Wealth Against Commonwealth

Chapter XXXV And the New

We have given the prize of power to the strong, the cunning, the arithmetical, and we must expect nothing else but that they will use it cunningly and arithmetically. For what else can they suppose we gave it to them? If the power really flows from the people, and should be used for them; if its best administration can be got, as in government, only by the participation in it of men of all views and interests; if in the collision of all these, as in democracy, the better policy is progressively preponderant; if this is a policy which, with whatever defects, is better than that which can be evolved by narrower or more selfish or less multitudinous influences of persons or classes, then this power should be taken up by the people. “The mere conflict of private interests will never produce a well-ordered commonwealth of labor,” says the author of the article on political economy in the Encyclopædia Britannica. The failure of monarchy and feudalism and the visibly impending failure of our business system all reveal a law of nature. The harmony of things insists that that which is the source of power, wealth, and delight shall also be the ruler of it. That which is must also seem. It is the people from whom come the forces with which kings and millionaires ride the world, and until the people take their proper place in the seat of sovereignty, these pseudo owners—mere claimants and usurpers—will, by the very falsity and iniquity of their position, be pushed into deceit, tyranny, and cruelty, ending in downfall.

Thousands of years’ experience has proved that government must begin where it ends—with the people; that the general welfare demands that they who exercise the powers and they upon whom these are exercised must be the same, and that higher political ideals can be realized only through higher political forms. Myriads of experiments to get the substance of liberty out of the forms of tyranny, to believe in princes, to trust good men to do good as kings, have taught the inexorable truth that, in the economy of nature, form and substance must move together, and are as inextricably interdependent as are, within our experience, what we call matter and spirit. Identical is the lesson we are learning with regard to industrial power and property. We are calling upon their owners, as mankind called upon kings in their day, to be good and kind, wise and sweet, and we are calling in vain. We are asking them not to be what we have made them to be. We put power into their hands and ask them not to use it as power. If this power is a trust for the people, the people betrayed it when they made private estates out of it for individuals. If the spirit of power is to change, institutions must change as much. Liberty recast the old forms of government into the Republic, and it must remould our institutions of wealth into the Commonwealth.

The question is not whether monopoly is to continue. The sun sets every night on a greater majority against it. We are face to face with the practical issue: Is it to go through ruin or reform? Can we forestall ruin by reform? If we wait to be forced by events we shall be astounded to find how much more radical they are than our utopias. Louis XVI. waited until 1793, and gave his head and all his investitures to the people who in 1789 asked only to sit at his feet and speak their mind. Unless we reform of our own free will, nature will reform us by force, as nature does. Our evil courses have already gone too far in producing misery, plagues, hatreds, national enervation. Already the leader is unable to lead, and has begun to drive with judges armed with bayonets and Gatling guns. History is the serial obituary of the men who thought they could drive men.

Reform is the science and conscience with which mankind in its manhood overcomes temptations and escapes consequences by killing the germs. Ruin is already hard at work among us. Our libraries are full of the official inquiries and scientific interpretations which show how our master-motive is working decay in all our parts. The family crumbles into a competition between the father and the children whom he breeds to take his place in the factory, to unfit themselves to be fathers in their turn. A thorough, stalwart resimplification, a life governed by simple needs and loves, is the imperative want of the world. It will be accomplished: either self-conscious volition does it, or the slow wreck and decay of superfluous and unwholesome men and matters. The latter is the method of brutes and brute civilizations. The other is the method of man, so far as he is divine. Has not man, who has in personal reform risen above the brute method, come to the height at which he can achieve social reform in masses and by nations? We must learn; we can learn by reason. Why wait for the cruder teacher?

We have a people like which none has ever existed before. We have millions capable of conscious co-operation. The time must come in social evolution when the people can organize the free-will to choose salvation which the individual has been cultivating for 1900 years, and can adopt a policy more dignified and more effective than leaving themselves to be kicked along the path of reform by the recoil of their own vices. We must bring the size of our morality up to the size of our cities, corporations, and combinations, or these will be brought down to fit our half-grown virtue.

Industry and monopoly cannot live together. Our modern perfection of exchange and division of labor cannot last without equal perfection of morals and sympathy. Every one is living at the mercy of every one else in a way entirely peculiar to our times. Nothing is any longer made by a man; parts of things are made by parts of men, and become wholes by the luck of a good-humor which so far keeps men from flying asunder. It takes a whole company to make a match. A hundred men will easily produce a hundred million matches, but not one of them could make one match. No farm gets its plough from the cross-roads blacksmith, and no one in the chilled-steel factory knows the whole of the plough. The life of Boston hangs on a procession of reciprocities which must move, as steadily and sweetly as the roll of the planets, between its bakeries, the Falls of St. Anthony, and the valley of the Red River. Never was there a social machinery so delicate. Only on terms of love and justice can men endure contact so close.

The break-down of all other civilizations has been a slow decay. It took the Northerners hundreds of years to march to the Tiber. They grew their way through the old society as the tree planting itself on a grave is found to have sent its roots along every fibre and muscle of the dead. Our world is not the simple thing theirs was, of little groups sufficient to themselves, if need be. New York would begin to die to-morrow if it were not for Illinois and Dakota. We cannot afford a revulsion in the hearts by whose union locomotives run, mills grind, factories make. Practical men are speculating to-day on the possibility that our civilization may some afternoon be flashed away by the tick of a telegraph. All these co-operations can be scattered by a word of hate too many, and we left, with no one who knows how to make a plough or a match, a civilization cut off as by the Roman curse from food and fire. Less sensitive civilizations than ours have burst apart.

Liberty and monopoly cannot live together. What chance have we against the persistent coming and the easy coalescence of the confederated cliques, which aspire to say of all business, “This belongs to us,” and whose members, though moving among us as brothers, are using against us, through the corporate forms we have given them, powers of invisibility, of entail and accumulation, unprecedented because impersonal and immortal, and, most peculiar of all, power to act as persons, as in the commission of crimes, with exemption from punishment as persons? Two classes study and practise politics and government: place hunters and privilege hunters. In a world of relativities like ours size of area has a great deal to do with the truth of principles. America has grown so big—and the tickets to be voted, and the powers of government, and the duties of citizens, and the profits of personal use of public functions have all grown so big—that the average citizen has broken down. No man can half understand or half operate the fulness of this big citizenship, except by giving his whole time to it. This the place hunter can do, and the privilege hunter. Government, therefore—municipal, State, national—is passing into the hands of these two classes, specialized for the functions of power by their appetite for the fruits of power. The power of citizenship is relinquished by those who do not and cannot know how to exercise it to those who can and do—by those who have a livelihood to make to those who make politics their livelihood.

These specialists of the ward club, the primary, the campaign, the election, and office unite, by a law as irresistible as that of the sexes, with those who want all the goods of government—charters, contracts, rulings, permits. From this marriage it is easy to imagine that among some other people than ourselves, and in some other century than this, the off-spring might be the most formidable, elusive, unrestrained, impersonal, and cruel tyranny the world has yet seen. There might come a time when the policeman and the railroad president would equally show that they cared nothing for the citizen, individually or collectively, because aware that they and not he were the government. Certainly such an attempt to corner “the dear people” and the earth and the fulness thereof will break down. It is for us to decide whether we will let it go on till it breaks down of itself, dragging down to die, as a savage dies of his vice, the civilization it has gripped with its hundred hands; or whether, while we are still young, still virtuous, we will break it down, self-consciously, as the civilized man, reforming, crushes down the evil. If we cannot find a remedy, all that we love in the word America must die. It will be an awful price to pay if this attempt at government of the people, by the people, for the people must perish from off the face of the earth to prove to mankind that political brotherhood cannot survive where industrial brotherhood is denied. But the demonstration is worth even that.

Aristotle’s lost books of the Republics told the story of two hundred and fifty attempts at free government, and these were but some of the many that had to be melted down in the crucible of fate to teach Hamilton and Jefferson what they knew. Perhaps we must be melted by the same fierce flames to be a light to the feet of those who come after us. For as true as that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and that a nation half slave and half free cannot permanently endure, is it true that a people who are slaves to market-tyrants will surely come to be their slaves in all else, that all liberty begins to be lost when one liberty is lost, that a people half democratic and half plutocratic cannot permanently endure.

The secret of the history we are about to make is not that the world is poorer or worse. It is richer and better. Its new wealth is too great for the old forms. The success and beauties of our old mutualities have made us ready for new mutualities. The wonder of to-day is the modern multiplication of products by the union of forces; the marvel of to-morrow will be the greater product which will follow when that which is co-operatively produced is co-operatively enjoyed. It is the spectacle of its concentration in the private fortunes of our day which reveals this wealth to its real makers—the whole people—and summons them to extend the manners and institutions of civilization to this new tribal relation.

Whether the great change comes with peace or sword, freely through reform or by nature’s involuntary forces, is a mere matter of detail, a question of convenience—not of the essence of the thing. The change will come. With reform, it may come to us. If with force, perhaps not to us. But it will come. The world is too full of amateurs who can play the golden rule as an aria with variations. All the runs and trills and transpositions have been done to death. All the “sayings” have been said. The only field for new effects is in epigrams of practice. Titillation of our sympathies has become a dissipation. We shed a daily tear over the misery of the slums as the toper takes his dram, and our liver becomes torpid with the floods of indignation and sentiment we have guzzled without converting them into their co-efficients of action.

“Regenerate the individual” is a half-truth; the reorganization of the society which he makes and which makes him is the other half. Man alone cannot be a Christian. Institutions are applied beliefs. The love of liberty became liberty in America by clothing itself in the complicated group of structures known as the government of the United States. Love is a half-truth, and kissing is a good deal less than half of that. We need not kiss all our fellow-men, but we must do for them all we ask them to do for us—nothing less than the fullest performance of every power. To love our neighbor is to submit to the discipline and arrangement which make his life reach its best, and so do we best love ourselves.

History has taught us nothing if not that men can continue to associate only by the laws of association. The golden rule is the first and last of these, but the first and last of the golden rule is that it can be operated only through laws, habits, forms, and institutions. The Constitution and laws of the United States are, however imperfectly, the translation into the language of politics of doing as you would be done by—the essence of equal rights and government by consent. To ask individuals to-day to lead by their single sacrifices the life of the brother in the world of business is as if the American colonist had been asked to lead by his individual enterprise the life of the citizen of a republic. That was made possible to him only by union with others. The business world is full of men who yearn to abandon its methods and live the love they feel; but to attempt to do so by themselves would be martyrdom, and that is “caviare to the general.” “We admire martyrdom,” Mazzini, the martyr, said, “but we do not recommend it.” The change must be social, and its martyrdoms have already begun.

The new self-interest will remain unenforced in business until we invent the forms by which the vast multitudes who have been gathered together in modern production can organize themselves into a people there as in government. Nothing but this institutionalization will save them from being scattered away from each other again, and it can be achieved only by such averaging and concessions and co-operations as are the price of all union. These will be gains, not losses. Soldiers become partners in invincibility by the discipline which adopts an average rate of march instead of compelling all to keep step with the fastest and stay with the strongest. Moralists tell men to love each other and the right. How, by doing what things, by leaving what undone, shall men love each other? What have the ethicals to say upon the morality of putting public highways in private hands, and of allowing these private hands to make a private and privileged use of them? If bad, will a mere “change of heart,” uninstitutionalized, change them?

New freedoms cannot be operated through the old forms of slavery. The ideals of Washington and Hamilton and Adams could not breathe under kingly rule. Idle to say they might. Under the mutual dependence of the inside and outside of things their change has all through history always been dual. Change of heart is no more redemption than hunger is dinner. We must have honesty, love, justice in the heart of the business world, but for these we must also have the forms which will fit them. These will be very different from those through which the intercourse of man with man in the exchange of services now moves to such ungracious ends. Forms of Asiatic and American government, of early institutions and to-day’s, are not more different. The cardinal virtues cannot be established and kept at work in trade and on the highways with the old apparatus. In order that the spirit that gave rebates may go to stay, the rebate itself must go. If the private use of private ownership of highways is to go, the private ownership must go. There must be no private use of public power or public property. These are created by the common sacrifices of all, and can be rightfully used only for the common good of all—from all, by all, for all. All the grants and franchises that have been given to private hands for private profit are void in morals and void in that higher law which sets the copy for the laggard pens of legislatures and judges. “No private use of public powers” is but a threshold truth. The universe, says Emerson, is the property of every creature in it.

No home so low it may not hope that out of its fledglings one may grow the hooked claw that will make him a millionaire. To any adventurer of spirit and prowess in the Italy of the Renaissance might come the possibility of butchering or poisoning his way to a castle or a throne. Such prizes of power made the peninsula a menagerie of tyrants, murderers, voluptuaries, and multitudes of misery. We got republican liberty by agreeing each with the other never to seek to become kings or lords or dukes. We can get industrial and economic liberty only by a like covenant never to let ourselves or any one else be millionaires.

There can be no public prosperity without public virtue, and no public virtue without private virtue. But private cannot become public except by organization. Our attempts at control, regulation, are but the agitations of the Gracchi, evidencing the wrong, but not rising to the cure. We are waiting for some genius of good who will generalize into one body of doctrine our partial truths of reform, and will help us live the generalization. Never was mankind, across all lines of race, creed, and institutions, more nearly one in discontent and restless consciousness of new powers and a new hope and purpose, never more widely agitated by influences leading in one direction, never more nearly a committee of the whole on the question of the day. Never before were the means for flashing one thought into the minds of the million, and flashing that thought into action, what they are to-day. The good word or good deed of Chicago in the morning may be the inspiration of Calcutta before nightfall. The crusades were but an eddy in comparison with the universal tide waiting for another Peter the Hermit to lead us where the Man who is to rise again lies in the hands of the infidel.

Our problem can be read from its good side or its bad, and must be read from both, as: Business has become a vice, and defeats us and itself; or, Humanity quickens its step to add to its fellowships the new brotherhood of labor. The next emancipation, like all emancipations, must destroy and build. The most constructive thinker in history said, Love one another; but he also drove the money-changers from the temple, and denounced the scribes and Pharisees, and has been busy for nineteen hundred years pulling down tenements unfit for the habitation of the soul. We see something new and something old. Old principles run into mania, a wicked old world bursting into suicidal explosion, as Carlyle said of the French Revolution. New loves, new capabilities, new institutions, created by the expansion of old ideals and new opportunities of human contact. Our love of those to whom we have been “introduced” is but unlocking a door through which all men will pass into our hearts. What makes men lovable is not the accident of our knowing them. It is that they are men. Before 1776 there were thirteen patriotisms in America.

The bishops of Boswell’s day had no ear for the lamentations of the victims of the slave-trade, but there came a new sympathy which rose superior to their divine displeasure that this commerce of Christian merchants should be attacked. We are coming to sympathize with the animals, and Queen Victoria contributes money to a hospital for the succor of decayed old gentlemen and lady cats. By-and-by royal hearts may widen to include men and women evicted in Ireland, or—worse fate—not evicted from Whitechapel. The spirit that defended the slave-trade now finds its last ditch behind the text, The poor ye have with you always. But a new sympathy rises again, like that which declared that the poor should be free of the slave-trade and slavery, and declares that the poor shall be freed from starvation of body, mind, and soul. Slave-trade, slavery, poverty; the form varies, but against them all runs the refusal of the human heart to be made happy at the cost of the misery of others, and its mathematical knowledge that its quotient of satisfactions will increase with the sum of the happiness of all.

The word of the day is that we are about to civilize industry. Mankind is quivering with its purpose to make men fellow-citizens, brothers, lovers in industry, as it has done with them in government and family, which are also industry. We already have on our shelves the sciences—hygienic, industrial, political, ethical—to free the world almost at a stroke from war, accidents, disease, poverty, and their flowing vices and insanities. The men of these sciences are here at call praying for employment. The people, by the books they read, show themselves to be praying to have them put at work. If we who call ourselves civilization would for one average span devote to life-dealing the moneys, armies, and genius we now give to death-dealing, and would establish over the weaker peoples a protectorate of the United States of Europe and America, we would take a long step towards settling forever the vexed question of the site of the Garden of Eden.

“Human nature,” “monotony,” and “individuality” are the lions which the reformer is always told will stop the way to a better world. “You cannot change human nature.” There are two human natures—the human nature of Christ and of Judas; and Christ prevails. There is the human nature which seeks anonymity, secrecy, the fruits of power without its duties; and there is the human nature which rises against these and, province by province, is abolishing them from human affairs. Men have always been willing to die for their faith. The bad have died as bravely as the good, Charles I. with as smooth a front as Sir Harry Vane. In this readiness to die lies folded every loyalty of life.

“You would make the world a dead level of monotony.” Good society does not think it monotonous that all its women should at the same time dust the streets with long-tailed gowns, or that its men should meet every night in funereal black and identical cut, but it shrinks from the monotony of having all share in reforms which would equalize surfeit and starvation. “Good society” is still to come, and it will find some better definition of “monotony” than a fair share for all—a better definition of variety than too much for ourselves at the cost of too little for all others. Shall we choose the monotony of sharing with every one under George III. or Alexander II. the denial of all right to participate in the supreme power, or shall we choose the monotony of sharing with every fellow-citizen the right to become President?—the monotony of being forbidden to enter all the great livelihoods, some syndicate blocking each way with “This business belongs to us”? Or the monotony of a democracy, where every laborer has equal rights with all other citizens to decide upon the administration of the common toil for the common welfare, and an equal right with every other to rise to be a Captain of Industry? Such are the alternatives of “monotony.” We have made an historic choice in one; now for the other.

And “individuality.” “You are going to destroy individuality.” We can become individual only by submitting to be bound to others. We extend our freedom only by finding new laws to obey. Life outside the law is slavery on as many sides as there are disregarded laws. The locomotive off its tracks is not free. The more relations, ties, duties, the more “individual.” The isolated man is the mere rudiment of an individual. But he who has become citizen, neighbor, friend, brother, son, husband, father, fellow-member, in one, is just by so many times individualized. Men’s expanding powers of co-operation bring them to the conscious ability to unite for new benefits; but this extension of individuality is forbidden in the name of individuality. There are two individualities: that of the dullard, who submits to take his railroad transportation, his light, his coal, his salt, his reaping-machine at such prices and of such quality as arbitrary power forces upon him, and that of the shrewder man who, by an alliance of the individualities of all, supplies himself at his own price.

Time carries us so easily we do not realize how fast we move. This social debate has gone far beyond the question whether change there must be. What shall the change be? is the subject all the world is discussing. Exposure of abuses no longer excites more than a languid interest. But every clear plan how things might be rearranged raises the people. Before every revolution marches a book—the Contrat Social, Uncle Tom’s Cabin. “Every man nowadays,” says Emerson, “carries a revolution in his vest-pocket.” The book which sells more copies than any other of our day abroad and at home, debated by all down to the boot-blacks as they sit on the curb-stones, is one calling men to draw from their success in insuring each other some of the necessaries of life the courage to move on to insure each other all the necessaries of life, bidding them abandon the self-defeating anarchy which puts railroad-wreckers at the head of railroads and famine-producers at the head of production, and inspiring them to share the common toil and the fruits of the toil under the ideals which make men Washingtons and Lincolns. You may question the importance of the plan; you cannot question the importance of its welcome. It shows the people gathering-points for the new constitution they know they must make.

In nothing has liberty justified itself more thoroughly than in the resolute determination spreading among the American people to add industrial to political independence. It is the hope of the world that good has its effects as well as evil, and that on the whole, and in the long-run, the seed of the good will overgrow the evil. “Heaven has kindly given our blood a moral flow.” Liberty breeds liberties, slavery breeds slaveries, but the liberties will be the strongest stock. If the political and religious liberties which the people of this country aspired to set up had in them the real sap and fibre of a better life than the world had yet known, it must certainly follow that they would quicken and strengthen the people for discovery and obedience in still higher realms. And just this has happened. Nowhere else has the new claim to tax without representation been so quickly detected, so intelligently scrutinized, and so bravely fought. Nowhere else has this spreading plague of selfishness and false doctrine found a people whose average and general life was pitched on so high a level that they instantly took the alarm at its claims over their lives and liberties. It has found a people so disciplined by the aspiration and achievement of political and religious rights that they are already possessed of a body of doctrine capable, by an easy extension, of refuting all the pretensions of the new absolutism. At the very beginning of this new democratic life among the nations it was understood that to be safe liberty must be complete on its industrial as well as on its political and religious sides. This is the American principle. “Give a man power over my subsistence,” said Alexander Hamilton, “and he has power over the whole of my moral being.” To submit to such a power gives only the alternative of death or degradation, and the high spirit of America preferred then, as it prefers now, the rule of right, which gives life.

The mania of business has reached an acuter and extremer development in America than elsewhere, because nowhere else have bounteous nature and free institutions produced birthrights and pottages so well worth “swapping.” But the follies and wickedness of business have nowhere been so sharply challenged as in free America. “Betake yourself to America,” said Carlyle to a friend beginning a literary career; “there you can utter your freest thoughts in ways impossible here.” It is to this stern wakefulness of a free people that the world owes it that more light has been thrown in America than in any other country on the processes of modern money-making. A free press, organ of a free people, has done invaluable service. The legislatures have pushed investigation after investigation into the ways in which large masses of the people have been deprived, for the benefit of single men or groups of men, of rights of subsistence and government. Through the courts the free people have pursued their depredators by civil and criminal process, by public and private prosecutions. Imperfect and corrupt, these agencies of press, courts, legislatures have often been; they have still done a work which has either been left undone altogether in other countries, or has been done with but a fraction of our thoroughness.

It is due to them that there exists in the reports of legislative investigations, State and national, in the proceedings of lawsuits and criminal trials, in the files of the newspapers, a mass of information which cannot be found in any other community in the world. There is in these archives an accumulation of the raw material of tragedy, comedy, romance, ravellings of the vicissitudes of human life, and social and personal fate, which will feed the fires of whole generations of literary men when once they awake to the existence of these precious rolls. In these pigeon-holes are to be found keys of the present and clews to the future. As America has the newest and widest liberty, it is the stage where play the newest and widest forces of evil as well as good. America is at the front of the forward line of evolution. It has taken the lead in developing competition to the extreme form in which it destroys competition, and in superfining the processes of exchange of services into those of the acquisition of the property of others without service.

The hope is that the old economic system we inherited has ripened so much more rapidly than the society and government we have created that the dead matter it deposits can be thrown off by our vigorous youth and health. “It is high time our bad wealth came to an end,” says Emerson. It has grown into its monstrous forms so fast that the dullest eye can separate it from the Commonwealth, and the slowest mind comprehend its mischievousness. In making themselves free of arbitrary and corrupt power in government the Americans prepared themselves to be free in all else, and because foremost in political liberty they have the promise of being the first to realize industrial liberty—the trunk of a tree of which political liberty is the seed, and without which political liberty shrinks back into nothingness.

“The art of Italy will blossom over our graves,” Mazzini said when, with true insight, he saw that the first artistic, first literary task before the Italians was to make their country free. Art, literature, culture, religion, in America, are already beginning to feel the restrictive pressure which results from the domination of a selfish, self-indulgent, luxurious, and anti-social power. This power, mastering the markets of a civilization which gives its main energies to markets, passes without difficulty to the mastery of all the other activities. When churches, political campaigns, the expounding of the law, maintenance of schools and colleges, and family life itself all depend on money, they must become servile to the money power. Song, picture, sermon, decrees of court, and the union of hearts must pass constantly under stronger control of those who give their lives to trade and encourage everybody else to trade, confident that the issue of it all will be that they will hold as property, in exclusive possession, to be doled out on their own terms, the matter by which alone man can live, either materially or spiritually.

In America, where the supreme political power and much of the government of church and college have been taken out of traditional hands and subjected to the changing determinations of popular will, it has inevitably resulted that the State, church, and school have passed under this mercantile aristocracy to a far greater extent than in other countries where stiffer régimes under other and older influences still stand. Our upper classes—elected, as always, by the equipoise of effort and opinion between them and the lower classes—are, under this commercial system, the men who trade best, who can control their features and their consciences so that they can always get more than they give, who can play with supply and demand so that at the end of the game all their brethren are their tributaries for life. It is the birthright-buying minds that, by the adoption of this ideal, we choose for our rulers. The progressive races have altered their ideals of kings with the indescribable advantage of being ruled by Washingtons and Lincolns and Gladstones instead of Caligulas and Pharaohs. We have now to make a similar step forward in another part of life. The previous changes expressed outwardly an inner change of heart. The reformer of to-day is simply he who, with quicker ear, detecting that another change of heart is going on, goes before.

Another great change is working in the inner mind of man, and will surely be followed by incorporation in institutions and morals and manners. The social head and heart are both being persuaded that too many are idle—rich and poor; too many are hurt in body and soul—rich and poor; too many children are “exposed,” as in the old Greek and Roman market-places; too many are starving within reach of too much fertile waste; too many passions of envy, greed, and hate are raging among rich and poor. There is too much left undone that ought to be done along the whole scale of life, from the lowest physical to the highest spiritual needs, from better roads to sweeter music and nobler worship. It cannot be long, historically speaking, before all this new sense and sentiment will issue in acts. All will be as zealously protected against the oppression of the cruel in their daily labor as now against oppression from invader or rioter, and will be as warmly cheered in liberty to grow to their fullest capabilities as laborers—i.e., users of matter for the purpose of the spirit—as they are now welcomed to the liberty of the citizen and the worshipper. Infinite is the fountain of our rights. We can have all the rights we will create. All the rights we will give we can have. The American people will save the liberties they have inherited by winning new ones to bequeath.

With this will come fruits of new faculty almost beyond calculation. A new liberty will put an end to pauperism and millionairism and the crimes and death-rate born of both wretchednesses, just as the liberty of politics and religion put an end to martyrs and tyrants. The new liberty is identical in principle and purpose with the other; it is made inevitable by them. Those who love the liberties already won must open the door to the new, unless they wish to see them all take flight together. There can be no single liberty. Liberties go in clusters like the Pleiades.

We must either regulate, or own, or destroy, perishing by the sword we take. The possibility of regulation is a dream. As long as this control of the necessaries of life and this wealth remain private with individuals, it is they who will regulate, not we. The policy of regulation, disguise it as we may, is but moving to a compromise and equilibrium within the evil all complain of. It is to accept the principle of the sovereignty of the self-interest of the individual and apply constitutional checks to it. The unprogressive nations palter in this method with monarchy. But the wits of America are equal to seeing that as with kingship and slavery so with poverty—the weeding must be done at the roots. Sir Henry Sumner Maine says mankind moves from status to contract; from society ruled by inherited customs to one ruled by agreement, varied according to circumstances. Present experience suggests the addition that the movement, like all in nature, is pendulous, and that mankind moves progressively from status to contract, and from this stage of contract to another status. We march and rest and march again. If our society is settling down to an interval of inertia, perhaps ages long, we must before night comes establish all in as much equality and comfort as possible.

The aspirations are not new. We have had them since Plato. The knowledge of means for realizing them is not new. We have had it since Aristotle, and the history of civilization is but the record of the progressive embodiment of the ideals in institutions for the life together—sexual, social, spiritual. What is new in our moment is that mankind’s accumulating forces are preparing for another step forward in this long processional realization of its best possible. Nothing so narrow as the mere governmentalizing of the means and processes of production. It is only the morally nerveless who ask government to do that which they will not rise to do. The conversion which is now working itself out within us, and perhaps is more nearly born than we suspect (“We shall not live to see slavery abolished,” said Emerson, in 1859) is making itself felt on all sides of our life. In manners, in literature, in marriage, in church, in all, we see at work the saving ferment which is to make all things new by bringing them nearer to the old ideals. George Sand was revolted by the servile accent of the phrase of her day, “Madame est servie.” Society has grown to the better fellowship her finer ear found wanting in these words, and is now told it is dinner, not madame or monsieur, that is served.

We are to have, of course, great political changes. We are to apply the co-operative methods of the post-office and the public school to many other common toils, to all toils in which private sovereignty has become through monopoly a despotism over the public, and to all in which the association of the people and the organization of processes have been so far developed that the profit-hunting Captain of Industry may be replaced by the public-serving Captain of Industry. But we are to have much more. We are to have a private life of a new beauty, of which these are to be merely the mechanical exhibitions on the side of politics. We are to move among each other, able, by the methodical and agreed adherence of all, to do what the words of Lamennais mean, instead of being able, as now, in most things, to afford only an indulgence in feeling them. We are to be commoners, travellers to Altruria.

We are to become fathers, mothers, for the spirit of the father and mother is not in us while we can say of any child it is not ours, and leave it in the grime. We are to become men, women, for to all about reinforcing us we shall insure full growth and thus insure it to ourselves. We are to become gentlemen, ladies, for we will not accept from another any service we are not willing to return in kind. We are to become honest, giving when we get, and getting with the knowledge and consent of all. We are to become rich, for we shall share in the wealth now latent in idle men and idle land, and in the fertility of work done by those who have ceased to withstand but stand with each other. As we walk our parks we already see that by saying “thine” to every neighbor we say “mine” of palaces, gardens, art, science, far beyond any possible to selfishness, even the selfishness of kings. We shall become patriots, for the heart will know why it thrills to the flag. Those folds wave the salute of a greater love than that of the man who will lay down his life for his friend. There floats the banner of the love of millions, who, though they do not know you and have never seen you, will die for you and are living for you, doing in a thousand services unto you as you would be done by. And the little patriotism, which is the love of the humanity fenced within our frontier will widen into the reciprocal service of all men. Generals were, merchants are, brothers will be, humanity’s representative men.

There is to be a people in industry, as in government. The same rising genius of democracy which discovered that mankind did not co-operate in the State to provide a few with palaces and king’s-evil, is disclosing that men do not co-operate in trade for any other purpose than to mobilize the labor of all for the benefit of all, and that the only true guidance comes from those who are led, and the only valid titles from those who create. Very wide must be the emancipation of this new self-interest. If we free America we shall still be not free, for the financial, commercial, possessory powers of modern industrial life are organized internationally. If we rose to the full execution of the first, simplest, and most pressing need of our times and put an end to all private use of public powers, we should still be confronted by monopolies existing simply as private property, as in coal-mines, oil lands.

It is not a verbal accident that science is the substance of the word conscience. We must know the right before we can do the right. When it comes to know the facts the human heart can no more endure monopoly than American slavery or Roman empire. The first step to a remedy is that the people care. If they know, they will care. To help them to know and care; to stimulate new hatred of evil, new love of the good, new sympathy for the victims of power, and, by enlarging its science, to quicken the old into a new conscience, this compilation of fact has been made. Democracy is not a lie. There live in the body of the commonalty the unexhausted virtue and the ever-refreshened strength which can rise equal to any problems of progress. In the hope of tapping some reserve of their powers of self-help this story is told to the people.

Appendix

PARTIAL LIST OF TRADE COMBINATIONS, OR TRUSTS, ACHIEVED OR ATTEMPTED, AND OF THE COMMODITIES COVERED BY THEM770

I.—LIGHT, HEAT, AND POWER

Boilers, for house heating.

Candle-makers, Great Britain, United States.

Coal: anthracite, bituminous.

Coke.

Electric: carbon points, 1885;
candles,1888;
electric goods, national, 1887;
lighting, United States, Great Britain, 1882;
light-fixtures, national, 1889.

Gas: illuminating and fuel, local, sectional, national; fixtures, national; pipes, 1875;
natural.

Gasoline stoves, 1894.

Governors of steam-boilers.

Hot-water heaters, 1892.

House furnaces, 1889.

Kerosene, 1874.

Kindling wood, Boston, 1891.

Matches: United States; Great Britain;
Canada;
Sweden;
international, 1894.

Paraffine.

Petroleum and its products, 1874.

Radiators, steam and hot-water, Western, 1891.

Scotch mineral oil, 1888.

Steam and hot-water master fitters, national, 1889.

Stearine.

Stove-boards, zinc, national, 1890.

Stoves and ranges, 1872.

Stoves, vapor, national, 1884.

II.—CHEMICALS

Acids: acetic, citric, muriatic, nitric, sulphuric, American, 1889;
oxalic, Great Britain, 1882.

Alkali Union, England, 1888.

Alkaloids, United States.

Alum, sectional, 1889.

Ammonia, 1889.

Bismuth salts, United States.

Bleaching-powder, England, 1888.

Boracic acid, United States.

Borax: United States;
Great Britain, 1888.

Chemical Union, England, 1890.

Chloroform, United States.

Drug manufacturers: United States;
Canada, 1884.

Iodine, England, 1890.

Iodoform, United States, 1880.

Lime, acetate of, 1891.

Mercurials: as calomel, corrosive sublimate, etc., United States.

Nitrates, Chili, 1884.

Paris-green, 1889.

Potash: bichromate of, Great Britain;
bichloride of, United States;
chlorate, prussiate, Great Britain, 1888.

Quinine, international, 1893.

Rochelle salts, United States.

Saltpetre.

Santonine, United States.

Soda, bichromate, United States; carbonate,
caustic, England, 1888;
nitrate of, Chili and England, 1884.

Strychnine.

Sulphur, Italy.

Ultramarine: United States; Germany, 1890.

Vitriol, 1889.

III.—METALS

Aluminum, national, 1888.

Barbed wire, 1881.

Brass: sectional, 1884;
rolled and sheet, sheet German silver, copper rivets and burrs, copper and German-silver wire, kerosene-oil burners and lamp trimmings, and braised brass tubing.

Copper: cold, bolt, rolled, sheet, 1888;
ore, Lake Superior, 1879;
international, 1887;
bath-tubs, boilers, sinks, and general ware, 1891;
wire.

Iron: founders; galvanized, national, 1875;
malleable, national, 1882;
manufacturers, Germany, 1887;
nuts, 1884;
ore, Germany, 1884, Atlantic coast, 1886, Michigan, 1882, Southern, 1884, Northwestern, 1887, Lake Superior, 1893;
pig, Eastern, Southern, 1883, national, 1889;
pipes, steam and gas, 1884;
wrought iron, 1887;
sheet, enamelled, Germany, 1893;
structural, national, 1881;
tubes, 1884;
wire-cloth, national, 1882;
Russian, 1893.

Lead: pig, pipe;
sheet-lead, 1888;
white, national, 1884.

Mica, national, 1887.

Nickel.

Quicksilver, California.

Silver and lead smelters.

Steel: armor-plate, Bessemer beams (in
existence nearly thirty years), castings, 1894;
galvanized; rails (see traffic and travel);
rods, United States and Germany, 1888;
rolling-mills.

Tin: jobbers; American, national, 1883;
English, 1889.

Zinc.

IV.—SOME OTHER INSTRUMENTS AND MATERIALS OF INDUSTRY

Alcohol.

Axes and axe-poles.

Belting, leather, rubber.

Blankets (press), American Papermakers’ Felt and Jacket Association.

Bobbins, spools, and shuttles, 1886, for cotton, woollen, silk, and linen mills.

Bolts, 1884.

Boxes, wooden, local, 1885;
Western and Southern.

Bridge-builders: Eastern, 1886;
Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, 1889.

Butchers’ skewers and supplies, Western, 1889.

Carpet yarns, Eastern, 1889.

Cash-registers, national, 1890.

Celluloid, lythoid, zylonite, Eastern, 1890.

Chains, national, 1883.

Color trust, Great Britain, 1889.

Cordage: rope, twine, United States, 1875;
England, 1892.

Corks.

Cotton duck, national, 1891.

Cotton-seed oil, national, 1884.

Creels, for cloth and woollen mills, national, 1893.

Damasks, Pennsylvania, 1886.

Emery wheels, national.

Felting.

Fibre, indurated, pails, bowls, measures, water-coolers, filters, etc., national, 1888.

Files, 1875.

Fire-brick, 1875.

Fish-oil, menhaden, New England, 1885.

Forge companies, national, 1889.

Glass bottles: beer, United States, 1884;
green glass, English bottle manufacturers, 1889.

Glass: flint, Western, 1891;
crown, cylinder, unpolished;
plate, French, 1888;
German, 1887;
international, 1890;
window, 1875;
sectional, national, international, 1884.

Glass, plate, Underwriters, 1894.

Glue.

Gutta-percha.

Hardware manufacturers, 1884.

Label printers.

Leather: belting, national; board, national, 1891;
hides, Northwestern, 1888;
morocco, Eastern, 1886;
patent, national, 1888; sole, 1893;
Tanners’ Association, 1882;
Oak Harness Leather Tanners, national, 1890.

Linen mills, Eastern, Western, 1892.

Linseed oil: local, 1877;
national, 1887;
dealers, Canada, 1892.

Manilla, international, 1887.

Oil: lubricating, 1874;
for curing leather; menhaden;
safety burning oil for miners.

Onyx, Mexican, 1890.

Paper: local, sectional, national;
bags, Eastern and Western, 1887;
book and newspaper; boxes, national, 1883;
card-board, 1890;
flour sacks, 1887;
straw; tissue, 1892;
wrapping, Western, 1878, Eastern, 1881;
writing, national, 1884. Papermakers’ trust in Great Britain to check the operation of the Alkali trust, 1889;
Papermakers’ Felt and Jacket Association, national;
rags, Eastern, 1883;
wood-pulp, Western, 1890;
New York, Canada, Eastern, 1891.

Pitch, national, 1887 or earlier.

Planes, carpenters’.

Pumps, national, 1871.

Rubber: belting, 1875;
electric web goring (for shoes), national, 1893;
gossamers, 1887;
hose, 1875;
importers, national, 1882;
manufacturers, national, 1882;
Brazil producers, 1890;
stamps and stencils, national, 1893.

Sandpaper, emery and emery cloth, flint, garnet, ruby, sand cloth, national, 1887.

Saws, national, 1890.

Scales.

Screws: machine, 1887;
wood, national, international.

Seed Crushers’ Union, England, 1889.

Sewer pipe, 1875.

Sewing-machines, 1885.

Sewing-machine supplies, New York and New England, 1883.

Spirits.

Straw braid.

Straw-board, 1887.

Tacks, 1875.

Talc mills, New York, 1893.

Tar, national, 1886.

Teasel, national, 1892.

Textile manufacturers, Pennsylvania, 1886—embracing dress goods, ginghams, upholstery goods, woollens, yarns, chintzes, worsteds, damasks.

Tools, edge, American Axe and Edged Tool Company, national, 1890.

Turpentine, Southern, 1892.

Type founders, national, 1888.

Washers, 1884.

Watch-cases, 1886.

Well tools, for oil, gas, and artesian wells, 1889.

Wood, excelsior, shavings for packing, national, 1889.

Wooden-ware, 1883 or earlier.

Woodworking machines, 1891.

Wool felt.

Wrenches, 1875.

V.—TRAFFIC AND TRAVEL

The Road, Horse, and Wagon

Bicycles, United States, 1893. Board of Trade formed to regulate prices.

Bicycle tires.

Bridge-builders, 1886.

Buggy pails, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Carriage builders, national, 1884.

Carriage hardware, 1884.

Harness dealers, manufacturers, national, 1886.

Liverymen’s Associations, local, 1884.

Paving: asphalt, 1886;
brick, Western, 1892;
pitch, national, 1887.

Road-making machines, Western, 1890.

Saddlery Association, national, 1891.

Saddle-trees, Indiana, Missouri, 1892.

Wagons, local, 1886.

Wheels, Western, 1889.

Whips, national, 1892.

Shipping

Ballast, Havana, 1882.

Canal-boats, 1884.

Cotton duck, sail-cloth, national, 1888.

Ferries, New York and Brooklyn.

Lake carriers, Hull pool, 1886.

Lake Dock Trust.

Marine insurance, 1883.

Naval stores.

Ocean steamers: European, Asiatic, and American;
German steamship companies, 1894.

Pilotage, New York, San Francisco.

Steamboats: in the Cincinnati and New Orleans trade, 1884;
forwarding lines along the Hudson River, 1891.

Railroads

Car-axles, 1890.

Car-springs, steel, national, 1887.

Cars, freight and cattle.

Elevators, grain, local, Western, 1887.

Express companies.

Locomotives: national, 1892;
boiler flues, 1875;
tires, national, 1892.

Railroad: pools, freight and passenger, sectional, national;
Eastern Railroad Association, of 800 railroads, to fight patents.

Steel sleepers, 1885;
steel rails, national.

Street railways, local, sectional.

VI.—BUILDING

Asbestos, for paints, roofing, steam-pipe and boiler coverings, 1891.

Beams and channels, iron and steel, national, 1875.

Blinds: Northwestern, 1885;
national, 1888.

Brass, gas, plumbing, steam, water goods, 1884.

Brick: local, sectional, 1884;
Chicago, New York, New Jersey, Washington (State);
pressed brick, 1890.

Cement: Mississippi valley, 1883;
Eastern, 1884;
Northwestern, 1884.

Cornice-makers, national, 1884.

Doors: Northwestern, 1885;
national, 1888.

Fire engines, including hook and ladder trucks, hose-carriages, heaters, carts, stationary pumps, and other supplies, United States and Canada, 1892.

Fire insurance.

Glue, national, 1894.

Gypsum stucco, Eastern, Northwestern, 1884.

Hinges, 1875.

Lime, Western, 1883.

Lumber: California pine, 1883;
California redwood, 1883;
Chicago; Mississippi valley;
Northwestern, 1880;
Pacific coast, 1883;
poplar, 1889;
Puget Sound, 1883;
yellow pine, Southern, 1890, Eastern, 1891;
dealers, national, 1878.

Nails: Pennsylvania, 1875;
Western Association, 1882;
Atlantic States Association, 1883.

Paint.

Plaster, national, 1891.

Roofing: felt;
iron;
pitch, Vermont, national, 1887.

Sanitary pottery.

Sash, doors, and blinds, national.

Sewer pipes, national, 1884.

Stone: brown stone, Lake Superior, 1890, New York, 1884;
cut-stone quarry owners, Western, 1892;
free-stone; granite, national, 1891;
limestone, rubble, and flag, Illinois, 1884;
marble, Western dealers, 1885;
Vermont marble quarries, 1889;
sandstone, New York, 1883.

Structural steel.

Stucco, 1883.

Varnish dealers, national, 1888.

Wall-paper: national, 1879; international, 1882.

VII.—FARM AND PLANTATION

Agricultural implements, manufacturers, dealers, 1891.

Binders, Harvester Trust, 1883.

Churns, 1884.

Corn-harvesters, national, 1892.

Cotton bagging, 1888.

Cotton presses, local, 1892.

Drain tile, Indiana, 1894.

Fencing, barbed wire, national, 1881.

Fertilizers: 1888;
guano;
menhaden oil, New England, 1885;
phosphate, South Carolina, 1887;
Canada, 1890;
Florida, 1891.

Forks, national, 1890.

Harrow manufacturers, national, 1890.

Harvesting-machines, national, 1883.

Hay-presses, national, 1889.

Hay tools, Western and Northwestern, 1884.

Hoes, national, 1890.

Horse-brushes, prison-made, 1889.

Jute grain bags, national, 1888.

Mowers, national, 1883.

Pails, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Paris green.

Ploughs, Northwestern, 1884.

Rakes, national, 1890.

Reapers, 1883.

Scythe-makers, national, 1884.

Shovels, national, 1890.

Snath manufacturers, national, 1891.

Threshing-machines, national, 1890, 1891.

Twine, binding, 1887.

Vehicles.

VIII.—SCHOOL, LIBRARY, AND COUNTING-ROOM

Blank-books, 1888.
Envelopes, 1888.
Lead-pencils, 1878.
Lithographic printers, national, 1892.
Novels (paper-covered “libraries”), 1890.
School-books, national, 1884.
School-furniture, national, 1892.
Slates and slate-pencils, national, 1887.
Subscription-books, local, sectional, 1892.
Type-founders, national, 1888.
Type-writers.
Writing-paper, national, 1884.

IX.—“THE SHOT HEARD ROUND THE WORLD”

Ammunition, 1883.
Arms, 1883.
Cartridges, national, 1883.
Dynamite, Germany.
Fireworks, national, 1890.
Gunpowder, national, 1875.
Guns, 1883.
Shot-tower companies, national, 1873.

X.—FOR THE PERSON

Barbers, National Tonsorial Parlor Company, organized to establish barber-shops in all the large cities of the United States, 1890.

Buttons.

Calico, England, 1891.

Clothes-brushes, prison-made, 1889.

Coat and cloak manufacturers: New York, 1883;
Chicago, 1893.

Collars and cuffs, New York, 1890.

Cotton: England, 1890;
Fall River; Southern mills, 1881;
thread (spool-cotton), 1888.

Diamonds: mines in South Africa;
dealers in Europe, 1889.

Dress-goods, Pennsylvania, 1886.

Furs.

Ginghams, Pennsylvania, 1886.

Gloves, New York.

Hats: fur, 1885;
woollen, national.

Knit goods: New York, 1884;
Western, 1889.

Jewellers, national.

Laundries: Chicago;
Chinese Laundry Union, New York City, 1889;
St. Louis, 1893.

Pocket-knives, national, 1892.

Ribbons, national, 1892.

Rubber boots and shoes, national, 1882.

Seal-skin, national, 1892.

Shirts: Troy, New York City, 1890.

Shoe: manufacturers, national, 1887;
retailers, New England, 1885;
national, 1886.

Silk: manufacturers, international. France, England, Italy, Germany,
1888;
sewing, national, 1887;
ribbon, 1884.

Trunks, national, 1892.

Umbrellas, Eastern, 1891.

Watch:
manufacturers, makers and jewellers, national, 1886;
National Association of Jobbers of American Watches and Cases, 1886.

Woollens:
manufacturers, 1882;
worsteds, yarns, Pennsylvania, 1886.

XI.—SMOKING AND DRINKING

Beer, United States Brewers’ Association, 1861.

Champagne, New York City, 1889;
France, 1891.

Meerschaum pipes, New Jersey, 1892.

Soda fountains, 1890.

Spittoons, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Tobacco and cigars, local, sectional, national, 1882;
cigarettes, 1890.

Waters, mineral, national, 1889.

Whiskey and “domestic”—or artificial—brandy, rum, gin, and cordials made in imitation of the genuine.

Wine-growers, California, 1889.

XII.—“HOME, SWEET HOME”

In General

Candles, coal, furnaces, gas, oil, matches, ranges, stoves, etc. (see Light, Heat, and Power).

Carpets:
Eastern, 1885;
Brussels, in-grain, 1888.

Chairs:
cane, 1889;
manufacturers, Western, 1880;
seats, perforated, national, 1888.

Furniture:
national, 1883;
Chicago manufacturers, 1886;
retailers, New England, 1888;
national, 1893.

Hair-cloth, Rhode Island, 1893.

Oil-cloth, table and stair, Oil-cloth Association, 1887.

Pails, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Soap, national, 1890.

Upholsterers’ felt.

Upholstery goods, textile manufacturers, Pennsylvania, 1886.

Window-shades, 1888.

The Kitchen

Boilers.

Bottles.

Brooms, 1886.

Brushes, scrubbing, prison-made, 1889.

Chopping-bowls, wooden-ware, national, 1884.

Crockery, national, 1883.

Fruit-jars, 1891.

Glass-ware, 1883.

Hollow-ware, prison-made, 1888.

Keelers, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Kettles, prison-made, 1888.

Lamp-chimneys, 1883.

Measures, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Pans and pots, prison-made, 1888.

Potato-mashers, wooden-ware, national, 1884.

Pottery, yellow-ware, national, 1889.

Sinks, copper.

Stamped-ware, national, 1882.

Tin-ware:
national, 1883;
English, 1889.

Water-coolers, filters, pails, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Water-pails, wooden-ware, national, 1884.

Wooden-ware, national, 1884.

Laundry

Borax.

Clothes-pins, New York, 1888.

Clothes-wringers.

Soap, national, 1890.

Soda, 1884.

Starch:
Western, 1882;
national, 1890.

Washboards, New York, 1888.

Wash-tubs, wooden-ware, national, 1884.

Washing-machines, national, 1891.

Water-tubs, fibre trust, national, 1888.

Zinc, sheet, 1890.

Dining-room

Butter-dishes, 1886.
China, England, 1888.
Glass table-ware, 1889.
Plated-ware.
Silver-plated ware.
Silver-ware, national, 1892.
Table cutlery, national, 1881.
Table oil-cloth, national, 1888.
Tables, extension-tables, national, 1893.

Parlor

For carpets, furniture, upholstery, etc., see under “In General,” above.

Mantel lambrequin, wool felt, 1888.

Music, books and instruments, Boston, New York, Chicago, Cincinnati, 1892.

Organs, local, sectional, 1889.

Parlor frame manufacturers.

Parlor furniture, Western Association, 1886.

Pianos, local, sectional, 1889;
national, 1893.

Piano-covers, wool felt, 1888.

Picture-frames, 1890.

Rugs, Eastern, 1885.

Table-covers, wool felt, 1888.

Tapestries, Eastern, 1885.

Bath-room

Bath-tubs (see “Copper”).

Sanitary-ware, 1889.

Sponges, Florida, New York, 1892.

Bedroom

Chintzes, Pennsylvania, 1886.

Looking-glass:
French silvered plate-glass, 1888;
German, national, 1887;
international, 1890.

Spring beds, national, 1890.

Wire mattress:
Northwestern, 1886;
national, 1890.

XIII.—“OUR DAILY BREAD”

Bread, biscuit, crackers, local, sectional, national.

Butter, local, 1889.

Candy, local, national, 1884.

Canned goods:
Western, 1885;
national, 1889;
California canned fruit, 1891.

Cider and vinegar, national, 1882.

Coffee, Arbuckle trust, 1888.

Corn-meal, Western, 1894.

Cotton-seed oil.

Dairy Association, national, 1893.

Eggs, local, in United States and Canada.

Fish:
England, 1749 and before;
New York and New England, 1892;
salmon, Alaska, 1891;
salmon canners of the Pacific coast, 1893;
sardines, Eastern, 1885;
international, 1890;
sardine canneries, Canada, 1893.

Flour:
United States, National Millers’ Association, 1883;
winter wheat mills, national, 1888;
spring wheat mills of the United States;
millers of northeast England, 1889;
rye flour, local, 1891;
flour-mills of Utah and Colorado, 1892.

Food Manufacturers’ Association, United States, 1891.

Fruit:
bananas, Southern, 1888;
California fruit-growers, 1892;
cranberries, Cape Cod, 1888;
England, 1884;
Florida, 1889;
foreign fruit, New York, 1884;
Fruit-trade Association, New York, 1882;
fruit-growers of the Eastern and Middle States against commission-merchants, 1887;
preserves and jellies, Western, 1883;
American Preservers’ Company, 1889;
prunes, California;
strawberry-growers, Wisconsin, 1892;
watermelons, Indiana, South Carolina, 1889.

Grape-growers, northern Ohio, 1894.

Grocers: wholesale, retail; local, sectional, national.

Honey, local, 1888.

Ice:
local, sectional, 1883;
artificial, Southern, 1889.

Lard-refiners, Eastern, 1887.

Meat and cattle:
beef, mutton, pork;
Butchers’ National Protective Association;
Chicago packers;
Inter-mountain Stock-growers’ Association, Utah, 1893;
International Cattle Range Association;
Live-stock Association, 1887;
Northwest Texas Live-stock Association, 1878;
Western Kansas Stock-growers’ Association, 1883;
Wyoming Stock-growers’ Association, 1874.

Milk:
local, sectional, 1883;
condensed milk, New York, Illinois, 1891.

Oatmeal, 1885;
Canada, 1887.

Olive-oil.

Oysters, local, 1890.

Pea-nuts, 1888.

Pickles, national, 1891.

Produce:
Produce Commission-merchants, eight large cities—North, South, East, West, 1883;
West, 1888.

Raisins, California, 1894.

Rice-mills, Southern, 1888.

Salt:
rock;
English Salt Union, 1888;
international, United States and Canada, 1889;
Canada, 1891.

Sugar:
Hawaii, 1876;
United States, 1887.
Glucose, national, 1883;
international, 1891.

Wine, California, 1894.

XIV.—LIFE AND DEATH

Artificial teeth, United States, 1889.

Castor-oil, 1885.

Cocoa-nut oil, American importers, 1881.

Coffins, National Burial-case Association, 1884.

Dental machines and supplies, United States, 1889.

Drugs:
importers;
druggists, retail, sectional, national, 1883;
wholesale, sectional, national, 1884;
Canada, 1874;
manufacturers, national, 1884.

Ergot, 1891.

Glycerine, New York, 1888.

Life insurance, 1883,
national, 1891.

Patent medicines, national, 1884.

Peppermint, local, 1887.

Quinine, 1882.

Tombstones, local, Brooklyn, Chicago, 1891.

Vaseline.

XV.—MISCELLANEOUS

Athletic clubs, 1893, to reduce charges made by prize-fighters for exhibition.

Base-ball, national, 1876.

Billiard-tables and furniture, 1884.

Bill-posters, United States, Canada, 1872.

Dime museums, national, 1883.

Landlords’ Union, London, England, 1890.

News-dealers, 1884;
newspapers, Associated Press, United Press;
sectional, national.

Photographers, national, 1889.

Playing-cards.

Printers, show and job, 1893.

Racing trust, jockey club, 1894.

Retailers, 1891.
Small retail store-keepers of Kansas City protest against mammoth
department stores.

Safes, national, 1892.

Theatrical trust, Interstate Amusement Company, Springfield, Ill., 1894.

Warehouses:
Brooklyn, 1887;
national, 1891.

Footnotes:

1 Annual Report Attorney-General of the United States, 1893.

2 People of the State of New York vs. The North River Sugar Refining Company. Supreme Court of New York—at Circuit (January 9, 1889). New York Senate Trusts, 1889, p. 278.

3 Combinations, by S.C.T. Dodd, p. 19.

4 References:

1. Investigation by the Senate of Pennsylvania into the Anthracite Coal Difficulties, 1871.

2. Morris Run Coal Company vs. The Barclay Coal Company. Pennsylvania State Reports, Vol. 68, p. 173.

3. Report on the Coal Combination. New York Assembly Committee on Railroads, 1878.

4. Labor Troubles in Anthracite Regions, 1887-1888. House of Representatives, 50th Congress, Second Session. Report No. 4147.

5. New York Senate Investigation of the Coal Combination, 1892.

6. Alleged Coal Combination. House of Representatives, 52d Congress, 2d Session. Report No. 2278. January 18, 1893.

7. Coxe Brothers & Co. vs. The Lehigh Valley Railroad Company, before the Interstate Commerce Commission. Report and Opinion of the Commission.

8. John C. Haddock vs. Delaware, Lackawanna and Western Railroad Company, before the Interstate Commerce Commission, 1890.

9. Hocking Valley Investigation. General Assembly of Ohio, 1885.

10. Trusts or Pools. Investigation by Legislature of Ohio, 1889.

11. Alleged Combinations in Manufactures, Trade, etc. Dominion House of Commons, 1888.

5 Richardson vs. Buhl et al. Michigan State Reports, vol. lxxvii., p. 632.

6 Page ii.

7 Page xxii.

8 Coal Combination, Congress, 1893. Testimony of John C. Haddock, pp. 242-261.

9 Same, p. iv.

10 Report, p. xlv.

11 Coal Combination, Congress, 1893, pp. iii., iv., vi.

12 Same, p. i.

13 Same. p. v.

14 Report, pp. xiv., xv., xlix.

15 Combinations, Canadian Parliament, 1888, pp. 5, 6, 7.

16 Report, p. lxx.

17 Investigation by the Senate of Pennsylvania into the Anthracite Coal Difficulties, 1871.

18 Report, pp. lxx., and following.

19 Same, p. lxxvi.

20 Same, p. lxxvii.

21 Report, pp. ix., xciv., and following.

22 Same, p. xlv.

23 Same, p. xiii.

24 Coxe case before Interstate Commerce Commission, Coal Combination, Congress, 1893, p. 183.

25 Same, p. v.

26 Whiskey Trust Investigation. Committee on the Judiciary Report, March 1, 1893. 52d Congress, 2d Session, House of Representatives, Report No. 2601, p. 16 and following.

27 Same testimony, p. 28.

28 Whiskey Trust Investigation, Congress, 1893, p. 62.

29 Whiskey Trust Investigation, Congress, 1893, pp. 14, 15.

30 Report of the Investigating Committee appointed by the Legislature of Minnesota of 1891, to determine whether wheat was taken without inspection from a public elevator in Duluth. April 7, 1892, p. 11.

31 Trusts, New York Senate, 1891, pp. 9, 11.

32 Meat Products, United States Senate, 51st Congress, 1st Session, Report No. 829, 1890, p. 2.

33 New York Assembly, “Hepburn Report,” 1879, p. 70.

34 Meat Products, United States Senate, 1890, p. 3.

35 Meat Products, United States Senate, 1890, pp. 1, 2.

36 Meat Products, United States Senate, 1890, p. 6.

37 Meat Products, United States Senate, 1890, Testimony, pp. 464, 465.

38 Meat Products, United States Senate, 1890.

39 Trusts, New York Senate, 1888. Combinations, Canadian Parliament, 1888.

40 F.H. Storer, American Journal of Science, vol. xxx., 1860.

41 Petroleum and Its Products, by S.F. Peckham, U.S. Census, 1885, p. 159.

42 Petroleum and Its Products, by S.F. Peckham, U.S. Census, 1885, p. 160.

43 Testimony of Simon Bernheimer, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 3549 and following.

44 Petroleum and Its Products, by S.F. Peckham, U.S. Census, 1885, p. 93.

45 Same, p. 93.

46 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 214.

47 Titusville Morning Herald, March 20, 1872.

48 Testimony, Erie Investigation, New York Assembly, 1873, p. 418.

49 Testimony of Simon Bernheimer, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 3548.

50 Testimony, Freight Discriminations, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, pp. 184-5.

51 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 304.

52 Testimony, Pennsylvania Tax Case, 1883, p. 486.

53 This contract is printed in full in Exhibits, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 418-51, and Trust Report, Congress, 1888, pp. 357-61.

54 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 353.

55 Art. 2, sec. 3.

56 Art. 2, sec. 4.

57 Art. 2, sec. 5.

58 Art. 2, Sec. 4.

59 The same.

60 Art. 2, Sec. 8.

61 Art. 2, Sec. 5.

62 Art. 3.

63 Art. 4.

64 Exhibits, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, pp. 418-51.

65 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 1566.

66 Testimony, Erie Investigation, New York Assembly, 1873, p. 300.

67 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 42.

68 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, Exhibits, p. 418.

69 Report of the Executive Committee of the Petroleum Producers’ Union, 1872, p. 23.

70 Testimony, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, p. 237.

71 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 2525.

72 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 2527.

73 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 2525-35.

74 See ch. xxxii. for “the state of the business” “unproductive of profit.”

75 Standard Oil Company vs. W.C. Scofield et al. Court of Common Pleas, Cuyahoga County, O. Affidavit of the President of the Standard Oil Company.

76 11 Harris.

77 Debates of the Constitutional Convention of Pennsylvania, 1873, v. 3, pp. 522-3.

78 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 2766.

79 Report of Executive Committee of the Petroleum Producers’ Union, 1872.

80 See ch. xxxiii.

81 Report Executive Committee Petroleum Producers’ Union, 1872.

82 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 290.

83 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 420.

84 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 289.

85 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad Company et al., 1879, p. 707.

86 Report Executive Committee Petroleum Producers’ Union, 1872.

87 Exhibit A, Answer of Defendants, Case of Standard Oil Company vs. W.C. Scofield et al., Cleveland, 1880.

88 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 385.

89 Exhibit A, Answer of Defendants, Case of Standard Oil Company vs. W.C. Scofield et al., Cleveland, 1880, Section 7.

90 Affidavits of the defendants.

91 Affidavits of the defendants.

92 Affidavits of the defendants.

93 Same.

94 Same.

95 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 547.

96 Petition for Relief and Injunction, Standard Oil Company vs. W.C. Scofield et al., etc.

97 Affidavits of the defendants.

98 Combinations, etc., S.C.T. Dodd, p. 25.

99 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 422.

100 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 772.

101 Affidavit of Levi T. Scofield.

102 Exhibit A, etc., Section 12.

103 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 388, 421.

104 Scofield et al. vs. Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Railway Company, 43 Ohio State Report, p. 571.

105 See ch. xxvii.

106 See ch. xxvii.

107 See Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 800.

108 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, Testimony, p. 472.

109 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 1879, Testimony, p. 490.

110 Report Executive Committee Petroleum Producers’ Union, 1872.

111 See ch. xxxi.

112 Glasgow Herald, June 16, 1892.

113 Affidavit, Oct. 18, 1880, Case of Standard Oil Company vs. W.C. Scofield et al., Cleveland, 1880.

114 Affidavit, Nov. 17, 1880.

115 Affidavit, Nov. 30, 1880.

116 Affidavit, May 1, 1880.

117 See chapter “Not to Exceed Half.”

118 Affidavit, May 1, 1880.

119 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad Company et al., Testimony, p. 751.

120 Exhibit A, Affidavit, October 18, 1880.

121 See ch. xxvii.

122 See ch. xviii. and following.

123 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 363.

124 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 1693.

125 Rutter Circular, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 363.

126 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 44.

127 Rutter Circular, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 363.

128 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 1596.

129 Same, Report, p. 43.

130 Same, Testimony, p. 3429.

131 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 2792-95.

132 Same, p. 2795.

133 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 445.

134 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 670.

135 Testimony of A.J. Cassatt, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, pp. 666, 669, 671.

136 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 44.

137 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, etc., 1879, p. 665.

138 Appeal to the Executive of Pennsylvania, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 354.

139 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 735.

140 Same, p. 672.

141 Same, p. 460.

142 See ch. vi.

143 Standard Oil Company vs. W.C. Scofield et al. Affidavit of the treasurer of the Standard.

144 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 771-72.

145 For the full report of these remarkable interviews with the President and Third Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Railroad see Testimony, Investigation Pennsylvania Secretary of Internal Affairs, 1878, pp. 47 et seq., 60 et seq.; Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, pp. 160 et seq., 204 et seq., 237 et seq.

146 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 225-26.

147 Testimony, Investigation, Pennsylvania Secretary of Internal Affairs, 1878, pp. 49, 59; Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 710, 3548-56; Exhibits, same, p. 176; Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 247.

148 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, p. 712.

149 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 720.

150 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 445.

151 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, pp. 725-26.

152 Exhibits, pp. 453-514.

153 Testimony, pp. 174-207.

154 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 11.

155 Same, p. 352.

156 Same, p. 510.

157 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 420.

158 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 374.

159 Testimony, Discriminations in Freight Rates, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, pp. 181-85.

160 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 800.

161 Exhibits, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 238-45.

162 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, Exhibits, pp. 479-514.

163 This was always denied by the New York Central. “I never heard of the American Transfer Company,” Vanderbilt told the New York Legislature. “I don’t know that we ever paid the American Transfer Company a dollar. If we did, I have no knowledge of it.” New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 1577.

164 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., p. 702. Same, Exhibits Nos. 45-47, pp. 732-33.

165 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 691.

166 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 3666-69.

167 Same, p. 3959.

168 Same, p. 2664.

169 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, pp. 656-57.

170 Art. 1, sec. 4.

171 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 40-44.

172 Speech of Simon Sterne, counsel of the New York Chamber of Commerce, before New York Assembly “Hepburn” Committee, 1879, p. 3964.

173 Testimony, same, p. 2772.

174 See ch. xi.

175 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 44.

176 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, pp. 302, 314.

177 Testimony, same, Pipe Line Appendix, pp. 36-37; Investigation, Pennsylvania Secretary of Internal Affairs, 1878, pp. 19, 29.

178 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, etc., 1879, Pipe Line Appendix, pp. 36-37; Investigation, Pennsylvania Secretary of Internal Affairs, 1878, pp. 19, 29, 32, 42.

179 A History, etc. Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 690, 697, 705, 706.

180 Testimony of B.B. Campbell, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., pp. 298-99.

181 Same, p. 300.

182 Testimony of B.B. Campbell, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., p. 300.

183 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 78-79.

184 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 295.

185 Same, p. 212.

186 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 45.

187 Franklin B. Gowen, before House Committee of Commerce, Washington, Jan. 27, 1880.

188 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, before Interstate Commerce Commission, pp. 299-300.

189 Same, pp. 521, 539.

190 Same, p. 534.

191 Franklin B. Gowen, before House Committee of Commerce, Washington, Jan. 27, 1880.

192 Report, p. 45.

193 Franklin B. Gowen, before Pennsylvania House of Representatives Committee on Railroads, Feb. 13, 1883.

194 See ch. xiii.

195 See ch. xxvi.

196 Testimony of General Freight Agent of Pennsylvania Railroad (Logan, Emery, and Weaver vs. Pennsylvania Railroad), McKean County Court of Common Pleas, 1889.

197 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases before the Interstate Commerce Commission, Deposition, pp. 531-34.

198 Samuel Van Syckel vs. Acme Oil Company, Supreme Court of New York, Buffalo, May, 1888, before Judge Childs; Deposition of David McKelvey.

199 Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases; Interstate Commerce Commission reports, vol. v., pp. 4, 5.

200 Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 572.

201 Same, pp. 389-99.

202 Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 658.

203 Testimony, Corners, New York Senate, 1883, p. 925.

204 Combinations, by S.C.T. Dodd, p. 28.

205 New York Independent, March 17, 1893.

206 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, Nos. 153, 154, 163, Interstate Commerce Commission; Deposition of General Freight Agent Pennsylvania Railroad, pp. 531, 534.

207 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 389.

208 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 27.

209 Same, p. 28.

210 Same, p. 27.

211 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 17.

212 Answer of the Pennsylvania Railroad; Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 365.

213 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 256.

214 Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, Petition and Complaint.

215 Same, Testimony, p. 367.

216 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 372.

217 Same, pp. 380, 382.

218 Same, p. 256.

219 National Oil Company, Limited, to Interstate Commerce Commission, March 30, 1893.

220 Combinations: Their Uses and Abuses, by S.C.T. Dodd, p. 26.

221 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 3688.

222 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 71.

223 Same, p. 426.

224 Same, p. 425.

225 The Railways and the Republic, by J.F. Hudson, p. 83.

226 See pp. 69-70.

227 Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, Nos. 153, 154, 163. Petition and Complaint, p. 4.

228 Interstate Commerce Commission, “In the Matter of Relative Tank and Barrel Rates on Oil,” 1888. Letter of G.B. Roberts.

229 See ch. v.

230 See ch. viii.

231 See below, and ch. xvii.

232 See ch. xxxiii.

233 Rice, Robinson & Witherop case, Interstate Commerce Commission, 1890.

234 In the matter of Relative Tank and Barrel Rates on Oil. Letter of President Roberts, Interstate Commerce Commission reports, vol. ii., p. 365.

235 Interstate Commerce Commission reports, vol. ii., p. 365.

236 Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases. Exhibits, pp. 6, 7, 10.

237 Interstate Commerce Commission reports, vol. ii., p. 365.

238 Interstate Commerce Commission reports, vol. ii., p. 365.

239 Same.

240 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 462.

241 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 542, 543.

242 Same, p. 542.

243 Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases. Petition and Complaint.

244 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 44, 110, 393, 396.

245 Same, p. 401.

246 Same, p. 335.

247 See p. 145.

248 See ch. xv.

249 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 283-84.

250 Same, p. 283.

251 Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol v., p. 415.

252 See chs. xv., xvi., xvii.

253 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 268-336.

254 Same, p. 476.

255 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 163, 461, 537.

256 Same, p. 267.

257 Same, p. 296.

258 Same, Testimony of General Freight Manager of the Lehigh Valley Railroad, pp. 161-62.

259 Same, Testimony of General Freight Agent of the Pennsylvania Railroad, pp. 523, 537.

260 Testimony of General Freight Agent of the Pennsylvania Railroad in Nicolai and Brady vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., before Interstate Commerce Commission, Jan. 28, 1888.

261 The new rates prohibited the traffic. Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 97, 110, 139, 141, 146-48, 383-84, 393, 396, 397, 400, 401, 402.

262 Decision in Rice, Robinson, and Witherop case, Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. iv., p. 131.

263 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 283.

264 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 44.

265 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 36.

266 Same, p. 270.

267 Same, p. 221.

268 See ch. viii.

269 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, Mr. Confer, June 17, 1891, p. 12.

270 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 237-38.

271 Same, Report and Opinion of the Commission.

272 Same.

273 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 127-28.

274 Report of Senate Select Committee, Interstate Commerce, 49th Congress, 1st Session, 1886, p. 214.

275 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, p. 252.

276 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 20, 45, 75, 128-29, 175-77.

277 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 304-5.

278 Same, p. 486.

279 Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. iv., p. 131.

280 Testimony, Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases, pp. 188, 193, 446, 466, 467.

281 See chs. xvi, and xvii.

282 Rice cases, Nos. 184, 185, 194. Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol v., p. 193.

283 Same.

284 George Rice vs. The St. Louis Southwestern Railway Co. et al., and same vs. Baltimore and Ohio Southwestern Railway Co. et al. Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. v., p. 660.

285 See chap. ix.

286 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 695.

287 Same, p. 69.

288 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 449.

289 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 7, 19, 27, 28.

290 See ch. xviii.

291 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 64.

292 New York Tribune, June 29, 1889.

293 United States Department of the Interior. “Petroleum,” by Joseph D. Weeks, p. 300. Annual Oil Supplement to Oil City Derrick, 1893 and 1894.

294 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 68.

295 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 387.

296 Same, p. 405.

297 Same, p. 449.

298 Annual Oil Supplement to Oil City Derrick, Jan. 2, 1893.

299 Trusts, Congress, 1888. p. 52.

300 Same, p. 67.

301 Same, p. 29.

302 Same, p. 65.

303 See ch. xi.

304 See ch. xxiii.

305 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 3482.

306 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 330.

307 Testimony of P.M. Shannon, J.W. Lee, T.B. Westgate, in the case of J.J. Carter vs. Producers and Refiners’ Oil Co., Ld., Court of Common Pleas, Crawford County, Pa., May, 1894.

308 See ch. viii.

309 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, ex rel. Bolard and Dale vs. National Transit Co., Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Pa., December, 1893.

310 See ch. xxxi.

311 Proceedings of Joint Committee Pennsylvania Legislature on Standard Oil Company and its Taxes, 1883, p. 527.

312 Proceedings of Joint Committee Pennsylvania Legislature on Standard Oil Company and its Taxes, 1883. Testimony of Auditor-General Schell, p. 11 et seq., pp. 394-95, and of Corporation Clerk, same, p. 58 et seq.

313 Same, pp. 60, 61, 62.

314 Same, pp. 374, 383.

315 Proceedings of Joint Committee Pennsylvania Legislature on Standard Oil Company and its Taxes, 1883, pp. 68, 69, 70, 381.

316 Proceedings of Joint Committee Pennsylvania Legislature on Standard Oil Company and its Taxes, 1883, pp. 53, 70, 81-85.

317 Appeal of Standard Oil Company to the Court of Common Pleas of Dauphin County, Pennsylvania, June 20, 1881.

318 Trusts, Congress, 1886, p. 707.

319 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 143, 196, 476.

320 Same, pp. 316-17.

321 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 229, 478.

322 Same, pp. 478-79.

323 Same, pp. 228-29.

324 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 163, 185.

325 Same, p. 631.

326 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 267-70, 762-63.

327 Same, pp. 310, 789.

328 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 640-43, 830.

329 Same, p. 231.

330 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 229-30, 284-95.

331 Same, p. 498.

332 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., p. 343.

333 Same, p. 500.

334 Same, pp. 339-41.

335 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 502-6.

336 Same, pp. 297, 310, 315, 327.

337 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., pp. 467, 521.

338 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., p. 661.

339 Same, F.B. Gowen, p. 650.

340 Proceedings of the Joint Committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, etc., p. 713.

341 Hudson’s Railways and Republic, p. 465.

342 “Petroleum and Its Products,” by S.F. Peckham, Special Agent, U.S. Census, 1885, p. 93.

343 Samuel Van Syckel vs. Acme Oil Company. Tried in the Supreme Court at Buffalo, N.Y., May 14, 1888.

344 The Early and Later History of Petroleum, by J.G. Henry, 1873, p. 186.

345 “Petroleum and Its Products,” by S.F. Peckham, Special Agent, U.S. Census, 1885, p. 9.

346 Trusts, Congress, 1888, Testimony of Joshua Merrill, p. 566.

347 Trusts, Congress, 1888, Testimony of Joshua Merrill, pp. 567-69.

348 Same, p. 568.

349 Same, p. 568.

350 Same, p. 570.

351 Supreme Court of New York: Samuel Van Syckel vs. Acme Oil Company. Tried at Buffalo, New York, May 14, 1888.

352 Testimony, same.

353 Testimony, same.

354 Supreme Court of New York: Samuel Van Syckel vs. Acme Oil Company. Tried at Buffalo, New York, May 14, 1888.

355 Testimony, same.

356 See ch. xxi.

357 Samuel Van Syckel died in Buffalo, March 3, 1894, aged 83.

358 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 573.

359 Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, p. 28.

360 Testimony, same, pp. 5, 41, 42, 124, 141, 162, 166, 170.

361 Testimony, same, p. 129.

362 Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, pp. 12, 34, 172.

363 See ch. xviii.

364 Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, p. 129.

365 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 579.

366 Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, pp. 33, 40-42.

367 Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, pp. 49, 51, 56.

368 Same, pp. 159, 163.

369 Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, p. 169.

370 Same, pp. 249-50.

371 Same, p. 250.

372 Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, p. 260.

373 Same, p. 116.

374 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 574.

375 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 577-78.

376 See ch. viii.

377 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 578. Hardy and another vs. Cleveland and Marietta Railroad et al., Circuit Court, Ohio, E.D., 1887. Federal Reporter, vol. xxxi., pp. 689-93.

378 49th Congress, 1st Session, Report of the Senate Select Committee on Interstate Commerce, p. 199.

379 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 534, 535.

380 Same, pp. 730-38.

381 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 743.

382 Same, p. 729.

383 Same, p. 732.

384 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 416-20.

385 Testimony, Rice cases, Interstate Commerce Commission, Nos. 51-60, 1887, pp. 442-43.

386 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 524-30.

387 Same, p. 620.

388 Same, pp. 534-36.

389 Same, p. 533.

390 Same, p. 536.

391 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 729.

392 Same, p. 534.

393 Same, p. 730.

394 Same, p. 733.

395 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 735.

396 Same, p. 535.

397 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 578.

398 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 579-80.

399 Same, p. 584.

400 Testimony, Rice cases, Interstate Commerce Commission, Nos. 51-60, p. 147.

401 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 682-83.

402 Testimony, Rice cases, Interstate Commerce Commission, 1887, Nos. 51-60, p. 57.

403 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 529-32.

404 Supreme Court of Ohio: the State, ex rel., vs. The Cincinnati, New Orleans and Texas Pacific Railway Company. The State, ex rel., vs. The Cincinnati, Washington and Baltimore Railway Company, 47 Ohio State Reports, p. 130.

405 Testimony, Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, p. 384.

406 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 397, 398, 615-17.

407 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 622.

408 Same, pp. 586, 676. Testimony, Rice cases, Interstate Commerce Commission, Nos. 51-60, 1887, pp. 391-92.

409 Same, pp. 676-77.

410 Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, 1887, p. 119.

411 Trusts, Congress, 1880, p. 520.

412 Trusts, Congress, 1880, pp. 410-11.

413 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 599.

414 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 688-89.

415 See ch. xi.

416 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 607.

417 Same, p. 678.

418 Combinations, by S.C.T. Dodd, p. 29.

419 “Petroleum and Its Products,” by S.F. Peckham, U.S. Census, 1885, p. 92.

420 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 614.

421 See ch. xxiv.

422 Testimony, Rice cases, Interstate Commerce Commission, Nos. 51-60, 1887, p. 144.

423 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 587, 675, 680. Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, 1887, pp. 487-88. For similar preferences to the palace cattle-car companies, see report on “Meat Products,” United States Senate, 1890, p. 18.

424 Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, 1887, p. 477.

425 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 675, 679-87.

426 Same, p. 682.

427 Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, 1887, p. 47.

428 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 675.

429 Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, 1887, pp. 108-9.

430 Same, p. 120.

431 See ch. xi.

432 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 674.

433 Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, 1887, p. 480.

434 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 674.

435 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 531-33.

436 Same, pp. 646-47.

437 Same, pp. 668-85.

438 Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, p. 65.

439 Same, p. 131.

440 Same, pp. 128-29, 143-47, 239.

441 Same, p. 109. Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 675-76.

442 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 688.

443 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 689.

444 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 598-99. Testimony, Rice cases, Nos. 51-60, 1887, p. 28.

445 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 622.

446 See p. 205.

447 See p. 206.

448 Brundred, et al. vs. Rice, decided November 1, 1892, 49 Ohio State Reports.

449 See p. 219.

450 For the decisions in these Rice cases see Interstate Commerce Commission Report, vol. i., p. 503; same, p. 722; vol. ii., p. 389; vol. iii., p. 186; vol. iv., p. 228; vol. v., p. 193, and same, p. 660.

451 The State of Ohio ex rel. David K. Watson, Attorney-General, vs. The Standard Oil Company, N.E. Reporter, vol. xxx., p. 279; 49 Ohio State Reports, p. 317.

452 Rice vs. Standard Oil Trust. New York Court of Appeals—Case on Appeal, 1888.

453 Testimony, Trusts, New York, 1888, pp. 385-87.

454 People of the State of New York vs. Everest et al. Court of Oyer and Terminer, Erie County, February, 1886, court stenographer’s report. This item is omitted in the transcript of evidence furnished by the oil trust to the Committee of Congress investigating trusts in 1888. See Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 801.

455 See p. 52.

456 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 814, 882, 883.

457 Same, p. 815.

458 Court Stenographer’s Report, p. 1135.

459 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 816.

460 Same, p. 816.

461 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 817, 872-74.

462 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 818, 873.

463 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 820.

464 See p. 64.

465 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 854.

466 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 826.

467 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 821-22.

468 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 824-25.

469 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 825-26.

470 See ch. xxxi.

471 History, etc., Petroleum Producers’ Unions. Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 690-716.

472 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 942.

473 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 814-15.

474 Same, p. 834.

475 Same, p. 847.

476 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 842.

477 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 821.

478 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 842-43.

479 Same, pp. 843-44.

480 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 823.

481 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 844.

482 Same, p. 825.

483 Same, p. 845.

484 Same, p. 844.

485 Court Stenographer’s Report, p. 2049. The last statement is omitted in the transcript furnished by the trust for the Congress Trust Report of 1888.

486 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 911.

487 Court Stenographer’s Report, pp. 454-55.

488 Court Stenographer’s Report, p. 2164.

489 Testimony, Rice cases, before Interstate Commerce Commission, 1887, Nos. 51-60, p. 367. Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 571, 577, 578, 579, 658. Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 295.

490 Testimony, Alleged Discriminations in Railroad Freights, Ohio House of Representatives, 1879, pp. 36-39.

491 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 410.

492 Court Stenographer’s Report.

493 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 871.

494 Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 456, 571.

495 Court Stenographer’s Report, p. 892.

496 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 869.

497 Same, p. 825.

498 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 902.

499 Same, pp. 905-41.

500 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 939.

501 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 932-33, 937.

502 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 816.

503 See chs. xxii. to xxvi.

504 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 847.

505 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 424.

506 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 849.

507 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 847.

508 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 429, 894.

509 Same, p. 894.

510 Testimony, Stenographic Report, p. 895. This passage also is omitted in the transcript furnished the committee of Congress by the counsel of the trust.

511 See p. 214.

512 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 533; see also p. 734.

513 See ch. xxv.

514 Report of Citizens’ Committee on City of Toledo and Its Natural Gas Bonds, p. 5.

515 City of Toledo and Its Natural Gas Bonds, p. 5.

516 Chs. xiv and xxi.

517 State, ex rel., vs. City of Toledo, 48th Ohio State Reports, p. 112.

518 Federal Court Reporter, vol. xxxix., pp. 651-54.

519 Report of the Northwestern Ohio Natural Gas Company, January 7, 1889.

520 Toledo and Its Natural Gas Bonds, pp. 36-37.

521 City of Toledo and Its Natural Gas Bonds, p. 3.

522 See ch. xxix.

523 See ch. xx.

524 October 19, 1889.

525 City of Toledo and Its Natural Gas Bonds, pp. 6-7.

526 Annual Report of the Natural Gas Trustees, 1890, p. 9.

527 City of Toledo and Its Natural Gas Bonds, p. 3.

528 Toledo Natural Gas Trustees’ Report, 1890, p. 7.

529 Annual Report of the Natural Gas Trustees, 1890, p. 8.

530 “Constitutional History as Seen in the Development of American Law.” Lecture by D.H. Chamberlain. G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York.

531 Report of the Toledo Natural Gas Trustees, 1890, pp. 8-9.

532 Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 659.

533 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 428.

534 See p. 99.

535 See p. 206.

536 Annual Report of Natural Gas Trustees, 1890, p. 9.

537 Toledo Blade, February 7 and 27, 1889.

538 New York Sun of March 31, 1891.

539 New York Tribune, April 23, 1889.

540 From Life of William Lloyd Garrison, Told by His Children, vol. iii., ch. i., p. 12.

541 Petition of the Isaac Harter Company vs. the Northwestern Ohio Natural Gas Company, Court of Common Pleas, Seneca County, Ohio, June 16, 1890.

542 Annual Report of the Toledo Natural Gas Trustees, 1891, p. 6.

543 See p. 250 and ch. xxxi.

544 See p. 154.

545 See p. 250.

546 See p. 21.

547 Annual Report of the Natural Gas Trustees of Toledo, 1891, p. 4.

548 Report to Stockholders, Northwestern Natural Gas Company, January 7, 1889.

549 Report to Stockholders, Toledo Natural Gas Company, January, 1889.

550 See ch. xxxii.

551 See p. 113.

552 See chs. ix. and xxxi.

553 See ch. xxx.

554 Railroad Transportation, by Arthur T. Hadley. G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1886.

555 Speech of Simon Sterne, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 98-118.

556 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 2723-24 and p. 3900.

557 New York Herald, January 19, 1884.

558 Appeal to the Executive of Pennsylvania by the Petroleum Producers’ Union, 1878. Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 354.

559 New York Herald, January 19, 1884.

560 See ch. vii.

561 Report No. 1490, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, p. 1.

562 Testimony, Appendix to the Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Ohio, 67th General Assembly, 1886, vol. lxxxii., p. 499.

563 Report No. 1490, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, p. 60.

564 Report No. 1490, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, pp. 77, 78.

565 Report No. 1490, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, p. 58.

566 Same, pp. 37, 40, 66; Miscellaneous Document No. 106, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, pp. 32, 46, 214, and passim.

567 Report No. 1490, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, p. 50.

568 Miscellaneous Document 106, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, p. 18.

569 Miscellaneous Document 106, United States Senate, 49th Congress, 1886, pp. 81-82.

570 The Payne Bribery Case and the United States Senate, by Albert H. Walker.

571 Minority Report of Senators Hoar and Frye, 49th Congress, 1st Session, Senate, No. 1490, p. 34.

572 Same, pp. 38, 39.

573 Hudson’s Railways and the Republic, p. 467.

574 Congressional Globe, September 12, 1888, pp. 8520-8604.

575 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 395.

576 Speech of John M. Forbes, Boston, April 30, 1889.

577 Congress Record, 51st Congress, 2d Session, p. 3651.

578 Mr. John M. Forbes, in Fossils, Free Ships, and Reform.

579 See p. 307.

580 See p. 386.

581 See chs. xviii.-xxi.

582 Senate Report No. 485, 53d Congress, 2d Session, June 21, 1894.

583 Supplemental Report of Senator W.V. Allen, of the Senate Special Committee (ordered May 17, 1894) to Investigate Alleged Attempts at Bribery by the Sugar Trust.

584 United States vs. E.C. Knight & Co., et al. United States Circuit Court of Appeals, Third Circuit, March 26, 1894, 60 Federal Reporter, p. 34.

585 Letter of President Cleveland to Hon. W.L. Wilson, Chairman House Committee of Ways and Means, July 2, 1894, read to the House of Representatives July 18, 1894.

586 New York Journal of Commerce and Commercial Bulletin, Sept. 21, 1893.

587 II. Coke, 84.

588 See ch. viii.

589 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, Exhibits, pp. 614-19.

590 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 3678.

591 Same, p. 3683.

592 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 3684.

593 See ch. xiv., “I Want to Make Oil.”

594 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, pp. 3683-94.

595 Titusville and Oil City Independents’ cases. Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. v., p. 415.

596 Testimony, New York Assembly, 1879, p. 3678.

597 See pp. 216, 320.

598 See p. 188.

599 Second Annual Report, Fire Marshal of Boston, May, 1888, p. 9.

600 See p. 84.

601 See ch. xi.

602 Journal of the Senate of Minnesota, March, 1891, p. 716.

603 Omaha Daily Bee, November 24, 27; December 5, 13, 21, 1891.

604 See p. 291.

605 Testimony, Corners, New York Senate, 1883, p. 670.

606 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 389.

607 Same, p. 317.

608 See p. 62.

609 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, pp. 369-85, 435, 534-35.

610 Buffalo Lubricating Oil Company vs. Everest et al. Supreme Court Erie Co., N.Y., 1886.

611 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 846-47.

612 Testimony in the case of George Rice vs. Trustees of the Standard Oil Trust, New York Court of Appeals, 1888.

613 Testimony, Independent Refiners’ Associations vs. Western New York and Pennsylvania Railroad Company et al., p. 401.

614 Testimony, George Rice vs. Louisville and Nashville Railroad et al., cases 51-60, p. 425.

615 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 609-10.

616 Same, p. 732.

617 Same, p. 735.

618 See chs. xii. and xxxi.

619 See ch. xxii.

620 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 734, 745.

621 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 372.

622 Report, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 12.

623 See ch. xi.

624 President E. Benjamin Andrews, of Brown University, “Trusts According to Official Investigation,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, January, 1889, p. 146.

625 See ch. xiv.

626 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 2623-40.

627 Same, Report, p. 44.

628 Testimony, same, pp. 2615, 2696.

629 George Rice vs. Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fé Railroad et al. Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. iv., p. 228.

630 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 528-29.

631 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 386, 425.

632 See pp. 56-57.

633 Before the Pennsylvania Legislature, Harrisburg, February 19, 1891. Harrisburg Daily Patriot, February 25, 1891.

634 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 422.

635 Scotsman, October 7, 1892.

636 Pall Mall Gazette, January 27, 1892.

637 Standard, Shoe Lane, January 26, 1892.

638 See p. 408.

639 Combinations, by S.C.T. Dodd, 1888, p. 31.

640 Die Monopolisirung des Petroleum Handels und der Petroleum Industrie, by E.F. Scemann. L. Simeon, Berlin.

641 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 792.

642 Harrisburg Patriot, February 25, 1891.

643 Translation from the Berlin Vossische Zeitung, June 12, 1891. Report of Consul-General Edwards, of Berlin.

644 See p. 106.

645 See ch. xii.

646 See chs. xi. and xxx.

647 Testimony of J.J. Carter in the case of J.J. Carter vs. Producers and Refiners’ Oil Company, Limited. Court of Common Pleas, Crawford County, Pa., May Term, 1894.

648 See pp. 111, 366.

649 Affidavit of the President of the Standard Oil Company of New York before the Attorney-General, May, 1894.

650 State of Ohio ex rel. David K. Watson, Attorney-General, vs. Standard Oil Company of Ohio. 49 Ohio State Reports, p. 317.

651 Rice vs. Trustees of the Standard Oil Trust. Supreme Court, Special Term, Part I. Andrews, Judge. Reported in the New York Law Journal, April 26, 1894.

652 Testimony, Rice vs. Louisville and Nashville Railroad et al., before Interstate Commerce Committee, p. 366.

653 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 577.

654 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 18, 38, 65, 89, 111.

655 W.H. Vanderbilt, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 1597, 1669. Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 218.

656 Report, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 9.

657 Same, pp. 9, 10.

658 Testimony, Corners, New York Senate, 1883, p. 679.

659 Report, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 9, 10.

660 Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. i., p. 722.

661 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 398, 407, 411, 412, 415, 419-43, 594.

662 Same, p. 571.

663 Before the Attorney-General of New York. In the matter of the application of the Central Labor Union and others to the Attorney-General to have him apply to the Supreme Court for leave to begin action against the Standard Oil Company of New York to vacate the charter thereof. Affidavit, president Standard Oil Company, May, 1894.

664 New York Mail and Express, November 12, 1890.

665 Dr. J.P. Hale, of Charleston, West Virginia, in the volume prepared by Prof. M.L. Maury, and issued by the State Centennial Board, on the resources of the State. Quoted by S.F. Peckham, United States Census, 1885, p. 6.

666 Petroleum and Its Products, by S.F. Peckham, U.S. Census, 1885, p. 7.

667 S. Dana Hayes, quoted in Henry’s Early and Later History of Petroleum, p. 186.

668 Testimony, Joshua Merrill, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 570.

669 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 386, 425.

670 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 82.

671 See p. 165.

672 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 258.

673 See chs. xi. and xvii.

674 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 44. Testimony, same, pp. 2623, 2645. Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 223-26, 542, 543, 548.

675 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 43. Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 213.

676 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 712. Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 302.

677 See p. 405.

678 See pp. 61, 153.

679 See p. 420.

680 See pp. 49, 217.

681 See p. 306.

682 See p. 108.

683 See pp. 111, 291, 446.

684 See p. 291.

685 See p. 162.

686 See pp. 118-27.

687 See pp. 97, 224.

688 See pp. 106, 164.

689 See pp. 107, 154.

690 See pp. 62, 79.

691 See pp. 42, 72, 188.

692 See p. 251.

693 See p. 216.

694 See pp. 216, 413.

695 See pp. 189, 228, 437.

696 See pp. 102, 140.

697 See pp. 182-98.

698 See p. 298.

699 See pp. 149, 447.

700 Railways and the Republic, by J.F. Hudson, p. 77.

701 Testimony, Corners, New York Senate, 1883, pp. 637-42.

702 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 298.

703 Same, p. 784.

704 Same, p. 295.

705 Same, pp. 295, 778-80.

706 Investigation of Relations of Standard Oil Company to the State, 1883, p. 473.

707 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 2665.

708 Same, p. 2667.

709 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 296, 322, 787, 788.

710 Same, p. 365.

711 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 2603.

712 Same, pp. 2604-14.

713 Testimony, Corners, New York Senate, 1883, pp. 929, 931, 932.

714 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 417.

715 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 1636.

716 Testimony, Rice cases, 51-60, Interstate Commerce Commission, 1887, pp. 366, 368.

717 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 455, 577.

718 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, pp. 576-89.

719 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 391, 392.

720 Same, p. 294.

721 Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 658.

722 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 580.

723 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 266, 287, 314, 365, 387, 395, 526, 537, 565, 627, 768, 790, 799.

724 House of Representatives, 50th Congress, 2d Session. Report No. 4165, Part II., Appendix C, p. 33.

725 Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 174-210, 801-951.

726 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, printed in Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 195.

727 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, printed in Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 206.

728 Same, p. 208.

729 Testimony in Buffalo Explosion case, printed in Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 894.

730 Deposition of Albert N. Reynolds, Buffalo Lubricating Oil Company, Limited, vs. Everest & Everest. Supreme Court, New York, Erie County, City of Buffalo, August 29, 1884.

731 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 2668.

732 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 215, 223, 226.

733 Interstate Commerce Law, sec. 10.

734 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 40-41.

735 New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 44.

736 See p. 202.

737 Rice vs. Louisville and Nashville Railroad et al. Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. i., p. 722. Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 675-84.

738 Scofield vs. Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Railroad. Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. ii., p. 90.

739 Rice, Robinson and Witherop vs. Western New York and Pennsylvania Railroad et al. Interstate Commerce Commission Reports, vol. iv., p. 131.

740 Same.

741 Testimony, Trusts, New York Senate, 1888, p. 597.

742 South Improvement Company, p. 45; American Transfer Company, p. 99; Rutter Circular, p. 85; Contract with Pennsylvania Railroad in 1877, p. 89; Contract with New York Central and Lake Shore and Michigan Central Railroads, 1875 and 1876; New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, Exhibits, p. 175; Contract with the Erie road, same, p. 573; Contract in the “Agreement for an Adventure” case, p. 62.

743 See pp. 69, 130, 146, 149, 151, 208, 219, 224, 239.

744 Wm. C. Bissel vs. Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fé Railroad Company et al.

745 Testimony, United States Pacific Railway Commission Report, 1887, p. 3301.

746 Same, p. 3581.

747 Same, pp. 1132-33.

748 Sec pp. 49, 200, 218.

749 See p. 48.

750 Titusville World, July 12, 1894.

751 Standard Oil Company vs. Southern Pacific Railroad and Whittier, Fuller & Co., 48 Federal Reporter, p. 109.

752 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, p. 2753.

753 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 333, 534.

754 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 2656-57.

755 See pp. 145, 319, 320.

756 Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 354.

757 Debates, Constitutional Convention to amend the Constitution of Pennsylvania, 1872, vol. viii., pp. 261, 262.

758 See p. 69.

759 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 1314-15.

760 Testimony, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania vs. Pennsylvania Railroad et al., 1879, p. 529.

761 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, pp. 367-68.

762 Same, p. 396.

763 Report of the United States Senate Committee on Meat Products, 51st Congress, 1st Session, 1890, No. 829, p. 18.

764 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 397, 781, 825, 924, 1383. United States Senate Report on Meat Products, p. 23.

765 Testimony, New York Assembly “Hepburn” Report, 1879, pp. 808-9.

766 Same, speech of Simon Sterne, p. 3996.

767 See pp. 13, 19.

768 Franklin B. Gowen, before the United States Senate Interstate Commerce Committee, March, 1888.

769 Testimony, Trusts, Congress, 1888, p. 215.

770 See page 4.

Those who keep note of passing events will not have forgotten the lock-out of coal miners at Spring Valley, Illinois, in the early months of 1889, and the sufferings of the families of the workmen in consequence.

This sad story of corporate inhumanity has been effectively told by Henry D. Lloyd in a book entitled A Strike of Millionaires against Miners. It merits no less a volume than this. It is not an isolated case—an industrial phenomenon springing from conditions rarely repeated—but one of many similar cases, a part only of the whole story of coal mining in the United States. More than this, it is an aggravated illustration of the soullessness of the corporation in general, through the agency of which the bulk of the producing powers of the nation is working.

Behind this legal fiction men hide and do deeds of grasping cruelty that disgrace manhood, and are fast bringing the industrial organism into contempt. In the case of Spring Valley, the directors and stockholders of the Chicago and North-Western Railroad and the Spring Valley Coal Company—controlled by the same men—are as responsible for the sufferings and death from starvation of miners in Spring Valley in 1889 as if they had all been personally present and assisted in the business of bringing men from a distance to work in their mines on assurance of steady employment, and then of locking them out without warning, to starve them into submission to lower wages, for the sake of higher profits on their stock. This is the conclusion of Mr. Lloyd, and we see no escape from it.

If the corporation is to be considered an impersonality without moral responsibility, it will either have to go, or the industrial system which makes it an essential part will have to go. All the power of government, or wealth, or vested interests cannot maintain that system which, resting as our present system must on the charitable instincts of men, offers a way of escape from the responsibilities imposed thereby to the most powerful factors of the society. Against that system “the pulses of men will beat until they beat it down.” What must be the condition of that society which allows the wealthy capitalists who starved these thousands of miners not only to go unpunished, but to move in the very highest circles of business power and social influence? And one of them in particular is to-day figuring upon representing the Democratic party of Pennsylvania in the United States Senate.

The New York Commercial Advertiser (editorial).

It is to be remembered that Mr. Lloyd’s book does not profess to be a dispassionate review of the situation. It is an indictment. The corporation’s side should be given a fair hearing. But it must be heard soon. Mr. Lloyd’s charges are too important, his formulation of them too worthy of respect to be treated with silent contempt. To ignore them is to confess their truth. Should such a reply be made, the readers of this column will be informed of it. A Strike of Millionaires against Miners describes the poverty, the suffering, the utter misery among the miners in Spring Valley, Illinois, during the past year. In the simplicity and restraint of his style, and in the massing of his facts, Mr. Lloyd shows genuine literary power. There is no attempt at rhetoric in his narrative. He depends upon statements of facts, many of them incontrovertible, to rouse the hot indignation of his readers. If the story is true, and it bears every appearance of truth, the Spring Valley mine owners have been guilty of damnable treachery and cruelty to their fellow-men.

Chicago Herald (editorial).

The Herald commends to the attention of its readers the open letter in another column, from Henry D. Lloyd, addressed to various millionaires of New York, Chicago, and St. Paul. It contains what the Herald believes to be the truth as to the Spring Valley scandal, and while in most respects it is a plain statement of facts, it is nevertheless one of the most powerful appeals for justice, and one of the most eloquent denunciations of wrong, which has come under the public eye in many a day.

Mr. Lloyd’s high character, his superb attainments, and his well-known philanthropy give force to the arraignment it might not otherwise possess. His letter is a history of a crime—a crime resulting, no doubt, from an infamous conspiracy—and the story leads naturally and inevitably to the conclusion which Mr. Lloyd avows, that there must be conspiracy laws for millionaires as well as for working-men.

Civilization must be bottomed on justice, or it cannot endure. A society which permits such inhuman outrages as that at Spring Valley is either asleep or in an advanced stage of decay. The money god cannot crush out the lives of human beings with impunity. Let its devotees look well to the ground on which they stand. The wise and humane will be warned in time. The foolish and insatiate must be left to the stern judgment of their fellow-men, who must some day pass upon their act.

The Labor World, London, England.

What does Mr. Andrew Carnegie, who chants vulgar pæans to “Triumphant Democracy” say to such a book as this of Mr. Lloyd? This story of the robbery and betrayal of thousands of working miners in Illinois by a great millionaire corporation is one of the worst things we have read for a long time, and is a terribly scathing satire on American “democracy.”

Let us hear no more trash about “free” America as compared with down-trodden Europe. Both continents are down-trodden by the rich men who own the raw material out of which wealth is created by human labor. When the land of the United States is all absorbed by private persons, as it will be in twenty years’ time, there will not be a pin to choose between America and Europe, so far as wage-workers are concerned. Wages may be higher in America, but the increased cost of living there will nearly equalize the condition of the two continents; while for swindling, lying, and merciless oppression many American capitalists leave their European brethren far behind. Mr. Lloyd’s book, which is the first of a new “Bad Wealth Series,” ought to open men’s eyes to the fact that true freedom is impossible when a few men have a right to appropriate to themselves the raw material of the globe.

Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean.

Mr. Lloyd’s reputation as a writer on economic questions is sustained in the manner of handling the usually dry statistical matter which tells the story of strikes and lock-outs. He makes the story interesting and often graphic, while he gives the facts and figures relating to the intricacy of contracts in a way to be easily understood by the ordinary reader. The book is a valuable compilation of the facts gathered relating to this shameless abuse of corporative power in Spring Valley.

The New Ideal.

Mr. Lloyd has been until recently on the editorial staff of the Chicago Tribune, and is now devoting his time to first-hand investigations into labor troubles. This book gives an account of a lock-out in one of the mining districts of Illinois, and is the more forcible and eloquent an arraignment of the “millionaires,” as the statements are throughout verifiable. As Mr. Lloyd in effect says, professors of political economy do not come near enough to realities to discover such details as he portrays, and the working-men do not know how to bring them before public opinion. Hence the necessity of a mediator, who shall thoroughly investigate the facts and at the same time give them to the public, not in statistical reports, but in a form that compels its attention. Mr. Lloyd is a practised writer; no one can read this narrative without being profoundly moved, and for the directors and stockholders of the Spring Valley Coal Company (and, besides, of the Chicago and North-Western Railway, an aider and abettor of the nefarious business) the effect must be to set their blood on fire—so far as they are blessed (or unblessed) with any moral sensitiveness. Every thoughtful citizen—whether man or woman—should read this book, and have fully brought home to him or her the problems it suggests. It belongs to the literature both of fact and of power.

The Religio-Philosophical Journal.

Mr. Lloyd admits that Spring Valley and its miseries and wrongs were, at the beginning, but the conception and achievement of one or two of the leading owners of railroad and other companies who did the planning, secured the approval of the Board of Directors, and the active influence of the railroads through whom, by special freights, the business of competitors was stolen, coal land was bought, and the scheme was invented by which fortunes were to be made from working-men’s necessities and the misuse of the powers of the common carrier. But none of the directors, none of the stockholders, who received the profits of the scheme, protested against it; on the contrary, all accepted unprotestingly their “share of the guilt and gilt.” Mr. Lloyd gives a mass of facts and figures which prove, on the part of corporations employing men at Spring Valley, an amount of greed and heartlessness which seems incredible in an enlightened country.

Mr. Lloyd is a literary artist as well as a man of deep feeling, and he combines felicity of diction with fervor and eloquence of expression, and writes with effectiveness and power. The book should be read by all who are interested in the labor question—the practical issue of the hour.

Chicago Times.

It is a pitiful story, a heart-breaking story, and Mr. Lloyd tells it with a great deal of force and earnestness.

The Dawn.

Can it be possible in these happier days among men who share the Christian civilization of the very eve of the twentieth century, that there can exist any analogy to this relentless war of savagery, this cruel and cowardly subjugation of a competitor, not in honest, open combat, but by taking advantage of a position to deny him food, shelter, and the very necessaries of life? For an answer, such as would bring indignant emotion to every heart not indurated by avarice of gold, and shame to every cheek not rendered incapable of blushing by hardened selfishness, we refer to the terrible facts, so calmly told with the severity of simple truth by Mr. Lloyd.

Starved Rock and Spring Valley are not isolated instances. The malady is constitutional, not local. “The whole head is sick and the whole heart faint,” may be said of our modern system of business.

The Nationalist.

In this age of strikes it is not always the workers who strike, as is indicated by the title of Mr. Lloyd’s book. That brilliant and great-hearted journalist and publicist several months ago, in the shape of an open letter of several columns, printed in the Chicago Herald, told the story of the criminal and cold-blooded conspiracy of a group of enormously rich men against a body of honest and industrious workingmen. That letter he has made the basis of the present volume, which deserves a wide circulation among patriotic citizens of the United States. The strong and truthful words here uttered ought to ring throughout the land and arouse the people to a realizing sense of the greatest danger that has ever threatened our republic—the danger of its conversion into the worst of despotisms, that of rule by an irresponsible plutocracy.

The Burlington Hawkeye.

Mr. Lloyd proves every charge he makes, the testimony he brings forward being so presented as to leave no question as to its absolute correctness. In all the dark record of tyranny, cruelty, and brutality made by the coal barons of this country there is not a blacker chapter than that which tells of their crimes against the miners of Spring Valley in the year 1889. This is not the verdict of the “labor crank” alone; the people of Chicago and the whole of northern Illinois, in the press and pulpit and on the platform, have denounced the outrage, and the cooler judgment of to-day, when the lock-out is about worn out and the majority of the old miners are scattered all over the country, is in accord with the denunciation made by Mr. Lloyd.

The Rock Islander, Rock Island, Ill.

A Strike of Millionaires against Miners, or the Story of Spring Valley. The above is the title of a beautifully printed volume of 264 pages, by Henry D. Lloyd. Its prelude is the story of the starved Indians of Starved Rock, and it proceeds to parallel that by the starvation of labor by the millionaires. The story of Spring Valley is given in detail, with official proof of its truthfulness, and is graphically told by Mr. Lloyd. Its exposure of the oppressors of labor is terrific. It shows who they are; who has done this thing; how the town was boomed; how it was doomed; how the ghost of Starved Rock walks abroad; and how people are bought and enslaved in this boasted free country. It gives Governor Fifer a deserved slap for not going in person to the scene of starvation, and it roasts his military toady of the rich (Adjutant-General Vance) who was sent there by the governor to investigate, and whose report is proven to be a tissue of sneers at the poor, and falsehoods in regard to them and their situation. He quotes freely and approvingly from the report of Judge Gould and Mr. Wines, proving all that was claimed for the suffering there. He shows (page 66) that the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad Company generously acknowledged the necessity for help by hiring a physician for its miners at Braceville, and sending supplies of necessaries for sick women and children to be given out by its agent there. He shows up the campaign of slander against Spring Valley, which was carried on through capitalistic newspapers and corporation tools; says the Spring Valley case is only a preliminary skirmish of capital against labor, and, after showing the first fruits, asks what the last will be. He closes with a chapter giving part of the moral. An appendix is added, showing what the millionaires said of themselves, and the replies by the miners and the press. Everybody should read this most remarkable and ably prepared story of the crime of capital upon labor.

Seed-Time (London), the organ of the New Fellowship.

Perhaps the most striking of all the American object-lessons on the tendencies of capitalism has been given us by Mr. Henry D. Lloyd, of Chicago, who has recently published a book entitled, A Strike of Millionaires against Miners, or the Story of Spring Valley. A more complete exposure of the tyranny and cruelty of capitalism has never before been made. Its great importance for us, however, lies in the fact that all the tyranny and wrong he witnessed and describes are but the natural outcomes of the principles of commercialism when those principles are carried to their logical conclusion, and capitalism has unchecked sway. Such terrible scenes do not occur everywhere, simply because capitalism is held in check by other social forces, and has not everywhere attained that full and unfettered development which discloses the evils which in its more undeveloped stage lie concealed.

The Twentieth Century.

It is a mind-agitating and heart-rending tale, and unless I am much mistaken the publication of it will create an epoch in economic thinking and social regeneration. What is the remedy for such crimes as Mr. Lloyd has exposed? The remedy will be found if open-minded persons will read such books as Mr. Lloyd’s, and keep themselves informed as to what is being done to reduce a people to servitude. This single book ought to produce such a revulsion of feeling against the monstrous millionaires who perpetrated this awful crime that they would be looked upon by all decent people with abhorrence.

If you will read Mr. Lloyd’s book I think you will agree with me that if before long, as many persons believe, this county is to be deluged in the blood of revolution, the catastrophe will be brought on by condoning such crimes as that at Spring Valley; it will be brought on because you and I read such stories as this, and, knowing they are true, straightway forget all about them; it will be brought on because editors and preachers, and others who have the public ear, keep silent through negligence or fear of the rich who misrule the land. If people will not think, if they will not care, you may depend upon it that the price of their indifference will be slavery or war.

From a letter to the Twentieth Century.

Your article, and the extracts from Mr. Lloyd’s book in your issue of June 12, portraying the outrageous injustice inflicted on the Spring Valley coal miners by the railway and coal-mining barons, was read before our club by Judge Frank T. Reid, of this city, a member of the club, at its regular weekly meeting, Monday, June 23. A resolution was unanimously passed and sent to the General Executive Board of the Nationalist clubs at Boston, requesting it to get up a memorial to the Government Bureau of Labor, petitioning that body to institute a special inquiry into the outrages; that this be done with a view of publishing these crimes to the whole country, under the proper authority, and also with the view of memorializing Congress for the government to work either all or part of the coal-mining industry on the same principle that it works the postal service, the government printing-office at Washington, and other industries, as the present method of running the coal mines by corporations has resulted, and will continue to result, in rioting and bloodshed, and imperils the very existence of society. We would suggest that copies of the memorial be sent to all the Nationalist clubs for signatures, and also to the Federated trades, Knights of Labor, and other organized bodies and to individuals. Might we also suggest that you kindly communicate with the Executive Board of Boston, and with our worthy and earnest brothers, Messrs. Bellamy, Bliss, and others?

Yours fraternally,
J.L. Johnson,
Secretary Nationalist Club.

Tacoma, Wash. #/

The Open Court.

The story of Spring Valley will make every American citizen of healthy morals uncomfortable and ashamed.... A story which must be read, and the lesson of it heeded, or worse things come.

The St. Louis Republic.

A stirring account of the great mining strike, lock-out, and consequent misery at Spring Valley, Illinois, in 1888-89, the main features of which are still familiar to the reading public. Mr. Lloyd lays the blame where it belongs, and shows how the whole transaction worked to the profit of the plutocrats at the expense of their dupes—the enterprising thousands who believed in the promises made in booming the location. The booming of the town was followed by the dooming, and, as the Republic and many other papers showed at the time, the action of the mine operators all through was “a cruel abuse of intellectual strength to use it to force weakness and ignorance into such a condition of helplessness.” The author gives facts and figures, and his account of the matter is borne out by the news columns of the times. It is a sad story, and its truthfulness is a shameful comment upon the tendencies of our day.

The Pittsburg Labor Tribune.

A Strike of Millionaires against Miners, or the Story of Spring Valley, is a handsome edition of the important matter written by Henry D. Lloyd when the notable strike was on at the mines located at Spring Valley, Illinois. Our miner readers especially will read with satisfaction the vim and ability with which Mr. Lloyd handles the literary end of that eventful period, and will be pleased to know that he has issued the matter in consecutive form.

The Democrat (London).

Bad as the social and industrial condition of Great Britain is, that of the United States threatens to become as bad or even worse unless the power of landlordism there is subjected to popular control. A striking instance of the rapid growth of monopoly and its ruinous effect on industry, as well as its atrocious tyranny over labor, is recorded in a striking little book by Mr. Henry D. Lloyd, of Chicago, called A Strike of Millionaires against Miners.

Rights of Labor (Chicago).

This narrative of the rapacity and greed of our coal barons we most earnestly commend to all our readers as a plain, clear statement of facts, admirably put; it deserves the widest circulation.

New York Herald.

This is one of the saddest, most enraging stories ever put on paper; of course the corporations protested, as corporations always do in such cases, that they were not to blame, but the awful facts cannot be denied or explained away. The Herald expressed its mind editorially at the time. Now that the whole case is presented, the Herald’s readers can see how easily a scheming gang of heartless scoundrels can quickly reduce thousands of families to a condition worse than old-fashioned African slavery.

Tacoma (Washington) Globe.

Among the many books recently published on the labor question and the relations between the rich and the poor, none has excited a deeper interest than A Strike of Millionaires against Miners. Before the atrocities perpetrated in Spring Valley by the coal mining company, composed of some of the wealthiest men in the United States, the wrongs inflicted on the peasants in Ireland fade into insignificance. This book should have a wide reading, that all may know whither the nation is drifting.

Boston Herald.

The story of the labor disturbances at Spring Valley, Illinois, caused by a shut-down of the mines in 1888, is told by H.D. Lloyd in a thrilling presentation. In perusing the whole history, from the first alluring advertisements of the mining companies to the editorial comments in Chicago papers after the lock-out took place, a dweller in happier laboring regions will hardly believe that so much injustice could have been done in free America.

The Worker (Brisbane, Queensland).

A simple but complete account of a terrible injustice.

The Christian Union.

Six or eight years ago there appeared in the North American Review an article entitled “The Lords of Industry,” by Henry D. Lloyd, which set forth with such power the nature and extent of the combinations to diminish production and increase prices that its author may be said to have initiated the anti-trust agitation of the last few years. Since that time he has gone on in the work thus begun, putting heart and soul into it. The Strike of Millionaires against Miners carries perhaps less weight with our intellects than Mr. Lloyd’s earlier work, but it appeals so strongly to our hearts that we are carried with him through the volume, and share with him his indignation over the wrongs he describes.

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Concord, New Hampshire, October 22, 1892.

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Dear Mr. Lloyd,—I am reading the Study you so kindly sent me. I have read most of it, including the “Word to Coal Miners,” and what a “study!” What a lesson! What an apocalypse! Through it, “the voice of our brothers’ blood cries to us from the ground,” literally, and in tones scarcely ever heard before by human or heavenly ear!

Would that you could peal out all the seven thunders of Patmos. I wish your work might outsell in number Uncle Tom’s Cabin, and Robert Elsmere combined, till its note filled the earth as the waters the seas. Print the whole of this hasty testimony over my name, if it will be of service to the working man and woman.

Faithfully and fraternally yours, for every good thought, word, and work,

Parker Pillsbury.