the first engine, Orville Wright wrote, “Since putting in heavier springs to actuate the valves on our engine we have increased its power to nearly 16 hp and at the same time reduced the amount of gasoline consumed per hour to about one-half of what it was.”12
Why they continued with this form on their later engines is a question a little more difficult to answer, as they were then seeking more and more power and were building larger engines. The advantages of simplicity and a reduced number of parts still existed, but there also was a sizable power increase to be had which possibly would have more than balanced off the increased cost and weight. They did not utilize mechanical operation until after a major redesign of their last engine model. Very possibly the answer lies in the phenomenon of fuel detonation. This was only beginning to be understood in the late 1920s, and it is quite evident from their writings that they had little knowledge of what made a good fuel in this respect. It is fairly certain, however, that they did know of the existence of cylinder “knock,” or detonation, and particularly that the compression ratio had a major effect on it. The ratios they utilized on their different engines varied considerably, ranging from what, for that time, was medium to what was relatively high. The original flight engine had a compression ratio of 4.4:1. The last of their service engines had a compression ratio about twenty percent under that of the previous series—a clear indication that they considered that they had previously gone too high. Quite possibly they concluded that increasing the amount of the cylinder charge seemed to bring on detonation, and that the complication of the mechanical inlet valve was therefore not warranted.
The camshaft for the exhaust valves (101, Figure 6), was chain driven from the crankshaft and was carried along the bottom of the crankcase in three babbit-lined bearings in bearing boxes or lugs cast integral with the case. Both the driving chain and the sprockets were standard bicycle parts, and a number of bicycle thread standards and other items of bicycle practice were incorporated in several places in the engine, easing their construction task. The shaft itself, of mild carbon steel, was hollow and on each side of an end bearing sweated-on washers provided shoulders to locate it longitudinally. Its location adjacent to the valves, with the cam operating directly on the rocker arm, eliminated push rods and attendant parts, a major economy. The cams were machined as separate parts and then sweated onto the shaft. Their shape shows the principal concern in the design to have been obtaining maximum valve capacity—that is, a quite rapid opening with a long dwell. This apparent desire to get rid of the exhaust gas quickly is manifested again in the alacrity with which they adopted a piston-controlled exhaust port immediately they had really mastered flight and were contemplating more powerful and more durable engines. This maximum-capacity theory of valve operation, with its neglect of acceleration forces and seating velocities, may well have been at least partially if not largely the cause of their exhaust-valve troubles and the seemingly disproportionate amount of development they devoted to this part, as reported by Chenoweth, although it is also true that the exhaust valve continued to present a problem in the aircraft piston engine for a great many years after, even with the most scientific of cam designs.
The rocker arm (102, Figure 6) is probably the best example of a small part which met all of their many specific requirements with an extreme of simplicity. It consisted of two identical side pieces, or walls, of sheet steel shaped to the desired side contour of the assembly, in which were drilled three holes, one in each end, to carry the roller axles, and the third in the approximate middle for the rocker axle shaft proper. This consisted of a piece of solid rod positioned by cotter pins in each end outside the side walls (see Figure 5). The assembly was made by riveting over the ends of the roller axles so that the walls were held tightly against the shoulders on the axles, thus providing the correct clearance for the rollers. The construction was so light and serviceable that it was essentially carried over to the last engine the Wrights ever built.
The basic intake manifold (see Figure 5) consisted of a very low flat box of sheet steel which ran across the tops of the valve boxes and was directly connected to the top of each of them so that the cages, and thus the valves, were open to the interior of the manifold. Through an opening in the side toward the engine the manifold was connected to a flat induction chamber (21, Figure 5) which served to vaporize the fuel and mix it with the incoming air. This chamber was formed by screw-fastening a piece of sheet steel to vertical ribs cast integral with the crankcase, the crankcase wall itself thus forming the bottom of the chamber. A beaded sheet-steel cylinder resembling a can (73, Figure 6) but open at both ends was fastened upright to the top of this chamber. In the absence of anything else, this can could be called the carburetor, as a fuel supply line entered the cylinder near the top and discharged the fuel into the incoming air stream, both the fuel and air then going directly into the mixing chamber. The can was attached near one corner of the chamber, and vertical baffles, also cast integral with the case, were so located that the incoming mixture was forced to circulate over the entire area of exposed crankcase inside the chamber before it reached the outlet to the manifold proper, the hot surface vaporizing that part of the fuel still liquid.
Fuel was gravity fed to the can through copper and rubber tubing from a tank fastened to a strut, several feet above the engine. Of the two valves placed in the fuel line, one was a simple on-off shutoff cock and the other a type whose opening could be regulated. The latter was adjusted to supply the correct amount of fuel under the desired flight operating condition; the shutoff cock was used for starting and stopping. The rate of fuel supply to the engine would decrease as the level in the fuel tank dropped, but as the head being utilized was a matter of several feet and the height of the supply tank a matter of inches, the fuel-air ratio was still maintained well within the range that would ignite and burn properly in the contemplated one-power condition of their flight operation.
This arrangement is one of the best of the many illustrations of how by the use of foresight and ingenuity the Wrights met the challenge of a complex requirement with a simple device, for while carburetors were not in the perfected stage later attained, quite good ones that would both control power output and supply a fairly constant fuel-air mixture over a range of operating conditions were available, but they were complex, heavy, and expensive. The arrangement, moreover, secured at no cost a good vaporizer, or modern “hot spot.” In their subsequent engines they took the control of the fuel metering away from the regulating valve and gravity tank combination and substituted an engine-driven fuel pump which provided a fuel supply bearing a fairly close relationship to engine speed.
The reasons behind selection of the type of ignition used, and the considerations entering into the decision, are open to speculation, as are those concerning many other elements that eventually made up the engine. Both the high-tension spark plug and low-tension make-and-break systems had been in wide use for many years, with the latter constituting the majority in 1902. Both were serviceable and therefore acceptable, and both required a “magneto”. The art of the spark plug was in a sense esoteric (to a certain extent it so remains to this day), but the spark-plug system did involve a much simpler combination of parts: in addition to the plug and magneto there would be needed only a timer, or distributor, together with coils and points, or some substitute arrangement. The make-and-break system, on the other hand, required for each cylinder what was physically the equivalent of a spark plug, that is, a moving arm and contact point inside the cylinder, a spring-loaded snap mechanism to break the contact outside the cylinder, and a camshaft and cams to actuate the breaker mechanism at the proper time. Furthermore, as the Wrights applied it, the system required dry cells and a coil for starting, although these did not accompany the engine in flight. And finally there was the problem of keeping tight the joint where the oscillating shaft required to operate the moving point in the spark plug entered the cylinder.
This is one of the few occasions, if not the only one, when the Wrights chose the more complex solution in connection with a major part—in this particular case, one with far more bits and pieces. However, it did carry with it some quite major advantages. The common spark plug, always subject to fouling or failure to function because of a decreased gap, was not very reliable over a lengthy period, and was undoubtedly much more so in those days when control of the amount of oil inside the cylinder was not at all exact. Make-and-break points, on the other hand, were unaffected by excess oil in the cylinder. Because of this resistance to fouling, the system was particularly suitable for use with the compression-release method of power control which they later utilized, although they probably could not have been looking that far ahead at the time they chose it. High-tension current has always, and rightfully so, been thought of as a troublemaker in service; in Beaumont’s 1900 edition of Motor Vehicles and Motors, which seems to have been technically the best volume of its time, the editor predicted that low-tension make-and-break ignition would ultimately supersede all other methods. And finally, the large number of small parts required for the make-and-break system could all be made in the Wright Brothers’ shop or easily procured, and in the end this was probably the factor, plus reliability, that determined the decision which, all things considered, was the correct one.
There was nothing exceptional about the exact form the Wrights devised. It displayed the usual refined simplicity (the cams were made of a single small piece of strip steel bent to shape and clamped to the ignition camshaft with a simple self-locking screw), and lightness. The ignition camshaft (38, Figure 5), a piece of small-diameter bar stock, was located on the same side as the exhaust valve camshaft, approximately midway between it and the valve boxes, and was operated by the exhaust camshaft through spur gearing. That the Wrights were thinking of something beyond mere hops or short flights is shown by the fact that the ignition points were platinum-faced, whereas even soft iron would have been satisfactory for the duration of all their flying for many years.
The control of the spark timing was effected by advancing or retarding the ignition camshaft in relation to the exhaust valve camshaft. The spur gear (37, Figure 5) driving the ignition camshaft had its hub on one side extended out to provide what was in effect a sleeve around the camshaft integral with the gear. The gear and integral sleeve were slidable on the shaft and the sleeve at one place (39, Figure 5) was completely slotted through to the shaft at an angle of 45° to the longitudinal axis of the shaft. The shaft was driven by a pin tightly fitted in it and extending into the slot. The fore-and-aft position of the sleeve on the shaft was determined by a lever-operated cam (40, Figure 5) on one side and a spring on the other. The movement of the sleeve along the shaft would cause the shaft to rotate in relation to it because of the angle of the slot, thus providing the desired variation in timing of the spark. The “magneto” was a purchased item driven by means of a friction wheel contacting the flywheel, and several different makes were used later, but the original is indicated to have been a Miller-Knoblock (see Figure 5).
The connecting rod is another example of how, seemingly without trouble, they were able to meet the basic requirements they had set for themselves. It consisted of a piece of seamless steel tubing with each end fastened into a phosphor-bronze casting, these castings comprising the big and little ends, drilled through to make the bearings (See Figures 5 and 6). It was strong, stiff and light.13 Forged rods were in rather wide use at the time and at least one existing engine even had a forged I-beam section design that was tapered down from big to little end. The Wrights’ rod was obtained in little more time than it took to make the simple patterns for the two ends. The weight was easily controlled, no bearing liners were necessary, and a very minimum of machining was required. Concerning the big-end material, there exists a contradiction in the records: Baker, whose data are generally most accurate, states that these were babbited, but this must be in error, as the existing engine has straight bronze castings without babbiting, and there is no record, or drawing, or other indication of the bearings having been otherwise.
Different methods of assembling the rod were used. At one time the tube ends were screwed into the bronze castings and pinned, and at another the ends were pinned and soldered. There is an indication that at one time soldering and threads were used in combination. One of the many conflicts between the two primary sets of drawings exists at this point. The Smithsonian drawings show the use at each end of adapters between the rod and end castings, the adapters being first screwed into the castings and pinned and then brazed to the inside of the tube. The Science Museum drawings show the tube section threaded and screwed into the castings. The direct screw assembly method called for accurate machining and hand fitting in order to make the ends of the tubing jam against the bottom of the threaded holes in the castings, and at the same time have the end bearings properly lined up. The weakness of the basic design patently lies in the joints. It is an attempt to utilize what was probably in the beginning a combination five-piece assembly and later three, in a very highly stressed part where the load was reversing. It gave them considerable trouble from time to time, particularly in the 4-cylinder vertical engines, and was abandoned for a forged I-beam section type in their last engine model; but it was nevertheless the ideal solution for their first engine.
The crankshaft was made from a solid block of relatively high carbon steel which, aside from its bulk and the major amount of machining required, presented no special problems. It was heat-treated to a machinable hardness before being worked on, but was not further tempered. The design was an orthodox straight pin and cheek combination and, as previously noted, there were no counterweights to complicate the machining or assembly. A sizable bearing was provided on each side of each crank of the shaft, which helped reduce the stiffness requirement.
Their only serious design consideration was to maintain the desired strength and still keep within weight limitations. A fundamental that every professional designer knows is that it is with this particular sort of part that weight gets out of control; even an additional 1/16 in., if added in a few places, can balloon the weight. With their usual foresight and planning, the Wrights carefully checked and recorded the weight of each part as it was finished, but even this does not quite explain how these two individuals, inexperienced in multicylinder engines—much less in extra-light construction—could, in two months, bring through an engine which was both operable and somewhat lighter than their specification.
In one matter it would seem that they were quite fortunate. The records are not complete, but with one exception there is no indication of any chronic or even occasional crankshaft failure. This would seem to show that it apparently never happened that any of their designs came out such that the frequency of a vibrating force of any magnitude occurred at the natural frequency of the shaft. Much later, when this type of vibration became understood, it was found virtually impossible, with power outputs of any magnitude, to design an undampened shaft, within the space and weight limitations existing in an ordinary engine, strong enough to withstand the stress generated when the frequency of the imposed vibration approximated the natural frequency of the shaft. The vibratory forces were mostly relatively small in their engines, so that forced vibration probably was not encountered, and the operating speed range of the engines was so limited that the natural frequency always fell outside this range.
The flywheel was about the least complex of any of their engine parts and required little studied consideration, although they did have to balance its weight against the magnitude of the explosion forces which would reach the power transmission chains, with their complete lack of rigidity, a problem about which they were particularly concerned. The flywheel was made of cast iron and was both keyed to and shrunk on the shaft.
Some doubt still exists about the exact method of lubricating the first engine. The unit presently in the airplane has a gear-type oil pump driven by the crankshaft through a worm gear and cross shaft, and the Appendix to the Papers states that it was lubricated by a small pump; nevertheless Baker says, after careful research, that despite this evidence, it was not. Also, the drawings prepared by Christman (they were commenced under the supervision of Orville Wright) do not show the oil pump. In March 1905 Wilbur Wright wrote to Chanute, “However we have added oiling and feeding devices to the engine...”; but this could possibly have referred to something other than an oil pump. But even if a pump was not included originally, its presence in the present engine is easily explained. Breakage of the crankcase casting caused the retirement of this engine, which was not rebuilt until much later, and the pattern for this part had no doubt long since been altered to incorporate a pump. It was therefore easier in rebuilding to include than to omit the pump, even though this required the addition of a cross shaft and worm gear combination. On later engines, when the pump was used, oil was carried to a small pipe, running along the inside of the case, which had four small drill holes so located as to throw the oil in a jet on the higher, thrust-loaded side of each cylinder. The rods had a sharp scupper on the outside of the big end so placed as also to throw the oil on this same thrust face. Some scuppers were drilled through to carry oil to the rod bearing and some were not.
The first engine was finished and assembled in February 1903 and given its first operating test on 22 February. The Wrights were quite pleased with its operation, and particularly with its smoothness. Their father, Bishop Wright, was the recorder of their satisfaction over its initial performance, but what he noted was probably the afterglow of the ineffable feeling of deep satisfaction that is the reward that comes to every maker of a new engine when it first comes to life and then throbs. They obtained 13 hp originally: later figures went as high as almost 16, but as different engine speeds were utilized it is rather difficult to settle on any single power figure. The most realistic is probably that given in the Papers as having been attained later, after an accurate check had been made of the power required to turn a set of propellers at a given rpm. This came out at approximately 12 hp, the design goal having been 8. Following exactly the procedure that exists to this day, the engine went through an extended development period, and it was the end of September 1903 before it was taken, with the airplane, to Kitty Hawk where the historic flights, which have had such a profound effect on the lives of all men, were made on 17 December 1903.