III
Two Journals of Western Tours, by Charles Frederick Post: one, to the neighborhood of Fort Duquesne (July-September, 1758); the other to the Ohio (October, 1758-January 1759)
Source: Proud’s History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1798), ii, appendix.
Introductory Note
Christian Frederick Post, author of the following journals, was a simple, uneducated missionary of the Moravian Church. His chief qualifications for the perilous journeys herein detailed, were his intimate acquaintance with Indian life and character, the belief of the tribesmen in his truthfulness and honesty, and his own steadfast courage and trust in the protection of a higher power. Born in Polish Prussia in 1710, Post early came under the influence of the Moravians, whose remarkable missionary movement was just beginning to germinate.
The first attempt of this church to christianize the American Indians in Georgia having failed because of Spanish hostility, the Moravian disciples removed to Pennsylvania (1739), and were granted land on which to establish their colony at Bethlehem. Thither in 1742 came Post, eager to join in evangelizing the Indians; for which purpose he was sent the following year to assist Henry Rauch in his mission to the Mohegans and Wampanoags. This mission had been established about 1740, Count Zinzendorf, the great Moravian bishop, having visited its site at Shekomeko (Pine Plains, Dutchess County, New York) and baptized three Indians as its first fruits. The work spread to the neighboring Indian villages of Connecticut, and Post was assigned to a circuit in Sharon Township, Litchfield County, consisting of the villages of Pachgatgoch and Wechquadnach. Here, in his zeal for the service, he married a converted Indian woman (1743), and endeared himself to all the tribe.
But persecutions began to assail the humble brethren and their converts; they were accused of being papists, arrested and haled before local magistrates, by whom they were no sooner released than a mob of those whose gain in pampering to Indian vices was endangered by Moravian success, set upon them and rendered their lives and those of their new converts intolerable. Post, who had been on a journey to the Iroquois country (1745), was arrested at Albany and sent to New York, where he was imprisoned for seven weeks on a trumped-up charge of abetting Indian raids.
The situation made retreat necessary; therefore, in 1746, the Shekomeko and Connecticut settlements were broken up, and the Christian Indians with their missionaries moved in detachments to Pennsylvania, where, after kindly entertainment at Bethlehem, a town called Gnadenhütten (huts of Grace), was built for them, at Weisport, Carbon County. It was during their stay at Bethlehem that Rachel, Post’s Indian wife, died (1747), and there two years later he married a Delaware convert, Agnes, who lived only until 1751.
Meanwhile, Post was employed as missionary assistant, going to Shamokin in 1747 to aid the missionary blacksmith established there, to clear and plant more ground. Again in 1749, he revisited the scene of his early labors, and helped David Bruce to re-establish a mission among the remnant left at Pachgatgoch. Two years later he was summoned to a more distant field on the dismal shores of Labrador, where a company of four Moravian brethren were sent to begin a mission to the Eskimos. An untoward accident rendered this project futile; the major part of the crew of the vessel which had transported them having been lost, the captain impressed the missionaries to carry his ship back to England.
Thereupon Post again sought his home in Pennsylvania, dwelling principally at Bethlehem, until called upon by the Pennsylvania authorities to assist in public affairs. There is no certain information of his introduction to the managers of Indian matters in Pennsylvania; but several Christian Indians from his flock had been utilized as interpreters, and the Friendly Association of Quakers, which was assuming so large a rôle in treating with the natives, was well-inclined toward the Moravian brothers.
The first mention of Post in the public records is in connection with a message which he was employed to carry (June, 1758) in conjunction with Charles Thomson to Teedyuscung at Wyoming.1 On his return to the settlements, he was immediately commissioned to go back to Wyoming with a message from the Cherokee auxiliaries, who had come to join the army of Forbes, and whose presence caused consternation among Pennsylvania’s savage allies. With but five days’ respite, Post again started on a journey beset with perils on every side, through the wilderness of Northern Pennsylvania.2 At Teedyuscung’s cabin he met two Indians from the Ohio, who declared that their tribes were sorry they had gone to war against the English; they had often wished that messengers from the government would come to them, for then they should long before have abandoned war.
On the receipt of this important information, the council at Philadelphia debated to what use it might be put in furthering the plans for Forbes’s advance. “Post was desired to accompany the Indians, and he readily consented to go.”3
Antiquarians and historians have alike admired the sublime courage of the man, and the heroic patriotism which made him capable of advancing into the heart of a hostile territory, into the very hands of a cruel and treacherous foe. But aside from Post’s supreme religious faith, he had a shrewd knowledge of Indian customs, and knew that in the character of an ambassador requested by the Western tribes, his mission would be a source of protection. Therefore, even under the very walls of Fort Duquesne, he trusted not in vain to Indian good faith.
The results of this embassy were most gratifying. The report of his mission coming during the important negotiations at Easton, aided in securing the Indian neutrality which made the advance of Forbes so much less hazardous than that of Braddock.
But the work was only begun; and to complete it Post’s renewed co-operation was necessary. This time he was not to venture alone. Two militia officers, Captain John Bull and Lieutenant William Hays, volunteered for the service,4 and having joined Post at Reading, all proceeded with Indian companions in their van, to overtake the army and reach the Ohio in advance of the column.
Their mission was not in time to save the Indian ferocity at Grant’s defeat; but it contributed to assure the French that aid from the neighboring Indians was dubious, and that in retreat lay their only safety. Through the simple narrative of Indian speeches and replies, one feels the intensity of the strain: the French captain “looked as pale as death;” “we hanged out the English flag, in spite of the French, on which our prisoners folded their hands, in hopes that their redemption was nigh.” Then the news came “which gave us the pleasure to hear, that the English had the field, and that the French had demolished and burnt the place entirely and went off.”
Of Post’s later life and its vicissitudes, we get but scattered glimpses. For the two years succeeding these adventurous journeys, he served the Pennsylvania authorities as messenger and interpreter, at the same time begging to be allowed to go and preach to the newly-appeased Indians on the Ohio. The last official act of Governor Denny was the affixing of his signature to a passport for Post, of whose loyalty, integrity and prudence he testifies to have had good experience.5
This desire to begin a mission to the Western Indians was consummated in 1761, when Post proceeded alone to the Muskingum and built the first white man’s house within the present limits of Ohio. The following spring, he applied to the Moravian brethren for an assistant; whereupon John Heckewelder was assigned to this service, and in his Narrative describes their courteous reception by Bouquet at Fort Pitt, the restless conditions among the Delawares and Shawnees, and the warnings against the storm of fire and blood which was so soon to break over the frontier. Heckewelder retreated in due season; Post barely saved himself by a sudden flight.
In 1764, the ecclesiastical authorities saw fit to send this intrepid missionary to the Mosquito Coast, where he stayed two years, making a second visit in 1767. Toward the close of his life he retired from the Moravian sect, and entered the Protestant Episcopal Church. His death occurred at Germantown in 1785.
The journal of the first tour to the Ohio Indians (July 15-September 22, 1758), was printed in the appendix to An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest (London, 1759; reprinted Philadelphia, 1867). This book was published anonymously, but was known to be the work of Charles Thomson, a prominent Philadelphia Quaker, later secretary of the Continental Congress. Thomson gives a brief preface to Post’s journal, and the matter in the notes thereof is evidently by his hand; it is probable that the notes to the second journal are also by him. The first journal was reprinted by Proud, History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1798), ii, appendix, pp. 65-95, from which edition our reprint has been made. Craig also published this in The Olden Time, i, pp. 99-125, following almost verbatim the edition of Thomson and Proud. Rupp, Early History of Western Pennsylvania (Pittsburg and Harrisburg, 1846), appendix, pp. 75-98, gives the same journal. The Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 520-544, also contains this journal, evidently taken from the same manuscript, with but slight variations in the spelling of proper names.
Heckewelder, Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren (Philadelphia, 1820), pp. 55, 56, says: “To enumerate all the hardships, difficulties and dangers, Frederick Post had been subjected to on these journies, especially on the first, in the summer of the year 1758, is at this time both impossible and needless. Suffice it to say, that what he intended the public should know, was published in the year after, in England, under the title of ‘Christian Frederick Post’s Journal from Philadelphia to the Ohio,’ &c. His original manuscript journal, however, which had for some time been placed in the hands of the writer of this narrative, was far more interesting, and evinced that few men would be found able to undergo the fatigues of a journey, bearing so hard on the constitution, or a mind to sustain such trials of adversity—at least not with that calmness with which Mr. Post endured it.”
The diary of the second journey of Christian Frederick Post to the Ohio, October 25, 1758—January 8, 1759, was first printed in London, 1759, for J. Wilkie; see Field, An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography (New York, 1873), p. 315. Proud, History of Pennsylvania, ii, appendix, pp. 96-132, also reprints Post’s second journal, and from this our reprint is made. It appears also in The Olden Time, i, pp. 144-177; and in Rupp, Early History of Western Pennsylvania, appendix, pp. 99-126. The extract from a journal in the Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 560-563, entitled “Journal of Frederick Post from Pittsburg, 1758,” is in reality that of Croghan’s—see ante, p. 100. For an example of the form and spelling of the original manuscripts of these journals before they were rigorously edited, see letter of Post’s in Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 742-744. The following is a sample extract therefrom:
To his honnour da Governor of Pansylvanea:
Broder, I cam to Machochlaung, wa mane Indeans luve, I cald dam all togader, and I told dam wat we bous had agread on wan we sa one anoder last, and wat you ar sorre for and have so mouts at hart, and dasayrt me to mack it avere war noun avere war, and dasayrd dam to be strong and sea dat your flasch and blod may be rastord to you; now br’r, you know dat it is aur agreamand, dat as soun as I hoar any ting, I geave yu daracktly notys of, and as I am as jat closs bay you, so I sand daes prasonars to you which da daleverat to me, and I geave dam to Papunnahanck to dalever dam to you; br. I do not sand daes poepel daun, da have had damself a long dasayr to go daun to sea dar br. da Englesch, so I tot it proper to sand dam along; I hop you will rajoys to sea dam and be kaynd to dam, and allso to dam poepel dat bryng dam daun; wan I am farder from you and I schall meat wit som, I schall bryng dam maysalf daun wan I com along; br. you know aur worck is grat, and will tack a long taym befor we coan com back, I salud all da schandel pepel, and dasayr you to be strong.
Ye 20 Day of May, 1760, rot at Machochloschung.
Ordinarily, the modern historical student very properly deprecates any tampering with original manuscripts; but an examination of the foregoing inclines one not only to forgive but to thank the early editors for having translated Post’s jargon into understandable English.
R. G. T.
Post’s Journal, Post
THE JOURNAL OF CHRISTIAN FREDERICK POST, FROM PHILADELPHIA TO THE OHIO, ON A MESSAGE FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA TO THE DELAWARE, SHAWNESE, AND MINGO INDIANS, SETTLED THERE.
July the 15th, 1758.—This day I received orders from his honour, the Governor, to set out on my intended journey, and proceeded as far as German Town, where I found all the Indians drunk.6 Willamegicken returned to Philadelphia, for a horse, that was promised him.7
16th.—This day I waited for the said Willamegicken till near noon, and when he came, being very drunk, he could proceed no further, so that I left him, and went to Bethlehem.8
17th.—I arrived at Bethlehem, and prepared for my journey.
18th.—I read over both the last treaties, that at Easton, and that at Philadelphia, and made myself acquainted with the particulars of each.9
19th.—With much difficulty I persuaded the Indians to leave Bethlehem, and travelled this day no further than Hayes’s having a hard shower of rain.
20th.—Arrived at fort Allen.10
21st.—I called my company together, to know if we should proceed. They complained they were sick, and must rest that day. This day, I think, Teedyuscung11 laid many obstacles in my way, and was very much against my proceeding: he said, he was afraid I should never return; and that the Indians would kill me. About dinner time two Indians arrived from Wyoming,12 with an account that Teedyuscung’s son, Hans Jacob, was returned, and brought news from the French and Allegheny Indians. Teedyuscung then called a Council, and proposed that I should only go to Wyoming, and return, with the message his son had brought, to Philadelphia. I made answer, that it was too late, that he should have proposed that in Philadelphia; for that the writings containing my orders were so drawn, as obliged me to go, though I should lose my life.
22d.—I desired my companions to prepare to set out, upon which Teedyuscung called them all together in the fort, and protested against my going. His reasons were, that he was afraid the Indians would kill me, or the French get me; and if that should be the case he should be very sorry, and did not know what he should do. I gave for answer, “that I did not know what to think of their conduct. It is plain, said I, that the French have a public road13 to your towns, yet you will not let your own flesh and blood, the English, come near them; which is very hard: and if that be the case, the French must be your masters.” I added, that, if I died in the undertaking, it would be as much for the Indians as the English, and that I hoped my journey would be of this advantage, that it would be the means of saving the lives of many hundreds of the Indians: therefore, I was resolved to go forward, taking my life in my hand, as one ready to part with it for their good. Immediately after I had spoken thus, three rose up and offered to go with me the nearest way; and we concluded to go through the inhabitants, under the Blue mountains to fort Augusta, on Susquahanna; where we arrived the 25th.14
It gave me great pain to observe many plantations deserted and laid waste; and I could not but reflect on the distress, the poor owners must be drove to, who once lived in plenty; and I prayed the Lord to restore peace and prosperity to the distressed.
At fort Augusta we were entertained very kindly, had our horses shod, and one being lame, we exchanged for another. Here we received, by Indians from Diahogo,15 the disagreeable news that our army was, as they said, entirely cut off at Ticonderoga,16 which discouraged one of my companions, Lappopetung’s son, so much, that he would proceed no further. Shamokin Daniel here asked me, if I thought he should be satisfied for his trouble in going with me. I told him every body, that did any service for the province, I thought, would be paid.
27th.—They furnished us here with every necessary for our journey, and we set out with good courage. After we rode about ten miles, we were caught in a hard gust of rain.
28th.—We came to Wekeeponall, where the road turns off for Wyoming, and slept this night at Queenashawakee.17
29th.—We crossed the Susquahanna over the Big Island. My companions were now very fearful, and this night went a great way out of the road, to sleep without fire, but could not sleep for the musquetoes and vermin.
30th & 31st.—We were glad it was day, that we might set out. We got upon the mountains, and had heavy rains all night. The heavens alone were our covering, and we accepted of all that was poured down from thence.
August 1st.—We saw three hoops18 on a bush; to one of them there remained some long white hair. Our horses left us, I suppose, not being fond of the dry food on the mountains: with a good deal of trouble we found them again. We slept this night on the same mountain.
2d.—We came across several places where two poles, painted red, were stuck in the ground by the Indians, to which they tye the prisoners, when they stop at night, in their return from their incursions. We arrived this night at Shinglimuhee,19 where was another of the same posts. It is a disagreeable and melancholy sight, to see the means they make use of, according to their savage way, to distress others.
3d.—We came to a part of a river called Tobeco, over the mountains, a very bad road.
4th.—We lost one of our horses, and with much difficulty found him, but were detained a whole day on that account.
I had much conversation with Pisquetumen;20 of which I think to inform myself further when I get to my journey’s end.
5th.—We set out early this day, and made a good long stretch, crossing the big river Tobeco, and lodged between two mountains. I had the misfortune to lose my pocket book with three pounds five shillings,21 and sundry other things. What writings it contained were illegible to any body but myself.
6th.—We passed all the mountains, and the big river, Weshawaucks, and crossed a fine meadow two miles in length, where we slept that night, having nothing to eat.22
7th.—We came in sight of fort Venango, belonging to the French, situate between two mountains, in a fork of the Ohio river. I prayed the Lord to blind them, as he did the enemies of Lot and Elisha, that I might pass unknown. When we arrived, the fort being on the other side of the river, we hallooed, and desired them to fetch us over; which they were afraid to do; but shewed us a place where we might ford. We slept that night within half gun shot of the fort.
8th.—This morning I hunted for my horse, round the fort, within ten yards of it. The Lord heard my prayer, and I passed unknown till we had mounted our horses to go off, when two Frenchmen came to take leave of the Indians, and were much surprised at seeing me, but said nothing.
By what I could learn of Pisquetumen, and the Indians, who went into the fort, the garrison consisted of only six men, and an officer blind of one eye.23 They enquired much of the Indians concerning the English, whether they knew of any party coming to attack them, of which they were apprehensive.
9th.—Heavy rains all night and day: we slept on swampy ground.
10th.—We imagined we were near Kushkushkee; and having travelled three miles, we met three Frenchmen, who appeared very shy of us, but said nothing more than to enquire, whether we knew of any English coming against fort Venango.
After we travelled two miles farther, we met with an Indian, and one that I took to be a runagade English Indian trader; he spoke good English, was very curious in examining every thing, particularly the silver medal about Pisquitumen’s neck. He appeared by his countenance to be guilty. We enquired of them where we were, and found we were lost, and within twenty miles of fort Duquesne. We struck out of the road to the right, and slept between two mountains; and being destitute of food, two went to hunt, and others to seek a road, but to no purpose.
11th.—We went to the place where they had killed two deers, and Pisquetumen and I roasted the meat. Two went to hunt for the road, to know which way we should go: one came back, and found a road; the other lost himself.
12th.—The rest of us hunted for him, but in vain; so, as we could not find him, we concluded to set off, leaving such marks, that, if he returned, he might know which way to follow us; and we left him some meat. We came to the river Conaquonashon [Conequenessing Creek], where was an old Indian town. We were then fifteen miles from Kushkushkee.
There we stopt, and sent forward Pisquetumen with four strings of wampum to apprize the town of our coming,24 with this message:
“Brother,25 thy brethren are come a great way, and want to see thee, at thy fire, to smoak that good tobacco,26 which our good grandfathers used to smoak. Turn thy eyes once more upon that road, by which I came.27 I bring thee words of great consequence from the Governor, and people of Pennsylvania, and from the king of England. Now I desire thee to call all the kings and captains from all the towns, that none may be missing. I do not desire that my words may be hid, or spoken under cover. I want to speak loud, that all the Indians may hear me. I hope thou wilt bring me on the road, and lead me into the town. I blind the French, that they may not see me, and stop their ears, that they may not hear the great news I bring you.”
About noon we met some Shawanese, that used to live at Wyoming. They knew me, and received me very kindly. I saluted them, and assured them the government of Pennsylvania wished them well, and wished to live in peace and friendship with them. Before we came to the town, two men came to meet us and lead us in. King Beaver shewed us a large house to lodge in.28 The people soon came and shook hands with us. The number was about sixty young able men. Soon after king Beaver came and told his people, “Boys, hearken, we sat here without ever expecting again to see our brethren the English; but now one of them is brought before you, that you may see your brethren, the English, with your own eyes; and I wish you may take it into consideration.” Afterwards he turned to me and said,
“Brother, I am very glad to see you, I never thought we should have had the opportunity to see one another more; but now I am very glad, and thank God, who has brought you to us. It is a great satisfaction to me.” I said, “Brother, I rejoice in my heart, I thank God, who has brought me to you. I bring you joyful news from the Governor and people of Pennsylvania, and from your children, the Friends:29 and, as I have words of great consequence I will lay them before you, when all the kings and captains are called together from the other towns. I wish there may not be a man of them missing, but that they may be all here to hear.”
In the evening king Beaver came again, and told me, they had held a council, and sent out to all their towns, but it would take five days before they could all come together. I thanked him for his care. Ten captains came and saluted me. One said to the others; “We never expected to see our brethren the English again, but now God has granted us once more to shake hands with them, which we will not forget.” They sat by my fire till midnight.
14th.—The people crowded to my house; it was full. We had much talk. Delaware George30 said, he had not slept all night, so much had he been engaged on account of my coming. The French came, and would speak with me. There were then fifteen of them building houses for the Indians. The captain is gone with fifteen to another town. He can speak the Indian tongue well. The Indians say he is a cunning fox; that they get a great deal of goods from the French; and that the French cloath the Indians every year, men, women and children, and give them as much powder and lead as they want.
15th.—Beaver king was informed, that Teedyuscung had said he had turned the hatchet against the French, by advice of the Alleghany Indians; this he blamed, as they had never sent him such advice. But being informed it was his own doing, without any persuasion of the Governor, he was easy on that head. Delaware Daniel prepared a dinner, to which he invited me, and all the kings and captains; and when I came, he said, “Brother, we are as glad to see you among us, as if we dined with the Governor and people in Philadelphia. We have thought a great deal since you have been here. We never thought so much before.”31 I thanked them for their kind reception; I said, it was something great, that God had spared our lives, to see one another again, in the old brother-like love and friendship. There were in all thirteen, who dined together.
In the evening they danced at my fire, first the men, and then the women, till after midnight.
On the 16th, the king and captains called on me privately. They wanted to hear what Teedyuscung had said of them, and begged me to take out the writings. I read to them what Teedyuscung had said, and told them, as Teedyuscung had said he would speak so loud, that all at Allegheny, and beyond should hear it, I would conceal nothing from them. They said, they never sent any such advice (as above mentioned), to Teedyuscung, nor ever sent a message at all to the government,32 and now the French were here, their captain would come to hear, and this would make disturbance. I then told them I would read the rest, and leave out that part, and they might tell the kings and captains of it, when they came together.
17th.—Early, this morning they called all the people together to clean the place, where they intended to hold the council, it being in the middle of the town. Kushkushkee is divided into four towns, each at a distance from the others; and the whole consists of about ninety houses, and two hundred able warriors.
About noon two public messengers arrived from the Indians at fort Duquesne and the other towns. They brought three large belts and two bundles of strings;33 there came with them a French captain, and fifteen men. The two messengers insisted that I should go with them to fort Duquesne; that there were Indians of eight nations, who wanted to hear me; that if I brought good news, they inclined to leave off war, and live in friendship with the English. The above messengers being Indian captains, were very surly. When I went to shake hands with one of them, he gave me his little finger; the other withdrew his hand entirely; upon which I appeared as stout as either, and withdrew my hand as quick as I could. Their rudeness to me was taken very ill by the other captains, who treated them in the same manner in their turn.
I told them my order was to go to the Indian towns, kings and captains, and not to the French; that the English were at war with the French, but not with those Indians, who withdrew from the French, and would be at peace with the English.
King Beaver invited me to his house to dinner, and afterwards he invited the French captain, and said before the Frenchman, that the Indians were very proud to see one of their brothers, the English, among them; at which the French captain appeared low spirited, and seemed to eat his dinner with very little appetite.
In the afternoon the Indian kings and captains called me aside, and desired me to read them the writings that I had. First I read part of the Easton treaty to them; but they presently stopped me, and would not hear it; I then began with the articles of peace made with the Indians there. They stopped me again, and said, they had nothing to say to any treaty, or league, of peace, made at Easton, nor had any thing to do with Teedyuscung; that, if I had nothing to say to them from the government, or Governor, they would have nothing to say to me; and farther said, they had hitherto been at war with the English, and had never expected to be at peace with them again; and that there were six of their men now gone to war against them with other Indians; that had there been peace between us, those men should not have gone to war. I then shewed them the belts and strings from the Governor; and they again told me to lay aside Teedyuscung, and the peace made by him; for that they had nothing to do with it.34 I desired them to suffer me to produce my papers, and I would read what I had to say to them.
18th.—Delaware George is very active in endeavouring to establish a peace. I believe he is in earnest. Hitherto they have all treated me kindly.
In the afternoon, all the kings and captains were called together, and sent for me to their council. King Beaver first addressed himself to the captains; and afterwards spoke to me, as follows:
“Brother, you have been here now five days by our fire.35 We have sent to all the kings and captains, desiring them to come to our fire and hear the good news you brought. Yesterday they sent two captains to acquaint us, they were glad to hear our English brother was come among us, and were desirous to hear the good news he brought; and since there are a great many nations that went [want] to see our brother, they have invited us to their fire, that they may hear us all. Now, brother, we have but one great fire; so, brother, by this string we will take you in our arms, and deliver you into the arms of the other kings, and when we have called all the nations there, we will hear the good news, you have brought.” Delivers four strings.
King Beaver, Shingas, and Delaware George, spoke as follows:
“Brother, we alone cannot make a peace; it would be of no significance; for, as all the Indians, from the sunrise to the sunset, are united in a body, it is necessary that the whole should join in the peace, or it can be no peace; and we can assure you, all the Indians, a great way from this, even beyond the lakes, are desirous of, and wish for a peace with the English, and have desired us, as we are the nearest of kin, if we see the English incline a peace, to hold it fast.”
On the 19th, all the people gathered together, men, women, and children; and king Beaver desired me to read to them the news I had brought, and told me that all the able men would go with me to the other town. I complied with his desire, and they appeared very much pleased at every thing, till I came to that part respecting the prisoners. This they disliked; for, they say, it appears very odd and unreasonable that we should demand prisoners before there is an established peace; such an unreasonable demand makes us appear as if we wanted brains.
20th.—We set out from Kushkushkee, for Sankonk; my company consisted of twenty-five horsemen and fifteen foot. We arrived at Sankonk, in the afternoon. The people of the town were much disturbed at my coming, and received me in a very rough manner. They surrounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in such a manner, that I could hardly get along; running up against me, with their breasts open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill me. I saw by their countenances they sought my death. Their faces were quite distorted with rage, and they went so far as to say, I should not live long; but some Indians, with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up, and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behaviour to me was quickly changed.
On the 21st, they sent Messengers to Fort Duquesne, to let them know I was there, and invited them to their fire. In the afternoon, I read them all my message, the French captain being present; for he still continued with us: upon which they were more kind to me. In the evening, fifteen more arrived here from Kushkushkee. The men here now [were] about one hundred and twenty.
22d.—Arrived about twenty Shawanese and Mingos. I read to them the message; at which they seemed well pleased. Then the two kings came to me, and spoke in the following manner:
“Brother, we, the Shawanese and Mingos, have heard your message; the messenger we sent to Fort Duquesne, is returned, and tells us, there are eight different nations there, who want to hear your message; we will conduct you there, and let both the Indians and French hear what our brothers, the English, have to say.”
I protested against going to Fort Duquesne, but all in vain; for they insisted on my going, and said that I need not fear the French, for they would carry me in their bosoms, i. e. engage for my safety.
23d.—We set off for Fort Duquesne, and went no farther this night than Log’s town, where I met with four Shawanese, who lived in Wyoming when I did. They received me very kindly, and called the prisoners to shake hands with me, as their countryman, and gave me leave to go into every house to see them, which was done in no other town besides.
24th.—They called to me, and desired that I would write to the general for them. The jealousy natural to the Indians is not to be described; for though they wanted me to write for them, they were afraid I would, at the same time, give other information, and this perplexed them.
We continued our journey to the fort; and arrived in sight, on this side the river, in the afternoon, and all the Indian chiefs immediately came over; they called me into the middle, and king Beaver presented me to them, and said, “Here is our English brother, who has brought great news.” Two of them rose up and signified they were glad to see me. But an old deaf Onondago Indian rose up and signified his displeasure. This Indian is much disliked by the others; he had heard nothing yet, that had passed, he has lived here a great while, and constantly lives in the fort, and is mightily attached to the French; he spoke as follows, to the Delawares:
“I do not know this Swannock;36 it may be that you know him. I, the Shawanese, and our father37 do not know him. I stand here (stamping his foot) as a man on his own ground;38 therefore, I, the Shawanese and my father do not like that a Swannock come on our ground.” Then there was silence awhile, till the pipe went round;39 after that was over, one of the Delawares rose up, and spoke in opposition to him that spoke last, and delivered himself as follows:
“That man speaks not as a man; he endeavours to frighten us, by saying this ground is his; he dreams; he and his father have certainly drunk too much liquor; they are drunk; pray let them go to sleep till they are sober. You do not know what your own nation does, at home; how much they have to say to the Swannocks. You are quite rotten. You stink.40 You do nothing but smoke your pipe here. Go to sleep with your father, and when you are sober we will speak to you.”
After this the French demanded me of the Indians. They said it was a custom among the white people when a messenger came, even if it was the Governor, to blind his eyes, and lead him into the fort, to a prison, or private room. They, with some of the Indians insisted very much on my being sent into the fort, but to no purpose; for the other Indians said to the French; “It may be a rule among you, but we have brought him here, that all the Indians might see him, and hear what our brothers the English have to say; and we will not suffer him to be blinded and carried into the fort.” The French still insisted on my being delivered to them; but the Indians desired them, to let them hear no more about it; but to send them one hundred loaves of bread; for they were hungry.
25th.—This morning early they sent us over a large bullock, and all the Indian chiefs came over again, and counselled a great deal among themselves; then the Delaware, that handled the old deaf Onondago Indian so roughly yesterday, addressed himself to him, in this manner; “I hope, to day, you are sober. I am certain you did not know what you said yesterday. You endeavoured to frighten us; but know, we are now men, and not so easily frightened. You said something yesterday of the Shawanese; see here what they have sent you,” (presenting him with a large roll of tobacco.)
Then the old deaf Indian rose up, and acknowledged he had been in the wrong; he said, that he had now cleaned himself,41 and hoped they would forgive him.
Then the Delaware delivered the message, that was sent by the Shawanese which was, “That they hoped the Delawares, &c. would be strong,42 in what they were undertaking; that they were extremely proud to hear such good news from their brothers, the English; that whatever contracts they made with the English, the Shawanese would agree to; that they were their brothers, and that they loved them.”
The French whispered to the Indians, as I imagined, to insist on my delivering what I had to say, on the other side of the water. Which they did to no purpose, for my company still insisted on a hearing on this side the water. The Indians crossed the river to council with their Fathers.43 My company desired to know whether they would hear me or no. This afternoon three hundred Canadians arrived at the fort, and reported that six hundred more were soon to follow them, and forty battoes laden with amunition. Some of my party desired me not to stir from the fire; for that the French had offered a great reward for my scalp, and that there were several parties out on that purpose. Accordingly I stuck constantly as close to the fire, as if I had been chained there.
26th.—The Indians, with a great many of the French officers, came over to hear what I had to say. The officers brought with them a table, pens, ink and paper. I spoke in the middle of them with a free conscience, and perceived by the look of the French, they were not pleased with what I said; the particulars of which were as follows; I spoke in the name of the government and people of Pensilvania.
“Brethren at Allegheny, We have a long time desired to see and hear from you; you know the road was quite stopt; and we did not know how to come through. We have sent many messengers to you; but we did not hear of you; now we are very glad we have found an opening to come and see you, and to speak with you, and to hear your true mind and resolution. We salute you very heartily.” A string, No. 1.
“Brethren at Allegheny, Take notice of what I say. You know that the bad spirit has brought something between us, that has kept us at a distance one from another; I now, by this belt, take every thing out of the way, that the bad spirit has brought between us, and all the jealousy and fearfulness we had of one another, and whatever else the bad spirit might have poisoned your heart and mind with, that nothing of it may be left. Moreover let us look up to God, and beg for his assistance, that he may put into our hearts what pleases him, and join us close in that brotherly love and friendship, which our grandfathers had. We assure you of our love towards you.” A belt of eleven rows.
“Brothers at Allegheny, Hearken to what I say; we began to hear of you from Wellemeghihink, who returned from Allegheny. We heard you had but a slight, confused account of us; and did not know of the peace, we made twelve months past, in Easton. It was then agreed, that the large belt of peace should be sent to you at Allegheny. As these our two old friends from Allegheny, who are well known to many here, found an opening to come to our council fire, to see with their own eyes, to sit with us face to face, to hear with their own ears, every thing that has been transacted between us; it gives me and all the people of the province great pleasure to see them among us. And I assure all my brethren at Allegheny, that nothing would please me, and all the people of the province better, than to see our countrymen the Delawares well settled among us.” A belt.
“Hearken, my brethren at Allegheny. When we began to make peace with the Delawares, twelve months ago, in behalf of ten other nations, we opened a road, and cleared the bushes from the blood, and gathered all the bones, on both sides, together; and when we had brought them together, in one heap, we could find no place to bury them: we would not bury them as our grandfathers did. They buried them under ground, where they may be found again. We prayed to God, that he would have mercy on us, and take all these bones away from us, and hide them, that they might never be found any more; and take from both sides all the remembrance of them out of our heart and mind. And we have a firm confidence, that God will be pleased to take all the bones and hide them from us, that they may never be remembered by us, while we live, nor our children, nor grand children, hereafter. The hatchet was buried on both sides, and large belts of peace exchanged. Since we have cleared every thing from the heart, and taken every thing out of our way; now, my brethren at Allegheny, every one that hears me, if you will join with us, in that brotherly love and friendship, which our grandfathers had, we assure you, that all past offences shall be forgotten, and never more talked of, by us, our children and grand children hereafter. This belt assures you of our sincerity, and honest and upright heart towards you.” A belt of seven rows.
“Hearken, brethren at Allegheny. I have told you that we really made peace with part of your nation, twelve months past; I now by this belt open the road from Allegheny to our council fire, where your grandfathers kept good councils with us, that all may pass without molestation or danger. You must be sensible, that unless a road be kept open, people at variance can never come together to make up their differences. Messengers are free in all nations throughout the world, by a particular token. Now, brethren at Allegheny, I desire you will join with me in keeping the road open, and let us know in what manner we may come free to you, and what the token shall be. I join both my hands to yours, and will do all in my power to keep the road open.” A belt of seven rows.
“Now, brethren at Allegheny, Hear what I say. Every one that lays hold of this belt of peace, I proclaim peace to them from the English nation, and let you know that the great king of England does not incline to have war with the Indians; but he wants to live in peace and love with them, if they will lay down the hatchet, and leave off war against him.”
“We love you farther, we let you know that the great king of England has sent a great number of warriors into this country, not to go to war against the Indians, in their towns, no, not at all; these warriors are going against the French; they are on the march to the Ohio, to revenge the blood they have shed. And by this belt I take you by the hand, and lead you at a distance from the French, for your own safety, that your legs may not be stained with blood. Come away on this side of the mountain, where we may oftener converse together, and where your own flesh and blood lives. We look upon you as our countrymen, that sprung out of the same ground with us; we think, therefore, that it is our duty to take care of you, and we in brotherly love advise you to come away with your whole nation, and as many of your friends as you can get to follow you. We do not come to hurt you, we love you, therefore we do not call you to war, that you may be slain; what benefit will it be to you to go to war with your own flesh and blood? We wish you may live without fear or danger with your women and children.” The large peace belt.
“Brethren, I have almost finished what I had to say, and hope it will be to your satisfaction; my wish is, that we may join close together in that old brotherly love and friendship, which our grandfathers had; so that all the nations may hear and see us, and have the benefit of it; and if you have any uneasiness, or complaint, in your heart and mind, do not keep it to yourself. We have opened the road to the council fire, therefore, my brethren, come and acquaint the Governor with it; you will be readily heard, and full justice will be done you.” A belt.
“Brethren, One thing I must bring to your remembrance. You know, if any body loses a little child, or some body takes it from him, he cannot be easy, he will think on his child by day and night; since our flesh and blood is in captivity, in the Indian towns, we desire you will rejoice the country’s heart, and bring them to me; I shall stretch out my arms to receive you kindly.” A string.
After I had done, I left my belts and strings still before them. The Delawares took them all up, and laid them before the Mingoes;44 upon which they rose up, and spoke as follows:
“Chau, What I have heard pleases me well; I do not know why I go to war against the English. Noques, what do you think? You must be strong. I did not begin the war, therefore, I have little to say; but whatever you agree to, I will do the same.” Then he addressed himself to the Shawanese, and said, “You brought the hatchet to us from the French, and persuaded us to strike our brothers the English; you may consider (laying the belts, &c. before them) wherefore you have done this.”
The Shawanese acknowledged they received the hatchet from the French, who persuaded them to strike the English; that they would now send the belts to all the Indians, and in twelve days would meet again.
Present at this council, three hundred French and Indians. They all took leave, and went over again to the fort, but my companions, who were about seventy in number.
Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the fort by himself, (which my companions disapproved of) and counselled with the Governor; who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was quite changed, and said, “See here, you fools, what the French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and never received a farthing;” and, directing himself to me, he said, “The English are fools, and so are you.” In short, he behaved in a very proud, saucy and imperious manner. He further said, “The English never give the Indians any powder, and that the French would have given him a horseload, if he would have taken it; see that young man there, he was in Philadelphia and never got any thing; I will take him over to the French; and get some cloathing for him.”
Three Indians informed me, that as soon as the French got over, they called a council, with their own Indians, among whom there happened accidentally to be a Delaware captain, who was privately invited by one of his acquaintances to hear what the French had to say; and when they were assembled, the French spoke, as follows:
“My children, now we are alone, hearken to what I have to say. I perceive the Delawares are wavering; they incline to the English, and will be faithful to us no longer. Now all the chiefs are here, and but a handful, let us cut them off, and then we shall be troubled with them no longer.” Then the Tawaas [Ottawas] answered, “No, we cannot do this thing; for though there is but a handful here, the Delawares are a strong people, and are spread to a great distance, and whatever they agree to must be.”
This afternoon, in council, on the other side of the river, the French insisted that I must be delivered up to them, and that it was not lawful for me to go away; which occasioned a quarrel between them and the Indians, who immediately came away and crossed the river to me; and some of them let me know thet Daniel had received a string from the French, to leave me there; but it was to no purpose, for they would not give their consent; and then agreed that I should set off before day the next morning.
27th.—Accordingly, I set out before day, with six Indians, and took another road, that we might not be seen; the main body told me, they would stay behind, to know whether the French would make an attempt to take me by force; that if they did, they, the Indians, would endeavour to prevent their crossing the river, and coming secretly upon me. Just as I set off the French fired all their great guns, it being Sunday (I counted nineteen) and concluded they did the same every Sabbath. We passed through three Shawanese towns; the Indians appeared very proud to see me return, and we arrived about night at Sawcunk, where they were likewise very glad to see me return. Here I met with the two captains, who treated me so uncivilly before; they now received me very kindly, and accepted of my hand, and apologized for their former rude behaviour. Their names are Kuckquetackton and Killbuck.45 They said,
“Brother, we, in behalf of the people of Sawcunk, desire that you will hold fast what you have begun, and be strong.46 We are but little and poor, and therefore cannot do much. You are rich, and must go on and be strong. We have done all in our power towards bringing about a peace: we have had a great quarrel about you with the French; but we do not mind them. Do you make haste, and be strong, and let us see you again.” The said Killbuck is a great captain and conjurer; he desired me to mention him to the Governor, and ask him if he would be pleased to send him a good saddle by the next messenger; and that he would do all in his power for the service of the English.
28th.—We set out from Sawcunk, in company with twenty, for Kushkushkee; on the road Shingas addressed himself to me, and asked, if I did not think, that, if he came to the English, they would hang him, as they had offered a great reward for his head. He spoke in a very soft and easy manner. I told him that was a great while ago, it was all forgotten and wiped clean away; that the English would receive him very kindly. Then Daniel interrupted me, and said to Shingas, “Do not believe him, he tells nothing but idle lying stories. Wherefore did the English hire one thousand two hundred Indians47 to kill us.” I protested it was false; he said, G—d d—n48 you for a fool; did you not see the woman lying [in] the road that was killed by the Indians, that the English hired? I said, “Brother do consider how many thousand Indians the French have hired to kill the English, and how many they have killed along the frontiers.” Then Daniel said, “D—n you, why do not you and the French fight on the sea? You come here only to cheat the poor Indians, and take their land from them.” Then Shingas told him to be still; for he did not know what he said. We arrived at Kushkushkee before night, and I informed Pisquetumen of Daniel’s behaviour, at which he appeared sorry.
29th.—I dined with Shingas; he told me, though the English had set a great price on his head, he had never thought to revenge himself, but was always very kind to any prisoners that were brought in;49 and that he assured the Governor, he would do all in his power to bring about an established peace, and wished he could be certain of the English being in earnest.
Then seven chiefs present said, when the Governor sends the next messenger, let him send two or three white men, at least, to confirm the thing, and not send such a man as Daniel; they did not understand him; he always speaks, said they, as if he was drunk; and if a great many of them had not known me, they should not know what to think; for every thing I said he contradicted. I assured them I would faithfully inform the Governor of what they said, and they should see, as messengers, other guise Indians than Daniel, for the time to come; and I farther informed them, that he was not sent by the Governor, but came on his own accord; and I would endeavour to prevent his coming back. Daniel demanded of me his pay, and I gave him three dollars; and he took as much wampum from me as he pleased, and would not suffer me to count it. I imagined there was about two thousand.
About night, nine Tawaas past by here, in their way to the French fort.
30th and 31st.—The Indians feasted greatly, during which time, I several times begged of them to consider and dispatch me.
September 1st.—Shingas, King Beaver, Delaware George, and Pisquetumen, with several other captains said to me,
“Brother, We have thought a great deal since God has brought you to us; and this is a matter of great consequence, which we cannot readily answer; we think on it, and will answer you as soon as we can. Our feast hinders us; all our young men, women and children are glad to see you; before you came, they all agreed together to go and join the French; but since they have seen you, they all draw back; though we have great reason to believe you intend to drive us away, and settle the country; or else, why do you come to fight in the land that God has given us?”
I said, we did not intend to take the land from them; but only to drive the French away. They said, they knew better; for that they were informed so by our greatest traders; and some Justices of the Peace had told them the same, and the French, said they, tell us much the same thing,—“that the English intend to destroy us, and take our lands;” but the land is ours, and not theirs; therefore, we say, if you will be at peace with us, we will send the French home. It is you that have begun the war, and it is necessary that you hold fast, and be not discouraged, in the work of peace. We love you more than you love us; for when we take any prisoners from you, we treat them as our own children. We are poor, and yet we clothe them as well as we can, though you see our children are as naked as at the first. By this you may see that our hearts are better than yours. It is plain that you white people are the cause of this war; why do not you and the French fight in the old country, and on the sea? Why do you come to fight on our land? This makes every body believe, you want to take the land from us by force, and settle it.50
I told them, “Brothers, as for my part, I have not one foot of land, nor do I desire to have any; and if I had any land, I had rather give it to you, than take any from you. Yes, brothers, if I die, you will get a little more land from me; for I shall then no longer walk on that ground, which God has made. We told you that you should keep nothing in your heart, but bring it before the council fire, and before the Governor, and his council; they will readily hear you; and I promise you, what they answer they will stand to. I further read to you what agreements they made about Wioming,51 and they stand to them.”
They said, “Brother, your heart is good, you speak always sincerely; but we know there are always a great number of people that want to get rich; they never have enough; look, we do not want to be rich, and take away that which others have. God has given you the tame creatures; we do not want to take them from you. God has given to us the deer, and other wild creatures, which we must feed on; and we rejoice in that which springs out of the ground, and thank God for it. Look now, my brother, the white people think we have no brains in our heads; but that they are great and big, and that makes them make war with us: we are but a little handful to what you are; but remember, when you look for a wild turkey you cannot always find it, it is so little it hides itself under the bushes: and when you hunt for a rattle-snake, you cannot find it; and perhaps it will bite you before you see it. However, since you are so great and big, and we so little, do you use your greatness and strength in compleating this work of peace. This is the first time that we saw or heard of you, since the war begun, and we have great reason to think about it, since such a great body of you comes into our lands.52 It is told us, that you and the French contrived the war, to waste the Indians between you; and that you and the French intended to divide the land between you: this was told us by the chief of the Indian traders; and they said further, brothers, this is the last time we shall come among you; for the French and the English intend to kill all the Indians, and then divide the land among themselves.”
Then they addressed themselves to me, and said, “Brother, I suppose you know something about it; or has the Governor stopped your mouth, that you cannot tell us?”
Then I said, “Brothers, I am very sorry to see you so jealous. I am your own flesh and blood, and sooner than I would tell you any story that would be of hurt to you, or your children, I would suffer death: and if I did not know that it was the desire of the Governor, that we should renew our old brotherly love and friendship, that subsisted between our grandfathers, I would not have undertaken this journey. I do assure you of mine and the people’s honesty. If the French had not been here, the English would not have come; and consider, brothers, whether, in such a case, we can always sit still.”
Then they said, “It is a thousand pities we did not know this sooner; if we had, it would have been peace long before now.”
Then I said, “My brothers, I know you have been wrongly persuaded by many wicked people; for you must know, that there are a great many Papists in the country, in French interest, who appear like gentlemen, and have sent many runaway Irish papist servants53 among you, who have put bad notions into your heads, and strengthened you against your brothers the English.
“Brothers, I beg that you would not believe every idle and false story, that ill-designing people may bring to you against us your brothers. Let us not hearken to what lying and foolish people may bring to you, against us your brothers. Let us not hearken to what lying and foolish people say, but let us hear what wise and good people say; they will tell us what is good for us and our children.”
Mem. There are a great number of Irish traders now among the Indians, who have always endeavoured to spirit up the Indians against the English; which made some, that I was acquainted with from their infancy, desire the chiefs to enquire of me, for that they were certain I would speak the truth.
Pisquetumen now told me, we could not go to the General, that it was very dangerous, the French having sent out several scouts to wait for me on the road. And further, Pisquetumen told me, it was a pity the Governor had no ear,54 to bring him intelligence; that the French had three ears, whom they rewarded with great presents; and signified, that he and Shingas would be ears, at the service of his honour, if he pleased.
2d.—I bade Shingas to make haste and dispatch me, and once more desired to know of them, if it was possible for them to guide me to the General. Of all which they told me they would consider; and Shingas gave me his hand, and said, “Brother, the next time you come, I will return with you to Philadelphia, and will do all in my power to prevent any body’s coming to hurt the English more.”
3d.—To-day I found myself unwell, and made a little tea, which refreshed me: had many very pretty discourses with George. In the afternoon they called a council together, and gave me the following answer in council; the speaker addressing the Governor and people of Pennsylvania:
“Brethren, It is a great many days since we have seen or heard from you.55 I now speak to you in behalf of all the nations, that have heard you heretofore.
“Brethren, it is the first message which we have seen or heard from you. Brethren, you have talked of that peace and friendship which we had formerly with you. Brethren, we tell you to be strong, and always remember that friendship, which we had formerly. Brethren, we desire you would be strong, and let us once more hear of our good friendship and peace, we had formerly. Brethren, we desire that you make haste, and let us hear of you again; for, as yet, we have not heard you rightly.” Gives a string.
“Brethren, hear what I have to say: look, brethren, we, who have now seen and heard you, we, who are present, are part of all the several nations, that heard you some days ago; we see that you are sorry we have not that friendship, we formerly had.
“Look, brethren, we at Allegheny are likewise sorry we have not that friendship with you, which we formerly had. Brethren, we long for that peace and friendship we had formerly. Brethren, it is good that you desire that friendship, that was formerly among our fathers and grandfathers. Brethren, we will tell you, you must not let that friendship be quite lost, which was formerly between us.
“Now, brethren, it is three years since we dropt that peace and friendship, which we formerly had with you. Brethren, it was dropt, and lay buried in the ground, where you and I stand, in the middle between us both. Brethren, I see you have digged up, and revived, that friendship, which was buried in the ground; and now you have it, hold it fast. Do be strong, brethren, and exert yourselves, that that friendship may be well established and finished between us. Brethren, if you will be strong, it is in your power to finish that peace and friendship well. Therefore, brethren, we desire you to be strong and establish it, and make known to all the English this peace and friendship, that it may embrace all and cover all. As you are of one nation and colour, in all the English governments, so let the peace be the same with all. Brethren, when you have finished this peace, which you have begun; when it is known every where amongst your brethren, and you have every where agreed together on this peace and friendship, then you will be pleased to send the great peace belt to us at Allegheny.
“Brethren, when you have settled this peace and friendship, and finished it well, and you send the great peace-belt to me, I will send it to all the nations of my colour, they will all join to it, and we all will hold it fast.
“Brethren, when all the nations join to this friendship, then the day will begin to shine clear over us. When we hear once more of you, and we join together, then the day will be still, and no wind, or storm, will come over us, to disturb us.
“Now, brethren, you know our hearts, and what we have to say; be strong; if you do what we have now told you, and in this peace all the nations agree to join. Now, brethren, let the king of England know what our mind is as soon as possibly you can.”56 Gives a belt of eight rows.
I received the above speech and belt from the underwritten, who are all captains and counsellors.
Beaver, King,
Delaware George,
Pisquetumen,
Tasucamin,
Awakanomin,
Cushawmekwy,
Keyheynapalin,
Captain Peter,
Macomal,
Popauce,
Washaocautaut,
Cochquacaukehlton,
John Hickomen, and
Kill Buck.
Delaware George spoke as follows:
“Look, brothers, we are here of three different nations. I am of the Unami nation:57 I have heard all the speeches that you have made to us with the many other nations.
“Brothers, you did let us know, that every one that takes hold of this peace-belt, you would take them by the hand, and lead them to the council fire, where our grandfathers kept good councils. So soon as I heard this, I took hold of it.
“Brother, I now let you know that my heart never was parted from you. I am sorry that I should make friendship with the French against the English. I now assure you my heart sticks close to the English interest. One of our great captains, when he heard it, immediately took hold of it as well as myself. Now, Brother, I let you know that you shall soon see me by your council fire, and then I shall hear from you myself, the plain truth, in every respect.
“I love that which is good, like as our grandfathers did: they chose to speak the sentiments of their mind: all the Five Nations know me, and know that I always spoke truth; and so you shall find, when I come to your council fire.” Gives a string.
The above Delaware George had in company with him,
Cushawmekwy,
Kehkehnopatin,
Captain Peter,
John Peter,
Stinfeor.
4th.—Present, Shingas, King Beaver, Pisquetumen, and several others. I asked what they meant by saying, “They had not rightly heard me yet.” They said,
“Brother, you very well know that you have collected all your young men about the country, which makes a large body;58 and now they are standing before our doors;59 you come with good news and fine speeches. Brother, this is what makes us jealous, and we do not know what to think of it: if you had brought the news of peace before your army had begun to march, it would have caused a great deal more good. We do not so readily believe you, because a great many great men and traders have told us, long before the war, that you and the French intended to join and cut all the Indians off. These were people of your own colour, and your own countrymen; and some told us to join the French; for that they would be our fathers: besides, many runaways have told us the same story; and some we took prisoners told us how you would use us, if you caught us: therefore, brother, I say, we cannot conclude, at this time, but must see and hear you once more.” And further they said,
“Now, brother, you are here with us, you are our flesh and blood, speak from the bottom of your heart, will not the French and English join together to cut off the Indians? Speak, brother, from your heart, and tell us the truth, and let us know who were the beginners of the war.”
Then I delivered myself thus:
“Brothers, I love you from the bottom of my heart. I am extremely sorry to see the jealousy so deeply rooted in your hearts and minds. I have told you the truth; and yet, if I was to tell it you a hundred times, it seems you would not rightly believe me. My Indian brothers, I wish you would draw your hearts to God, that he may convince you of the truth.
“I do now declare, before God, that the English never did, nor never will, join with the French to destroy you. As far as I know, the French are the beginners of this war. Brothers, about twelve years ago, you may remember, they had war with the English, and they both agreed to articles of peace. The English gave up Cape Breton in Acadia, but the French never gave up the part of that country, which they had agreed to give up; and, in a very little time, made their Children strike the English. This was the first cause of the war. Now, brothers; if any body strike you three times, one after another, you still sit still and consider: they strike you again, then, my brothers, you say, it is time, and you will rise up to defend yourselves. Now, my brothers, this is exactly the case between the French and English. Consider farther, my brothers, what a great number of our poor back inhabitants have been killed since the French came to the Ohio. The French are the cause of their death, and if they were not there, the English would not trouble themselves to go there. They go no where to war, but where the French are. Those wicked people that set you at variance with the English, by telling you many wicked stories, are papists in French pay: besides, there are many among us, in the French service, who appear like gentlemen, and buy Irish papist servants, and promise them great rewards to run away to you and strengthen you against the English, by making them appear as black as devils.”
This day arrived here two hundred French and Indians, on their way to fort Duquesne. They staid all night. In the middle of the night king Beaver’s daughter died, on which a great many guns were fired in the town.
5th.—It made a general stop in my journey. The French said to their Children, they should catch me privately, or get my scalp. The commander wanted to examine me, as he was going to fort Duquesne. When they told me of it, I said, as he was going to fort Duquesne, he might enquire about me there: I had nothing at all to say, or do with the French: they would tell them every particular they wanted to know in the fort. They all came into the house where I was, as if they would see a new creature.
In the afternoon there came six Indians, and brought three German prisoners, and two scalps of the Catabaws.
As Daniel blamed the English, that they never paid him for his trouble, I asked him whether he was pleased with what I paid him. He said, no. I said, “Brother, you took as much as you pleased.” I asked you, whether you was satisfied; you said, yes. I told him, I was ashamed to hear him blame the country so. I told him, “You shall have for this journey whatever you desire, when I reach the inhabitants.”
6th.—Pisquetumen, Tom Hickman and Shingas told me,
“Brother, it is good that you have stayed so long with us; we love to see you, and wish to see you here longer; but since you are so desirous to go, you may set off to morrow: Pisquetumen has brought you here, and he may carry you home again: you have seen us, and we have talked a great deal together, which we have not done for a long time before. Now, Brother, we love you, but cannot help wondering why the English and French do not make up with one another, and tell one another not to fight on our land.”
I told them, “Brother, if the English told the French so a thousand times, they never would go away. Brother, you know so long as the world has stood there has not been such a war. You know when the French lived on the other side, the war was there, and here we lived in peace. Consider how many thousand men are killed, and how many houses are burned since the French lived here; if they had not been here it would not have been so; you know we do not blame you; we blame the French; they are the cause of this war; therefore, we do not come to hurt you, but to chastise the French.”
They told me, that at the great council, held at Onondago, among the Five Nations, before the war began (Conrad Weiser was there, and wrote every thing down) it was said to the Indians at the Ohio, that they should let the French alone there, and leave it entirely to the Five Nations; the Five Nations would know what to do with them. Yet soon after two hundred French and Indians came and built Fort Duquesne.
King Beaver and Shingas spoke to Pisquetumen.
“Brother, you told us that the Governor of Philadelphia and Teedyuscung took this man out of their bosoms, and put him into your bosom, that you should bring him here; and you have brought him here to us; and we have seen and heard him; and now we give him into your bosom, to bring him to the same place again, before the Governor; but do not let him quite loose; we shall rejoice when we shall see him here again.” They desired me to speak to the Governor, in their behalf, as follows:
“Brother, we beg you to remember our oldest brother, Pisquetumen, and furnish him with good cloathes, and reward him well for his trouble; for we shall look upon him when he comes back.”
7th.—When we were ready to go, they began to council which course we should go, to be safest; and then they hunted for the horses, but could not find them; and so we lost that day’s journey.
It is a troublesome cross and heavy yoke to draw this people: They can punish and squeeze a body’s heart to the utmost. I suspect the reason they kept me here so long was by instigation of the French. I remember somebody told me, the French told them to keep me twelve days longer, for that they were afraid I should get back too soon, and give information to the general. My heart has been very heavy here, because they kept me for no purpose. The Lord knows how they have been counselling about my life; but they did not know who was my protector and deliverer: I believe my Lord has been too strong against them; my enemies have done what lies in their power.
8th.—We prepared for our journey on the morning, and made ourselves ready. There came some together and examined me what I had wrote yesterday. I told them, I wondered what need they had to concern themselves about my writing. They said, if they knew I had wrote about the prisoners, they would not let me go out of the town. I told them what I writ was my duty to do. “Brothers, I tell you, I am not afraid of you, if there were a thousand more. I have a good conscience before God and man. I tell you I have wrote nothing about the prisoners. I tell you, Brothers, this is not good; there’s a bad spirit in your heart, which breeds that jealousy; and it will keep you ever in fear, that you will never get rest. I beg you would pray to God, for grace to resist that wicked spirit, that breeds such wicked jealousies in you; which is the reason you have kept me here so long. How often have I begged of you to dispatch me? I am ashamed to see you so jealous; I am not, in the least, afraid of you. Have I not brought writings to you? and what, do you think I must not carry some home, to the Governor? or, shall I shut my mouth, and say nothing? Look into your hearts, and see if it would be right or wrong, if any body gives a salutation to their friends, and it is not returned in the same way. You told me many times how kind you were to the prisoners, and now you are afraid that any of them should speak to me.”60
They told me, they had cause to be afraid; and then made a draught, and shewed me how they were surrounded with war. Then I told them, if they would be quiet, and keep at a distance, they need not fear. Then they went away, very much ashamed, one after another. I told my men, that we must make haste and go; accordingly we set off, in the afternoon, from Kushkushkee, and came ten miles.
9th.—We took a little foot-path hardly to be seen. We left it, and went through thick bushes, till we came to a mire, which we did not see, till we were in it; and Tom Hickman fell in, and almost broke his leg. We had hard work before we could get the horse out again. The Lord helped me, that I got safe from my horse. I and Pisquetumen had enough to do to come through. We passed many such places: it rained all day; and we got a double portion of it, because we received all that hung on the bushes. We were as wet as if we were swimming all the day; and at night we laid ourselves down in a swampy place to sleep, where we had nothing but the heavens for our covering.
10th.—We had but little to live on. Tom Hickman shot a deer on the road. Every thing here, upon the Ohio, is extremely dear, much more so than in Pennsylvania: I gave for one dish of corn four hundred and sixty wampum. They told me that the Governor of fort Duquesne kept a store of his own, and that all the Indians must come and buy the goods of him; and when they come and buy, he tells them, if they will go to war, they shall have as much goods as they please. Before I set off, I heard further, that a French captain who goes to all the Indian towns61 came to Sacunck, and said, “Children, will you not come and help your father against the English?” They answered, “Why should we go to war against our brethren? They are now our friends.” “O! Children,” said he, “I hope you do not own them for friends.” “Yes,” said they, “We do; we are their friends, and we hope they will remain ours.” “O! Children, said he, you must not believe what you have heard, and what has been told you by that man.” They said to him, “Yes, we do believe him more than we do you: it was you that set us against them; and we will by and by have peace with them;” and then he spoke not a word more, but returned to the fort. So, I hope, some good is done: praised be the name of the Lord.
11th.—Being Monday, we went over Antigoc:62 we went down a very steep hill, and our horses slipt so far, that I expected, every moment, they would fall heels over head. We found fresh Indian tracts on the other side of the river. We crossed Allegheny river, and went through the bushes upon a high hill, and slept upon the side of the mountain, without fire, for fear of the enemy. It was a cold night, and I had but a thin blanket to cover myself.
12th.—We made a little fire, to warm ourselves in the morning. Our horses began to be weary with climbing up and down these steep mountains. We came this night to the top of a mountain, where we found a log-house. Here we made a small fire, just to boil ourselves a little victuals. The Indians were very much afraid, and lay with their guns and tomhocks on all night. They heard somebody run and whisper in the night. I slept very sound, and in the morning they asked me, if I was not afraid the enemy Indians would kill me. I said, “No, I am not afraid of the Indians, nor the devil himself: I fear my great Creator, God.” “Aye, they said, you know you will go to a good place when you die, but we do not know that: that makes us afraid.”
13th.—In the afternoon we twice crossed Chowatin, and came to Ponchestanning,63 an old deserted Indian town, that lies on the same creek. We went through a bad swamp, where were very thick sharp thorns, so that they tore our cloaths and flesh, both hands and face, to a bad degree. We had this kind of road all the day. In the evening we made a fire, and then they heard something rush, in the bushes, as though they heard somebody walk. Then we went about three gun-shot from our fire, and could not find a place to lie down on, for the innumerable rocks; so that we were obliged to get small stones to fill up the hollow places in the rocks, for our bed; but it was very uneasy; almost shirt and skin grew together. They kept watch one after another all night.
14th.—In the morning, I asked them what made them afraid. They said, I knew nothing; the French had set a great price on my head; and they knew there was gone out a great scout to lie in wait for me. We went over great mountains and a very bad road.
15th.—We came to Susquehanna, and crossed it six times, and came to Catawaweshink, where had been an old Indian town.64 In the evening there came three Indians, and said they saw two Indian tracks, which came to the place where we slept, and turned back, as if to give information of us to a party; so that we were sure they followed us.
16th and 17th.—We crossed the mountain.
18th.—Came to the Big Island, where having nothing to live on, we were obliged to stay to hunt.
19th.—We met 20 warriors, who were returning from the inhabitants, with five prisoners and one scalp; six of them were Delawares, the rest Mingoes. We sat down all in one ring together. I informed them where I had been, and what was done; they asked me to go back a little, and so I did, and slept all night with them. I informed them of the particulars of the peace proposed; they said, “If they had known so much before, they would not have gone to war. Be strong; if you make a good peace, then we will bring all the prisoners back again.” They killed two deer, and gave me one.
20th.—We took leave of each other, and went on our journey, and arrived the 22d at fort Augusta, in the afternoon, very weary and hungry; but greatly rejoiced of our return from this tedious journey.
There is not a prouder, or more high minded people, in themselves, than the Indians. They think themselves the wisest and prudentest men in the world; and that they can over-power both the French and English when they please. The white people are, in their eyes, nothing at all. They say, that through their conjuring craft they can do what they please, and nothing can withstand them. In their way of fighting they have this method, to see that they first shoot the officers and commanders; and then, they say, we shall be sure to have them. They also say, that if their conjurers run through the middle of our people, no bullet can hurt them. They say too, that when they have shot the commanders, the soldiers will all be confused, and will not know what to do. They say of themselves, that every one of them is like a king and captain, and fights for himself. By this way they imagine they can overthrow any body of men, that may come against them. They say, “The English people are fools; they hold their guns half man high, and then let them snap: we take sight and have them at a shot, and so do the French; they do not only shoot with a bullet, but big swan shot.” They say, the French load with a bullet and six swan-shot. They further say, “We take care to have the first shot at our enemies, and then they are half dead before they begin to fight.”
The Indians are a people full of jealousy, and will not easily trust any body; and they are very easily affronted, and brought into jealousy; then afterwards they will have nothing at all to do with those they suspect; and it is not brought so easy out of their minds; they keep it to their graves, and leave the seed of it in their children and grand children’s minds; so, if they can, they will revenge themselves for every imagined injury. They are a very distrustful people. Through their imagination and reason they think themselves a thousand times stronger than all other people. Fort du Quesne is said to be under-mined. The French have given out, that, if we over-power them, and they should die, we should certainly all die with them. When I came to the fort, the garrison, it was said, consisted of about one thousand four hundred men; and I am told they will now be full three thousand French and Indians. They are almost all Canadians, and will certainly meet the general before he comes to the fort, in an ambush. You may depend upon it the French will make no open field-battle, as in the old country, but lie in ambush. The Canadians are all hunters. The Indians have agreed to draw back; but how far we may give credit to their promises the Lord knows. It is the best way to be on our guard against them, as they really could with one thousand over-power eight thousand.
Thirty-two nights I lay in the woods; the heavens were my covering. The dew came so hard sometimes, that it pinched close to the skin. There was nothing that laid so heavy on my heart, as the man that went along with me. He thwarted me in every thing I said or did; not that he did it against me, but against the country, on whose business I was sent: I was afraid he would overthrow what I went about. When he was with the English he would speak against the French, and when with the French against the English. The Indians observed that he was a false fellow, and desired me, that I would not bring him any more, to transact any business between the English and them; and told me, it was through his means I could not have the liberty to talk with the prisoners.
Praise and glory be to the Lamb, that has been slain, and brought me through the country of dreadful jealousy and mistrust, where the prince of this world has his rule and government over the children of disobedience.
The Lord has preserved me through all the dangers and difficulties, that I have ever been under. He directed me according to his will, by his holy spirit. I had no one to converse with but him. He brought me under a thick, heavy, and dark cloud, into the open air; for which I adore, praise, and worship the Lord my God, that I know has grasped me in his hands, and has forgiven me for all sins, and sent and washed my heart with his most precious blood; that I now live not for myself, but for him that made me; and to do his holy will is my pleasure. I own that, in the children of light, there dwells another kind of spirit, than there does in the children of this world; therefore, these two spirits cannot rightly agree in fellowship.
Christian Frederick Post.
THE JOURNAL OF CHRISTIAN FREDERICK POST, ON A MESSAGE FROM THE GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO THE INDIANS ON THE OHIO, IN THE LATTER PART OF THE SAME YEAR.
October 25th, 1758.—Having received the orders of the honourable Governor Denny,65 I set out from Easton to Bethlehem, and arrived there about three o’clock in the afternoon; I was employed most of the night, in preparing myself with necessaries, &c. for the journey.
26th.—Rose early, but my horse being lame, though I travelled all the day, I could not, till after night, reach to an inn, about ten miles from Reading.
27th.—I set out early, and about seven o’clock in the morning came to Reading, and there found Captain Bull, Mr. Hays,66 and the Indians just mounted, and ready to set out on their journey; they were heartily glad to see me; Pisquetomen stretched out his arms, and said, “Now, Brother, I am glad I have got you in my arms, I will not let you go, I will not let you go again from me, you must go with me:” and I likewise said the same to him, and told him, “I will accompany you, if you will go the same way as I must go.” And then I called them together, in Mr. Weiser’s house, and read a letter to them, which I had received from the Governor, which is as follows, viz.
“To Pisquetomen and Thomas Hickman, to Totiniontenna and Shickalamy, and to Isaac Still.67
“Brethren, Mr. Frederick Post is come express from the general, who sends his compliments to you, and desires you would come by the way of his camp, and give him an opportunity of talking with you.
“By this string of wampum I request of you to alter your intended rout by way of Shamokin,68 and to go to the general,69 who will give you a kind reception. It is a nigher way, in which you will be better supplied with provisions, and can travel with less fatigue and more safety.
“William Denny.
“Easton, October 23d, 1758.”
To which I added, “Brethren, I take you by this string,70 by the hand, and lift you from this place, and lead you along to the general.”
After which they consulted among themselves, and soon resolved to go with me. We shook hands with each other, and Mr. Hays immediately set out with them; after which, having with some difficulty procured a fresh horse, in the king’s service, I set off about noon with captain Bull; and when we came to Conrad Weiser’s plantation, we found Pisquetomen lying on the ground very drunk,71 which obliged us to stay there all night; the other Indians were gone eight miles farther on their journey.
28th.—We rose early, and I spoke to Pisquetomen a great deal; he was very sick, and could hardly stir; when we overtook the rest, we found them in the same condition; and they seemed discouraged, from going the way to the general; and wanted to go through the woods. I told them, I was sorry to see them wavering, and reminded them, that when I went to their towns, I was not sent to the French, but when your old men insisted on my going to them, I followed their advice, and went; and as the general is, in the king’s name, over the provinces, in matters of war and peace, and the Indians, at Allegheny,72 want to know, whether all the English governments will join in the peace with them; the way to obtain full satisfaction is to go to him, and there you will receive another great belt to carry home; which I desire you seriously to take into consideration. They then resolved to go to Harris’s ferry, and consider about it as they went;—we arrived there late in the night.73
29th.—In the morning, the two Cayugas being most desirous of going through the woods, the others continued irresolute;74 upon which I told them, “I wish you would go with good courage, and with hearty resolution,” and repeated what I had said to them yesterday, and reminded them, as they were messengers, they should consider what would be the best for their whole nation; “consult among yourselves, and let me know your true mind and determination;” and I informed them, I could not go with them, unless they would go to the general, as I had messages to deliver him. After which, having consulted together, Pesquitomen came and gave me his hand, and said, “Brother, here is my hand, we have all joined to go with you, and we put ourselves under your protection to bring us safe through, and to secure us from all danger.” We came that night to Carlisle75 and found a small house without the fort, for the Indians to be by themselves, and hired a woman to dress their victuals, which pleased them well.
30th.—Setting out early, we came to Shippensburg,76 and were lodged in the fort, where the Indians had a house to themselves.
31st.—Set out early; in our passing by Chambers Fort,77 some of the Irish people, knowing some of the Indians, in a rash manner exclaimed against them, and we had some difficulty to get them off clear. At fort Loudon we met about sixteen of the Cherokees, who came in a friendly manner to our Indians, enquiring for Bill Sockum,78 and shewed the pipe79 they had received from the Shawanese, and gave it, according to their custom, to smoak out of, and said, they hoped they were friends of the English. They knew me. Pesquitomen begged me to give him some wampum, that he might speak to them: I gave him 400 white wampum, and he then said to them:—“We formerly had friendship one with another; we are only messengers, and cannot say much, but by these strings we let you know we are friends, and we are about settling a peace with the English, and wish to be at peace also with you, and all other Indians.”—And informed them further, they came from a treaty, which was held at Easton, between the Eight United Nations and their confederates, and the English; in which peace was established; and shewed them the two messengers from the Five Nations, who were going, with them, to make it known to all the Indians to the westward. Then the Cherokees answered and said; “they should be glad to know how far the friendship was to reach; they, for themselves, wished it might reach from the sun-rise to the sun-set; for, as they were in friendship with the English, they would be at peace with all their friends, and at war with their enemies.”
Nov. 1.—We reached fort Littleton,80 in company with the Cherokees, and were lodged, in the fort; they, and our Indians, in distinct places; and they entertained each other with stories of their warlike adventures.
2d.—Pesquitomen said to me, “you have led us this way, through the fire; if any mischief should befal us, we shall lay it entirely to you; for we think it was your doing, to bring us this way; you should have told us at Easton, if it was necessary we should go to the general.”
I told him, “that I had informed the great men, at Easton, that I then thought it would be best not to let them go from thence, till they had seen the general’s letter; and assured them that it was agreeable to the general’s pleasure.”
3d.—Pesquitomen began to argue with captain Bull and Mr. Hays, upon the same subject, as they did with me, when I went to them with my first message; which was, “that they should tell them, whether the general would claim the land as his own, when he should drive the French away? or, whether the English thought to settle the country? We are always jealous the English will take the land from us. Look, brother, what makes you come with such a large body of men, and make such large roads into our country; we could drive away the French ourselves, without your coming into our country.”
Then I desired captain Bull and Mr. Hays to be careful how they argued with the Indians; and be sure to say nothing, that might affront them; for it may prove to our disadvantage, when we come amongst them. This day we came to Rays-town,81 and with much difficulty got a place to lodge the Indians by themselves, to their satisfaction.
4th.—We intended to set out, but our Indians told us, the Cherokees had desired them to stay that day, as they intended to hold a council; and they desired us to read over to them the governor’s message; which we accordingly did. Pesquitomen, finding Jenny Frazer there, who had been their prisoner, and escaped, spoke to her a little rashly. Our Indians, waiting all the day, and the Cherokees not sending to them, were displeased.
5th.—Rose early, and, it raining smartly, we asked our Indians, if they would go; which they took time to consult about.
The Cherokees came and told them, the English had killed about thirty of their people, for taking some horses, which they resented much; and told our Indians they had better go home, than go any farther with us, lest they should meet with the same. On hearing this, I told them how I had heard it happened; upon which our Indians said, they had behaved like fools, and brought the mischief on themselves.
Pesquitomen, before we went from hence, made it up with Jenny Frazer, and they parted good friends; and though it rained hard, we set out at 10 o’clock, and got to the foot of the Alleghenny, and lodged at the first run of water.
6th.—One of our horses went back; we hunted a good while for him. Then we set off, and found one of the worst roads that ever was travelled until Stoney creek.82 Upon the road we overtook a great number of pack horses; whereon Pesquitomen said, “Brother, now you see, if you had not come to us before, this road would not be so safe as it is; now you see, we could have destroyed all this people on the road, and great mischief would have been done, if you had not stopt, and drawn our people back.”—We were informed that the general was not yet gone to fort Duquesne, wherefore Pesquitomen said, he was glad, and expressed, “If I can come to our towns before the general begins the attack, I know our people will draw back, and leave the French.”—We lodged this night at Stoney creek.
7th.—We arose early, and made all the haste we could on our journey; we crossed the large creek, Rekempalin; near Lawrel hill. Upon this hill we overtook the artillery, and came, before sun set, to Loyal Hanning.83 We were gladly received in the camp by the general, and most of the people. We made our fire near the other Indian camps; which pleased our people. Soon after some of the officers came, and spoke very rashly to our Indians, in respect to their conduct to our people; at which they were much displeased, and answered as rashly, and said, “they did not understand such usage; for they were come upon a message of peace; if we had a mind to war, they knew how to help themselves; and they were not afraid of us.”
8th.—At eleven o’clock the general called the Indians together, the Cherokees and Catawbas being present; he spake to them in a kind and loving manner, and bid them heartily welcome to his camp, and expressed his joy to see them, and desired them to give his compliments to all their kings and captains:—He desired them that had any love for the English nation, to withdraw from the French; for if he should find them among the French, he must treat them as enemies, as he should advance with a large army very soon, and cannot wait longer on account of the winter season. After that he drank the king’s health, and all that wish well to the English nation; then he drank king Beaver’s, Shingas; and all the warrior’s healths, and recommended us (the messengers) to their care; and desired them to give credit to what we should say. After that we went to another house with the general alone; and he shewed them the belt, and said, he would furnish them with a writing, for both the belt and string; and after a little discourse more, our Indians parted in love, and well satisfied. And we made all necessary preparations for our journey.
9th.—Some of the colonels and chief commanders wondered how I came through so many difficulties, and how I could rule and bring these people to reason, making no use of gun or sword. I told them, it is done by no other means than by faith. Then they asked me, if I had faith to venture myself to come safe through with my companions. I told them, it was in my heart to pray for them, “you know that the Lord has given many promises to his servants, and what he promises, you may depend upon, he will perform.”—Then they wished us good success. We waited till almost noon for the writing of the general. We were escorted by an hundred men, rank and file, commanded by captain Haselet;84 we passed through a tract of good land, about six miles on the old trading path, and came to the creek again, where there is a large fine bottom, well timbered; from thence we came upon a hill, to an advanced breast work, about ten miles from the camp, well situated for strength, facing a small branch of the aforesaid creek; the hill is steep down, perpendicular about twenty feet, on the south side; which is a great defence; and on the west side the breast-work about seven feet high, where we encamped that night:85 our Indian companions heard that we were to part in the morning, and that twelve men were to be sent with us, and the others, part of the company, to go towards fort Duquesne. Our Indians desired that the captain would send twenty men, instead of twelve; that if any accident should happen, they could be more able to defend themselves in returning back; “for we know, say they, the enemy will follow the smallest party.” It began to rain. Within five miles from the breast-work we departed from captain Haselet; he kept the old trading path to the Ohio. Lieutenant Hays86 was ordered to accompany us to the Alleghenny river87 with fourteen men. We went the path that leads along the Loyal Hanning creek, where there is a rich fine bottom, land well timbered, good springs and small creeks. At four o’clock we were alarmed by three men, in Indian dress; and preparation was made on both sides for defence. Isaac Still shewed a white token, and Pesquitomen gave an Indian halloo; after which they threw down their bundles, and ran away as fast as they could. We afterwards took up their bundles, and found that it was a small party of our men, that had been long out. We were sorry that we had scared them; for they lost their bundles with all their food. Then, I held a conference with our Indians, and asked them, if it would not be good, to send one of our Indians to Logstown and fort Duquesne, and call the Indians from thence, before we arrive at Kushkushking. They all agreed it would not be good, as they were but messengers; it must be done by their chief men. The wolves made a terrible music this night.
11th.—We started early, and came to the old Shawanese town, called Keckkeknepolin,88 grown up thick with weeds, briars and bushes, that we scarcely could get through. Pesquitomen led us upon a steep hill, that our horses could hardly get up; and Thomas Hickman’s horse stumbled, and rolled down the hill like a wheel; on which he grew angry, and would go no further with us, and said, he would go by himself: It happened we found a path on the top of the hill. At three o’clock we came to Kiskemeneco, an old Indian town, a rich bottom, well timbered, good fine English grass, well watered, and lays waste since the war began.89 We let our horses feed here, and agreed that lieutenant Hays might go back with his party; and as they were short of provisions, we, therefore, gave them a little of ours, which they took very kind of us. Thomas Hickman could find no other road, and came to us again a little ashamed; we were glad to see him; and we went about three miles farther, where we made a large fire. Here the Indians looked over their presents, and grumbled at me; they thought, if they had gone the other way by Shamokin, they would have got more. Captain Bull spoke in their favour against me. Then I said to them, “I am ashamed to see you grumble about presents; I thought you were sent to establish a peace.” Though I confess I was not pleased that the Indians were so slightly fitted out from Easton, as the general had nothing to give them, in the critical circumstances he was in, fit for their purpose.
12th.—Early in the morning, I spoke to the Indians of my company, “Brethren, you have now passed through the heart of the country back and forward, likewise through the midst of the army, without any difficulty or danger; you have seen and heard a great deal. When I was among you, at Alleghenny, you told me, I should not regard what the common people would say, but only hearken to the chiefs; I should take no bad stories along. I did accordingly; and when I left Alleghenny I dropt all evil reports, and only carried the agreeable news, which was pleasing to all that heard it. Now, brethren, I beg of you to do the same, and to drop all evil reports, which you may have heard of bad people, and only to observe and keep what you have heard of our rulers, and the wise people, so that all your young men, women and children, may rejoice at our coming to them, and may have the benefit of it.”
They took it very kindly. After awhile they spoke in the following manner to us, and said, “Brethren, when you come to Kushkushking, you must not mind the prisoners, and have nothing to do with them. Mr. Post, when he was first there, listened too much to the prisoners; the Indians were almost mad with him for it, and would have confined him for it; for, they said, he had wrote something of them.”
As we were hunting for our horses, we found Thomas Hickman’s horse dead, which rolled yesterday down the hill. At one o’clock we came to the Alleghenny, to an old Shawano town, situated under a high hill on the east, opposite an island of about one hundred acres, very rich land, well timbered.90 We looked for a place to cross the river, but in vain; we then went smartly to work, and made a raft; we cut the wood, and carried it to the water side. The wolves and owls made a great noise in the night.
13th.—We got up early, and boiled some chocolate for breakfast, and then began to finish our rafts; we cloathed ourselves as well as we could in Indian dress; it was about two o’clock in the afternoon, before we all got over to the other side, near an old Indian town. The Indians told us, we should not call Mr. Bull, captain, their young men would be mad that we brought a warrior there. We went up a steep hill, good land, to the creek Cowewanick,91 where we made our fire. They wanted to hunt for meat, and looked for a road. Captain Bull shot a squirrel, and broke his gun. I cut fire wood, and boiled some chocolate for supper. The others came home, and brought nothing. Pesquitomen wanted to hear the writing from the general, which we read to them, to their great satisfaction. This was the first night we slept in the open air. Mr. Bull took the tent along with him. We discoursed a good deal of the night together.
14th.—We rose early, and thought to make good progress on our way. At one o’clock Thomas Hickman shot a large buck; and, as our people were hungry for meat, we made our camp there, and called the water Buck run. In the evening we heard the great guns fire from fort Duquesne. Whenever I looked towards that place, I felt a dismal impression, the very place seemed shocking and dark. Pesquitomen looked his things over, and found a white belt, sent by the commissioners of trade,92 for the Indian affairs. We could find no writing concerning the belt, and did not know what was the signification thereof: They seemed much concerned to know it.
15th.—We arose early, and had a good day’s journey: we passed these two days through thick bushes of briars and thorns; so that it was very difficult to get through. We crossed the creek Paquakonink; the land is very indifferent. At twelve o’clock we crossed the road from Venango to fort Duquesne. We went west towards Kushkushking, about sixteen miles from the fort. We went over a large barren plain, and made our lodging by a little run. Pesquitomen told us, we must send a messenger, to let them know of our coming, as the French live amongst them; he desired a string of wampum; I gave him three hundred and fifty. We concluded to go within three miles of Kushkushking, to their sugar cabbins,93 and to call their chiefs there. In discourse, Mr. Bull told the Indians, the English should let all the prisoners stay amongst them, that liked to stay.
16th.—We met two Indians on the road, and sat down with them to dinner. They informed us that no body was at home, at Kushkushking; that one hundred and fifty, from that town, were gone to war against our party. We crossed the above mentioned creek; good land, but hilly. Went down a long valley to Beaver creek, through old Kushkushking,94 a large spot of land, about three miles long; they both went with us to the town; one of them rode before us, to let the people in the town know of our coming; we found there but two men, and some women. Those, that were at home, received us kindly. Pesquitomen desired us to read the message to them that were there.
17th.—There were five Frenchmen in the town; the rest were gone to war. We held a council with Delaware George, delivered him the string and presents, that were sent to him; and informed him of the general’s sentiments, and what he desired of them; upon which he agreed, and complied to go with Mr. Bull, to the general. Towards night Keckkenepalin came home from the war, and told us the disagreeable news, that they had fallen in with that party, that had guided us; they had killed Lieutenant Hays, and four more, and took five prisoners, the others got clear off. They had a skirmish with them within twelve miles of fort Duquesne. Further he told us, that one of the captives was to be burnt, which grieved us. By the prisoners they were informed of our arrival; on which they concluded to leave the French, and to hear what news we brought them. In the evening they brought a prisoner to town. We called the Indians together, that were at home, and explained the matter to them, and told them, as their own people had desired the general to give them a guide to conduct them safe home and by a misfortune, your people have fallen in with this party, and killed five and taken five prisoners; and we are now informed that one of them is to be burnt; “Consider, my brethren, if you should give us a guide, to bring us safe on our way home, and our parties should fall in with you, how hard you would take it.”
They said, “Brother, it is a hard matter, and we are sorry it hath happened so.” I answered, “Let us therefore spare no pains to relieve them from any cruelty.” We could scarce find a messenger, that would undertake to go to Sawcung, where the prisoner was to be bu[r]nt. We promised to one named Compass, 500 black wampum, and Mr. Hays gave him a shirt and a dollar, on which he promised to go. We sent him as a messenger. By a string of wampum I spoke these words, “Brethren, consider the messengers are come home with good news, and three of your brethren, the English, with them. We desire you would pity your own young men, women and children, and use no hardships towards the captives, as having been guiding our party.”
Afterwards the warriors informed us, that their design had not been to go to war, but that they had a mind to go to the general and speak with him; and on the road the French made a division among them, that they could not agree; after which they were discovered by the Cherokees and Catawbas, who fled, and left their bundles, where they found an English colour. So Kekeuscung told them he would go before them to the general, if they would follow him; but they would not agree to it; and the French persuaded them to fall upon the English at Loyal-hanning;95 they accordingly did, and as they were driven back, they fell in with that party, that guided us, which they did not know. They seemed very sorry for it.
18th.—Captain Bull acted as commander, without letting us know any thing, or communicating with us. He and George relieved a prisoner from the warriors, by what means I do not know. When the warriors were met, he then called us first to sit down, and to hear what they had to say. The Indian that delivered the prisoner to Bull and George, spoke as follows:
“My brethren, the English are at such a distance from us, as if they were under ground, that I cannot hear them. I am very glad to hear from you such good news; and I am very sorry that it happened so, that I went to war. Now I let the general know, he should consider his young men, and if you should have any of us, to set them at liberty, so as we do to you.”
Then Pesquitomen said, “As the Governor gave these three messengers into my bosom, so I now likewise, by this string of wampum, give Bull into Delaware George’s bosom, to bring him safe to the general.” Mr. Bull sat down with the prisoner, who gave him some intelligence in writing; at which the Indians grew very jealous and asked them what they had to write there? I wrote a letter to the general by Mr. Bull. In the afternoon Mr. Bull, Delaware George, and Keskenepalen set out for the camp. Towards night they brought in another prisoner. When Mr. Bull and company were gone, the Indians took the same prisoner, whom Mr. Bull had relieved, and bound him and carried him to another town, without our knowledge. I a thousand times wished Mr. Bull had never meddled in the affair, fearing they would exceedingly punish, and bring the prisoner to confession of the contents of the writing.
19th.—A great many of the warriors came home. The French had infused bad notions into the Indians, by means of the letters, they found upon Lieutenant Hays, who was killed, which they falsely interpreted to them, viz. That, in one letter it was wrote, that the general should do all that was in his power to conquer the French, and, in the mean time the messengers to the Indians should do their utmost to draw the Indians back, and keep them together in conferences, till he, the general, had made a conquest of the French, and afterwards he should fall upon all Indians, and destroy them. And, that, if we should lose our lives, the English would carry on the war, so long as an Indian, or Frenchman was alive. Thereupon the French said to the Indians;
“Now you can see, my children, how the English want to deceive you, and if it would not offend you, I would go and knock these messengers on the head, before you should be deceived by them.” One of the Indian captains spoke to the French and said, “To be sure it would offend us, if you should offer to knock them on the head. If you have a mind to go to war, go to the English army, and knock them on the head, and not these three men, that come with a message to us.”
After this speech the Indians went all off, and left the French. Nevertheless it had enraged some of the young people, and made them suspicious; so that it was a precarious time for us. I said, “Brethren, have good courage, and be strong; let not every wind disturb your mind; let the French bring the letter here; for, as you cannot read, they may tell you thousands of false stories. We will read the letter to you. As Isaac Still96 can read, he will tell you the truth.”
After this all the young men were gathered together, Isaac Still being in company. The young men said, “One that had but half an eye could see that the English only intended to cheat them; and that it was best to knock every one of us messengers on the head.”
Then Isaac began to speak and said, “I am ashamed to hear such talking from you; you are but boys like me; you should not talk of such a thing. There have been thirteen nations at Easton, where they have established a firm peace with the English; and I have heard that the Five Nations were always called the wisest; go tell them that they are fools, and cannot see; and tell them that you are kings, and wise men. Go and tell the Cayuga chiefs so, that are here; and you will become great men.” Afterwards they were all still, and said not one word more.
20th.—There came a great many more together in the town, and brought Henry Osten, the sergeant, who was to have been burnt. They hallooed the war halloo; and the men and women beat him till he came into the house.97 It is a grievous and melancholy sight to see our fellow mortals so abused. Isaac Still had a long discourse with the French captain; who made himself great, by telling how he had fought the English at Loyal-Hanning. Isaac rallied him, and said he had seen them scalp horses, and take others for food. The first he denied, but the second he owned. Isaac ran the captain quite down, before them all. The French captain spoke with the two Cayugas; at last the Cayugas spoke very sharp to him, so that he grew pale, and was quite silent.
These three days past was precarious time for us. We were warned not to go far from the house; because the people who came from the slaughter, having been driven back, were possessed with a murdering spirit; which led them as in a halter, in which they were catched, and with bloody vengeance were thirsty and drunk. This afforded a melancholy prospect. Isaac Still was himself dubious of our lives. We did not let Mr. Hays know of the danger. I said, “As God hath stopped the mouth of the lions, that they could not devour Daniel, so he will preserve us from their fury, and bring us through.” I had a discourse with Mr. Hays concerning our message, and begged him he would pray to God for grace and wisdom, that he would grant us peace among this people. We will remain in stillness, and not look to our own credit. We are in the service of our king and country. This people are rebellious in heart.
Now we are here to reconcile them again to the General, Governor, and the English nation; to turn them again from their errors. And I wished that God would grant us his grace, whereby we may do it; which I hope and believe he will do. Mr. Hays took it to heart and was convinced of all; which much rejoiced me. I begged Isaac Still to watch over himself and not to be discouraged; for I hoped the storm would soon pass by.
In the afternoon all the captains gathered together in the middle town; they sent for us, and desired we should give them information of our message. Accordingly we did. We read the message with great satisfaction to them. It was a great pleasure both to them and us. The number of captains and counsellors were sixteen. In the evening messengers arrived from fort Duquesne, with a string of wampum from the commander; upon which they all came together in the house where we lodged. The messengers delivered their string, with these words from their father, the French King:
“My children, come to me, and hear what I have to say. The English are coming with an army to destroy both you and me. I therefore desire you immediately, my children, to hasten with all the young men; we will drive the English and destroy them. I, as a father, will tell you always what is best.” He laid the string before one of the captains. After a little conversation, the captain stood up and said; “I have just heard something of our brethren the English, which pleaseth me much better. I will not go. Give it to the others, may be they will go.” The messenger took up again the string and said, “He won’t go, he has heard of the English.”98 Then all cried out, “yes, yes, we have heard from the English.” He then threw the string to the other fire place, where the other captains were; but they kicked it from one to another, as if it was a snake. Captain Peter took a stick, and with it flung the string from one end of the room to the other,99 and said, “Give it to the French captain, and let him go with his young men; he boasted much of his fighting; now let us see his fighting. We have often ventured our lives for him; and had hardly a loaf of bread, when we came to him; and now he thinks we should jump to serve him.” Then we saw the French captain mortified to the uttermost; he looked as pale as death. The Indians discoursed and joked till midnight; and the French captain sent messengers at midnight to fort Duquesne.
21st.—We were informed that the general was within twenty miles of fort Duquesne. As the Indians were afraid the English would come over the river Ohio, I spoke with some of the captains, and told them that, “I supposed the general intended to surround the French, and therefore must come to this side the river; but we assure you that he will not come to your towns to hurt you.” I begged them to let the Shawanese at Logstown, know it, and gave them four strings of 300 wampum, with this message; “Brethren, we are arrived with good news, waiting for you; we desire you to be strong, and remember the ancient friendship your grandfathers had with the English. We wish you would remember it, and pity your young men, women and children, and keep away from the French; and if the English should come to surround the French, be not afraid. We assure you they won’t hurt you.”
22d.—Kittiuskund came home, and sent for us, being very glad to see us. He informed us, the general was within fifteen miles of the French fort; that the French had uncovered their houses, and laid the roofs round the fort to set it on fire, and made ready to go off, and would demolish the fort, and let the English have the bare ground; saying; “they are not able to build a strong fort this winter; and we will be early enough in the spring to destroy them. We will come with seventeen nations of Indians, and a great many French, and build a stone fort.”
The Indians danced round the fire till midnight, for joy of their brethren, the English, coming. There went some scouting parties towards the army. Some of the captains told me, that Shamokin Daniel, who came with me in my former journey, had fairly sold me to the French; and the French had been very much displeased that the Indians had brought me away.
23d.—The liar raised a story, as if the English were divided into three bodies, to come on this side the river. They told us the Cayugas, that came with us, had said so. We told the Cayugas of it; on which they called the other Indians together; denied that they ever said so; and said, they were sent to this place from the Five Nations, to tell them to do their best endeavors to send the French off from this country; and when that was done they would go and tell the general to go back over the mountains.
I see the Indians concern themselves very much about the affair of land; and are continually jealous, and afraid the English will take their land. I told them to be still and content themselves, “for there are some chiefs of the Five Nations with the army; they will settle the affair, as they are the chief owners of the land; and it will be well for you to come and speak with the general yourselves.”
Isaac Still asked the French captain, whether it was true, that Daniel had sold me to the French? He owned it, and said, I was theirs, they had bought me fairly; and, if the Indians would give them leave, he would take me.
24th.—We hanged out the English flag, in spite of the French; on which our prisoners folded their hands, in hopes that their redemption was nigh, looking up to God, which melted my heart in tears, and prayers to God, to hear their prayers, and change the times, and the situation, which our prisoners are in, and under which they groan. “O Lord, said they, when will our redemption come, that we shall be delivered, and return home?”—And if any accident happeneth, which the Indians dislike, the prisoners all tremble with fear, saying, “Lord, what will become of us, and what will be the end of our lives?” So that they often wish themselves rather under the ground, than in this life. King Beaver came home, and called us to his house, and saluted us in a friendly manner; which we, in like manner, did to him. Afterwards I spoke by four strings of 350 wampum, and said, as followeth:
“I have a salutation to you, and all your people, from the general, the governor, and many other gentlemen. Brother, it pleases me that the day is come to see you and your people. We have warmed ourselves by your fire, and waited for you, and thank you, that you did come home. We have good news of great importance; which we hope will make you, and all your people’s hearts glad. By these strings I desire you would be pleased to call all your kings and captains, from all the towns and nations; so that they all may hear us, and have the benefit thereof, while they live, and their children after them.”
Then he said, “As soon as I heard of your coming, I rose up directly to come to you.” Then there came another message, which called me to another place, where six kings of six nations were met together. I sent them word, they should sit together a while, and smoke their pipes, and I would come to them. King Beaver said further,
“Brother, it pleaseth me to hear that you brought such good news; and my heart rejoices already at what you said to me. It rejoices me that I have now heard of you.” I said, “Brother, you did well, that you first came here, before you went to the kings; as the good news we brought is to all nations, from the rising of the sun to the going down of the same; that want to be in peace and friendship with the English. So it will give them satisfaction, when they hear it.” The French captain told us, that they would demolish the fort; and he thought the English would be to-day at the place.
25th.—Shingas came home, and saluted us in a friendly manner, and so did Beaver, in our house; and then they told us, they would hear our message; and we perceived that the French captain had an inclination to hear it. We called Beaver and Shingas, and informed them, that all the nations, at Easton, had agreed with the governor, that every thing should be kept secret from the ears and eyes of the French. He said, “it was no matter, they were beaten already. It is good news, and if he would say any thing, we would tell him what friendship we have together.” Accordingly they met together, and the French captain was present. The number consisted of about fifty.
King Beaver first spoke to his men, “Hearken, all you captains and warriors, here are our brethren, the English; I wish that you may give attention, and take notice of what they say. As it is for our good, that there may an everlasting peace be established, although there is a great deal of mischief done, if it pleaseth God to help us, we may live in peace again.”
Then I began to speak by four strings to them, and said,
“Brethren, being come here to see you, I perceive your bodies are all stained with blood, and observe tears and sorrows in your eyes: With this string I clean your body from blood, and wipe and anoint your eyes with the healing oil, so that you may see your brethren clearly. And as so many storms have blown since we last saw one another, and we are at such a distance from you, that you could not rightly hear us as yet, I, by this string, take a soft feather, and with that good oil, our grandfathers used, open and clear your ears, so that you may both hear and understand what your brethren have to say to you. And by these strings I clear your throat from the dust, and take all the bitterness out of your heart, and clear the passage from the heart to the throat, that you may speak freely with your brethren, the English, from the heart.”
Then Isaac Still gave the pipe, sent by the Friends,100 filled with tobacco, and handed round, after their custom, and said:
“Brethren, here is the pipe, which your grandfathers used to smoke with, when they met together in councils of peace. And here is some of that good tobacco, prepared for our grandfathers from God:—When you shall taste of it, you shall feel it through all your body; and it will put you in remembrance of the good councils, your grandfathers used to hold with the English, your brethren, and that ancient friendship, they had together.”
King Beaver rose, and thanked us first, that we had cleared his body from the blood, and wiped the tears and sorrow from his eyes, and opened his ears, so that now he could well hear and understand. Likewise he returned thanks for the pipe and tobacco, that we brought, which our grandfathers used to smoke. He said,—“When I tasted that good tobacco, I felt it all through my body, and it made me all over well.”
Then we delivered the messages, as followeth:
Governor Denny’s answer to the message of the Ohio Indians, brought by Frederick Post, Pesquitomen and Thomas Hickman.
“By this string, my Indian brethren of the United Nations and Delawares, join with me, in requiring of the Indian councils, to which these following messages shall be presented, to keep every thing private from the eyes and ears of the French.” A string.
“Brethren, we received your message by Pesquitomen and Frederick Post, and thank you for the care you have taken of our messenger of peace, and that you have put him in your bosom, and protected him against our enemy, Onontio, and his children, and sent him safe back to our council fire, by the same man, that received him from us.” A string.
“Brethren, I only sent Post to peep into your cabbins, and to know the sentiments of your old men, and to look at your faces, to see how you look. And I am glad to hear from him, that you look friendly; and that there still remain some sparks of love towards us. It was what we believed before hand, and therefore we never let slip the chain of friendship, but held it fast, on our side, and it has never dropt out of our hands. By this belt we desire that you will dig up your end of the chain of friendship, that you suffered, by the subtlety of the French, to be buried.” A belt.
“Brethren, it happened that the governor of Jersey was with me, and a great many Indian brethren, sitting in council at Easton, when your messengers arrived; and it gave pleasure to every one that heard it; and it will afford the same satisfaction to our neighboring governors, and their people, when they come to hear it. I shall send messengers to them, and acquaint them with what you have said.
“Your requesting us to let the king of England know your good dispositions we took to heart, and shall let him know it; and we will speak in your favor to his majesty, who has, for some time past, looked upon you as his lost children. And we can assure you, that, as a tender father over all his children, he will forgive what is past, and receive you again into his arms.” A belt.
“Brethren, if you are in earnest to be reconciled to us, you will keep your young men from attacking our country and killing and carrying captive our back inhabitants; And will likewise give orders, that your people may be kept at a distance from Fort Duquesne; that they may not be hurt by our warriors, who are sent by our king to chastise the French, and not to hurt you. Consider the commanding officer of that army treads heavy, and would be very sorry to hurt any of his Indian brethren.” A large belt.
“And brethren, the chiefs of the United Nations, with their cousins, our brethren, the Delawares, and others now here, jointly with me send this belt, which has upon it two figures, that represent all the English, and all the Indians, now present, taking hands, and delivering it to Pesquitomen: and we desire it may be likewise sent to the Indians, who are named at the end of these messages;101 as they have all been formerly our very good friends and allies; and we desire they will all go from among the French to their own towns, and no longer help the French.
“Brethren on the Ohio, if you take the belts we just now gave you, in which all here join, English and Indians, as we do not doubt you will; then, by this belt, I make a road for you, and invite you to come to Philadelphia, to your first old council fire, which was kindled when we first saw one another; which fire we will kindle up again, and remove all disputes, and renew the old and first treaties of friendship. This is a clear and open road for you; fear, therefore, nothing, and come to us with as many as can be of the Delawares, Shawanese, or of the Six Nations: We will be glad to see you; we desire all tribes and nations of Indians, who are in alliance with you, may come. As soon as we hear of your coming, of which you will give us timely notice, we will lay up provisions for you along the road.”
A large white belt, with the figure of a man, at each end, and streaks of black, representing the road from the Ohio to Philadelphia.
“Brethren, the Six Nation and Delaware chiefs join with me in those belts, which are tied together, to signify our union and friendship for each other; with them we jointly take the tomahawks out of your hands, and bury them under ground.
“We speak aloud, so as you may hear us; you see we all stand together, joined hand in hand.” Two belts tied together.
“General Forbes to the Shawanese, and Delawares, on the Ohio.
“Brethren, I embrace this opportunity by our brother, Pesquitomen, who is now on his return home with some of your uncles, of the Six Nations, from the treaty of Easton, of giving you joy of the happy conclusion of that great council, which is perfectly agreeable to me; as it is for the mutual advantage of our brethren, the Indians, as well as the English nation.
“I am glad to find that all past disputes and animosities are now finally settled, and amicably adjusted; and I hope they will be for ever buried in oblivion, and that you will now again be firmly united in the interest of your brethren, the English.”
“As I am now advancing, at the head of a large army, against his majesty’s enemies, the French, on the Ohio, I must strongly recommend to you to send immediate notice to any of your people, who may be at the French fort, to return forthwith to your towns; where you may sit by your fires, with your wives and children, quiet and undisturbed, and smoke your pipes in safety. Let the French fight their own battles, as they were the first cause of the war, and the occasion of the long difference, which hath subsisted between you and your brethren, the English; but I must entreat you to restrain your young men from crossing the Ohio, as it will be impossible for me to distinguish them from our enemies; which I expect you will comply with, without delay; lest, by your neglect thereof, I should be the innocent cause of some of our brethren’s death. This advice take and keep in your own breasts, and suffer it not to reach the ears of the French.
“As a proof of the truth and sincerity of what I say, and to confirm the tender regard I have for the lives and welfare of our brethren, on the Ohio, I send you this string of wampum.
“I am, brethren and warriors,
“Your friend and brother,
“John Forbes.”
“Brethren, kings Beaver and Shingas, and all the warriors, who join with you:
“The many acts of hostility, committed by the French against the British subjects, made it necessary for the king to take up arms, in their defence, and to redress their wrongs, which have been done them; heaven hath favoured the justice of the cause, and given success to his fleets and armies, in different parts of the world. I have received his commands, with regard to what is to be done on the Ohio, and shall endeavour to act like a soldier by driving the French from thence, or destroying them.
“It is a particular pleasure to me to learn, that the Indians, who inhabit near that river, have lately concluded a treaty of peace with the English; by which the ancient friendship is renewed with their brethren, and fixed on a firmer foundation than ever. May it be lasting and unmoveable as the mountains. I make no doubt but it gives you equal satisfaction, and that you will unite your endeavours with mine, and all the governors of these provinces, to strengthen it: The clouds, that, for some time, hung over the English, and their friends, the Indians on the Ohio, and kept them both in darkness, are now dispersed, and the chearful light now again shines upon us, and warms us both. May it continue to do so, while the sun and moon give light.
“Your people, who were sent to us, were received by us with open arms; they were kindly entertained, while they were here; and I have taken care that they shall return safe to you; with them come trusty messengers, whom I earnestly recommend to your protection; they have several matters in charge; and I desire you may give credit to what they say; in particular, they have a large belt of wampum, and by this belt we let you know, that it is agreed by me, and all the governors, that there shall be an everlasting peace with all the Indians, established as sure as the mountains, between the English nation and the Indians, all over, from the sun rising to the sun setting; and as your influence on them is great, so you will make it known to all the different nations, that want to be in friendship with the English; and I hope, by your means and persuasions, many will lay hold on this belt, and immediately withdraw from the French; this will be greatly to their own interest and your honor, and I shall not fail to acquaint the great king of it: I sincerely wish it, for their good; for it will fill me with concern, to find any of you joined with the French; as in that case, you must be sensible I must treat them as enemies; however, I once more repeat, that there is no time to be lost; for I intend to march with the army very soon; and I hope to enjoy the pleasure of thanking you for your zeal, and of entertaining you in the fort ere long. In the mean time I wish happiness and prosperity to you, your women and children.
“I write to you as a warrior should, that is, with candour and love, and I recommend secrecy and dispatch.
“I am, kings Beaver and Shingas,
”And brother warriors,
“Your assured friend and brother,
“John Forbes.”
“From my camp at Loyalhannon, Nov. 9, 1758.”
The messages pleased, and gave satisfaction to all the hearers, except the French captain. He shook his head with bitter grief, and often changed his countenance. Isaac Still ran down the French captain with great boldness, and pointed at him saying, “There he sits.” Afterwards Shingas rose up and said:
“Brethren, now we have rightly heard and understood you, it pleaseth me and all the young men, that hear it; we shall think of it, and take it into due consideration; and when we have considered it well, then we will give you an answer, and send it to all the towns and nations, as you desired us.”
We thanked them and wished them good success in their undertaking; and wished it might have the same effect upon all other nations, that may hereafter hear it, as it had on them. We went a little out of the house. In the mean time Isaac Still demanded the letter, which the French had falsely interpreted, that it might be read in public. Then they called us back, and I, Frederick Post, found it was my own letter, I had wrote to the general. I therefore stood up, and read it, which Isaac interpreted. The Indians were well pleased, and took it as if it was written to them; thereupon they all said: “We always thought the French report of the letter was a lie; they always deceived us:” Pointing at the French captain; who, bowing down his head, turned quite pale, and could look no one in the face. All the Indians began to mock and laugh at him; he could hold it no longer, and went out. Then the Cayuga chief delivered a string, in the name of the Six Nations, with these words:
“Cousins, hear what I have to say; I see you are sorry, and the tears stand in your eyes. I would open your ears, and clear your eyes from tears, so that you may see, and hear what your uncles, the Six Nations, have to say. We have established a friendship with your brethren, the English. We see that you are all over bloody, on your body; I clean the heart from the dust, and your eyes from the tears, and your bodies from the blood, that you may hear and see your brethren, the English, and appear clean before them, and that you may speak from the heart with them.” Delivered four strings.
Then he shewed to them a string from the Cherokees, with these words:
“Nephews, we let you know, that we are exceedingly glad that there is such a firm friendship established, on so good a foundation, with so many nations, that it will last for ever; and, as the Six Nations have agreed with the English, so we wish that you may lay hold of the same friendship. We will remind you, that we were formerly good friends. Likewise we let you know, that the Six Nations gave us a tomahawk, and, if any body offended us, we should strike him with it; likewise they gave me a knife, to take off the scalp. So we let you know, that we are desirous to hear very soon from you, what you determine. It may be we shall use the hatchet very soon, therefore I long to hear from you.”
Then the council broke up. After a little while messengers arrived, and Beaver came into our house, and gave us the pleasure to hear, that the English had the field, and that the French had demolished and burnt the place entirely, and went off; that the commander is gone with two hundred men to Venango, and the rest gone down the river in battoes, to the lower Shawanese town, with an intention to build a fort there; they were seen yesterday passing by Sawcung.
We ended this day with pleasure and great satisfaction on both sides: the Cayuga chief said, he would speak further to them tomorrow.
26th.—We met together about ten o’clock. First, King Beaver addressed himself to the Cayuga chief, and said;
“My uncles, as it is customary to answer one another, so I thank you, that you took so much notice of your cousins, and that you have wiped the tears from our eyes, and cleaned our bodies from the blood; when you spoke to me I saw myself all over bloody; and since you cleaned me I feel myself quite pleasant through my whole body, and I can see the sun shine clear over us.” Delivered four strings.
He said further, “As you took so much pains, and came a great way through the bushes, I, by this string, clean you from the sweat, and clean the dust out of your throat, so that you may speak what you have to say from your brethren, the English, and our uncles, the Six Nations, to your cousins, I am ready to hear.”
Then Petiniontonka, the Cayuga chief, took the belt with eight diamonds,102 and said;
“Cousins, take notice of what I have to say; we let you know what agreement we have made with our brethren, the English. We had almost slipt and dropt the chain of friendship with our brethren, the English; now we let you know that we have renewed the peace and friendship with our brethren, the English; and we have made a new agreement with them. We see that you have dropt the peace and friendship with them. We desire you would lay hold of the covenant, we have made with our brethren, the English, and be strong. We likewise take the tomahawk out of your hands, that you received from the white people; use it no longer; fling the tomahawk away; it is the white people’s; let them use it among themselves; it is theirs, and they are of one colour; let them fight with one another, and do you be still and quiet in Kushkushking. Let our grandchildren, the Shawanese, likewise know of the covenant, we established with our friends, the English, and also let all other nations know it.”
Then he explained to them the eight diamonds, on the belt, signifying the five united nations, and the three younger nations, which join them; these all united with the English. Then he proceeded thus:
“Brethren,” (delivering a belt with eight diamonds, the second belt) “we hear that you did not sit right; and when I came I found you in a moving posture, ready to jump towards the sunset; so we will set you at ease, and quietly down, that you may sit well at Kushkushking; and we desire you to be strong; and if you will be strong, your women and children will see from day to day the light shining more over them; and our children and grand children will see that there will be an everlasting peace established. We desire you to be still; we do not know as yet, what to do; towards the spring you shall hear from your uncles what they conclude; in the mean time do you sit still by your fire at Kushkushking.”
In the evening the devil made a general disturbance, to hinder them in their good disposition. It was reported that they saw three Catawba Indians in their town; and they roved about all that cold night, in great fear and confusion. When I consider with what tyranny and power the prince of this world rules over this people, it breaks my heart over them, and that their redemption may draw nigh, and open their eyes, that they may see what bondage they are in, and deliver them from the evil.
27th.—We waited all the day for an answer. Beaver came and told us, “They were busy all the day long.” He said, “It is a great matter, and wants much consideration. We are three tribes, which must separately agree among ourselves; it takes time before we hear each agreement, and the particulars thereof.” He desired us to read our message once more to them in private; we told them, we were at their service at any time; and then we explained him the whole again. There arrived a messenger from Sawcung, and informed us that four of their people were gone to our camp, to see what the English were about; and that one of them climbing upon a tree was discovered by falling down; and then our people spoke to them; three resolved to go to the other side, and one came back and brought the news, which pleased the company. Some of the captains and counsellors were together; they said, that the French would build a strong fort, at the lower Shawanese town. I answered them, “Brethren, if you suffer the French to build a fort there, you must suffer likewise the English to come and destroy the place; English will follow the French, and pursue them, let it cost whatever it will; and wherever the French settle, the English will follow and destroy them.”
They said, “We think the same, and would endeavour to prevent it, if the English only would go back, after having drove away the French, and not settle there.” I said, “I can tell you no certainty in this affair; it is best for you to go with us to the general, and speak with him. So much I know, that they only want to establish a trade with you; and you know yourselves that you cannot do without being supplied with such goods as you stand in need of; but, brethren, be assured you must entirely quit the French, and have no communication with them, else they will always breed disturbance and confusion amongst you, and persuade your young people to go to war against our brethren, the English.”
I spoke with them further about Venango, and said, I believed the English would go there, if they suffered the French longer to live there. This speech had much influence on them, and they said; “We are convinced of all that you have said; it will be so.” I found them inclined to send off the French from Venango; but they wanted first to know the disposition of the English, and not to suffer the French to build any where.
28th.—King Beaver arose early before the break of day, and bid all his people a good morning, desired them to rise early and prepare victuals; for they had to answer their brethren, the English, and their uncles, and therefore they should be in a good humor and disposition. At ten o’clock they met together; Beaver addressed himself to his people, and said,
“Take notice all you young men and warriors to what we answer now: it is three days since we heard our brethren, the English, and our uncles; and what we have heard of both, is very good; and we are all much pleased with what we have heard. Our uncles have made an agreement, and peace is established with our brethren, the English, and they have shook hands with them; and we likewise agree in the peace and friendship, they have established between them.” Then he spoke to the French captain Canaquais, and said,
“You may hear what I answer; it is good news, that we have heard. I have not made myself a king. My uncles have made me like a queen, that I always should mind what is good and right, and whatever I agree with, they will assist me, and help me through. Since the warriors came amongst us, I could not follow that which is good and right; which has made me heavy; and since it is my duty to do that which is good, so I will endeavour to do and to speak what is good, and not let myself be disturbed by the warriors.”
Then he spoke to the Mingoes, and said,
“My uncles, hear me; It is two days since you told me, that you have made peace and friendship, and shook hands with our brethren, the English. I am really very much pleased with what you told me; and I join with you in the same; and, as you said, I should let the Shawanese and Delamaitanoes know of the agreement, you have made with our brethren, the English, I took it to heart, and shall let them know it very soon.” He delivered a string.
“Look now, my uncles, and hear what your cousins say: you have spoke the day before yesterday to me. I have heard you. You told me, you would set me at Kushkushking easy down. I took it to heart; and I shall do so, and be still, and lay myself easy down, and keep my match-coat close to my breast. You told me, you will let me know in the next spring, what to do; so I will be still, and wait to hear from you.” Gave him a belt.
Then he turned himself to us, and gave us the following answers. First, to the general;
“Brother, by these strings I would desire, in a most kind and friendly manner, you would be pleased to hear me what I have to say, as you are not far off.
“Brother, now you told me you have heard of that good agreement, that has been agreed to, at the treaty at Easton; and that you have put your hands to it, to strengthen it, so that it may last for ever. Brother, you have told me, that after you have come to hear it, you have taken it to heart, and then you sent it to me, and let me know it. Brother, I would desire you would be pleased to hear me, and I would tell you, in a most soft, loving and friendly manner, to go back over the mountain, and to stay there; for, if you will do that, I will use it for an argument, to argue with other nations of Indians. Now, brother, you have told me you have made a road clear, from the sun-set to our first old council fire, at Philadelphia, and therefore I should fear nothing, and come into that road. Brother, after these far Indians shall come to hear of that good and wide road, that you have laid out for us, then they will turn and look at the road, and see nothing in the way; and that is the reason that maketh me tell you to go back over the mountain again, and to stay there; for then the road will be clear, and nothing in the way.”
Then he addressed himself to the Governor of Pennsylvania, as follows;
“Brother, give good attention to what I am going to say; for I speak from my heart; and think nothing the less of it, though the strings be small.103
“Brother, I now tell you what I have heard from you is quite agreeable to my mind; and I love to hear you. I tell you likewise, that all the chief men of Allegheny are well pleased with what you have said to us; and all my young men, women and children, that are able to understand, are well pleased with what you have said to me.
“Brother, you tell me that all the Governors of the several provinces have agreed to a well established and everlasting peace with the Indians; and you likewise tell me, that my uncles, the Six Nations, and my brethren the Delawares, and several other tribes of Indians join with you in it, to establish it, so that it may be everlasting; you likewise tell me, you have all agreed on a treaty of peace to last for ever; and for these reasons I tell you, I am pleased with what you have told me.
“Brother, I am heartily pleased to hear that you never let slip the chain of friendship out of your hands, which our grandfathers had between them, so that they could agree as brethren and friends in any thing.
“Brother, as you have been pleased to let me know of that good and desirable agreement, that you and my uncles and brothers have agreed to, at the treaty of peace, I now tell you I heartily join and agree in it, and to it; and now I desire you to go on steadily in that great and good work, you have taken in hand; and I will do as you desire me to do; that is, to let the other tribes of Indians know it, and more especially my uncles, the Six Nations, and the Shawanese, my grandchildren, and all other nations, settled to the westward.
“Brother, I desire you not to be out of patience, as I have a great many friends at a great distance; and I shall use my best endeavours to let them know it as soon as possible; and as soon as I obtain their answer, shall let you know it.” Then he gave six strings all white.
In the evening arrived a messenger from Sackung, Netodwehement, and desired they should make all the haste to dispatch us, and we should come to Sackung; for, as they did not know what is become of those three, that went to our camp, they were afraid the English would keep them, till they heard what was become of us, their messengers.
29th.—Before day break Beaver and Shingas came, and called us into their council. They had been all the night together. They said; “Brethren, now is the day coming, you will set off from here. It is a good many days since we heard you; and what we have heard is very pleasing and agreeable to us. It rejoices all our hearts; and all our young men, women and children, that are capable to understand, are really very well pleased with what they have heard; it is so agreeable to us, that we never received such good news before; we think God has made it so; he pities us, and has mercy on us. And now, brethren, you desire that I should let it be known to all other nations; and I shall let them know very soon. Therefore Shingas cannot go with you. He must go with me, to help me in this great work; and I shall send nobody, but go myself, to make it known to all nations.”
Then we thanked them for their care; and wished him good success on his journey and undertaking: and, as this message had such a good effect on them, we hoped it would have the same on all other nations, when they came to hear it. I hoped that all the clouds would pass away, and the chearful light would shine over all nations; so I wished them good assistance and help on their journey. Farther, he said to us;
“Now we desire you to be strong;104 because I shall make it my strong argument with other nations; but as we have given credit to what you have said, hoping it is true, and we agree to it; if it should prove the contrary, it would make me so ashamed, that I never could lift up my head, and never undertake to speak any word more for the interest of the English.”
I told them, “Brethren, you will remember that it was wrote to you by the general, that you might give credit to what we say; so I am glad to hear of you, that you give credit; and we assure you, that what we have told you is the truth; and you will find it so.”
They said further, “Brethren, we let you know, that the French have used our people kindly, in every respect; they have used them like gentlemen, especially those that live near them. So they have treated the chiefs. Now we desire you to be strong; we wish you would take the same method, and use our people well: for the other Indians will look upon us;105 and we do not otherwise know how to convince them, and to bring them into the English interest, without your using such means as will convince them. For the French will still do more to keep them to their interest.”
I told them, “I would take it to heart, and inform the Governor, and other gentlemen of it; and speak to them in their favour.” Then they said, “It is so far well, and the road is cleared; but they thought we should send them another call, when they may come.” I told them; “We did not know when they would have agreed with the other nations. Brother, it is you, who must give us the first notice when you can come; the sooner the better; and so soon as you send us word, we will prepare for you on the road.” After this we made ready for our journey.
Ketiushund, a noted Indian, one of the chief counsellors, told us in secret, “That all the nations had jointly agreed to defend their hunting place at Alleghenny, and suffer nobody to settle there; and as these Indians are very much inclined to the English interest, so he begged us very much to tell the Governor, General, and all other people not to settle there. And if the English would draw back over the mountain, they would get all the other nations into their interest; but if they staid and settled there, all the nations would be against them; and he was afraid it would be a great war, and never come to a peace again.”
I promised to inform the Governor, General, and all other people of it, and repeated my former request to them, not to suffer any French to settle amongst them. After we had fetched our horses, we went from Kushkushking, and came at five o’clock to Saccung, in company with twenty Indians. When we came about half way, we met a messenger from fort Duquesne, with a belt from Thomas King,106 inviting all the chiefs to Saccung. We heard at the same time, that Mr. Croghn and Henry Montour would be there to day. The messenger was one of those three, that went to our camp; and it seemed to rejoice all the company; for some of them were much troubled in their minds, fearing that the English had kept them, as prisoners, or killed them. In the evening we arrived at Saccung, on the Beaver creek. We were well received. The king provided for us. After a little while we visited Mr. Croghn and his company.
30th.—In the morning the Indians of the town visited us. About eleven o’clock about forty came together; when we read the message to them; Mr. Croghn, Henry Montour and Thomas King being present. They were all well pleased with the message. In the evening we came together with the chiefs, and explained the signification of the belts; which lasted till eleven o’clock at night.
December 1st.—After hunting a great while for our horses, without finding them, we were obliged to give an Indian three hundred wampum for looking for them. We bought corn for four hundred and fifty wampum for our horses. The Indians met together to hear what Mr. Croghn had to say. Thomas King spoke by a belt, and invited them to come to the general; upon which they all resolved to go.
In the evening the captains and counsellors came together, I and Isaac Still being present; they told us, that they had formerly agreed not to give any credit to any message, sent from the English by Indians; thinking, if the English would have peace with them, they would come themselves; “So soon, therefore, as you came, it was as if the weather changed; and a great cloud passed away, and we could think again on our ancient friendship with our brethren, the English. We have thought since that time, more on the English than ever before, although the French have done all, in their power, to prejudice our young men against the English. Since you now come the second time, we think it is God’s work; he pities us, that we should not all die; and if we should not accept of the peace offered to us, we think God would forsake us.”
In discourse, they spoke about preaching, and said, “They wished many times to hear the word of God; but they were always afraid the English would take that opportunity to bring them into bondage.” They invited me to come and live amongst them; since I had taken so much pains in bringing a peace about between them and the English. I told them, “It might be, that when the peace was firmly established, I would come to proclaim the peace and love of God to them.”
In the evening arrived a message, with a string of wampum, to a noted Indian, Ketiuscund, to come to Wenango, to meet the Unami chief, Quitahicung there; he said that a French Mohock had killed a Delaware Indian; and when he was asked why he did it? He said the French bid him do it.
2d.—Early before we set out, I gave 300 wampums to the Cayugas, to buy some corn for their horses; they agreed that I should go before to the general, to acquaint him of their coming. The Beaver creek being very high, it was almost two o’clock in the afternoon, before we came over the creek; this land seems to be very rich. I, with my companion, Kekiuscund’s son, came to Log’s-town, situated on a hill. On the east end is a great piece of low land, where the old Logs-town used to stand. In the new Logs-town the French have built about thirty houses for the Indians. They have a large corn field on the south side, where the corn stands ungathered. Then we went further through a large tract of fine land, along the river side. We came within eight miles of Pittsburg,107 where we lodged on a hill, in the open air. It was a cold night; and I had forgot my blanket, being packed upon Mr. Hays’s horse. Between Saccung and Pittsburg, all the Shawanos towns are empty of people.
3d.—We started early, and came to the river by Pittsburg; we called that they should come over and fetch us; but their boats having gone adrift, they made a raft of black oak pallisadoes, which sunk as soon as it came into the water. We were very hungry, and staid on that island, where I had kept council with the Indians, in the month of August last; for all I had nothing to live on, I thought myself a great deal better off now, than at that time, having now liberty to walk upon the island according to pleasure; and it seemed as if the dark clouds were dispersed.
While I waited here, I saw the general march off from Pittsburg; which made me sorry, that I could not have the pleasure of speaking with him. Towards evening our whole party arrived: upon which they fired from the fort with twelve great guns; and our Indians saluted again three times round with their small arms. By accident some of the Indians found a raft hid in the bushes, and Mr. Hays, coming last, went over first with two Indians. They sent us but a small allowance; so that it would not serve each round. I tied my belt a little closer, being very hungry, and nothing to eat.108 It snowed, and we were obliged to sleep without any shelter. In the evening they threw light balls from the fort; at which the Indians started, thinking they would fire at them; but seeing it was not aimed at them, they rejoiced to see them fly so high.
4th.—We got up early, and cleared a place from the snow, cut some fire wood, and hallooed till we were tired. Towards noon Mr. Hays came with a raft, and the Indian chiefs went over: he informed me of Colonel Bouquet’s109 displeasure with the Indians’ answer to the general, and his desire that they should alter their mind, in insisting upon the general’s going back; but the Indians had no inclination to alter their mind. In the afternoon some provision was sent over, but a small allowance. When I came over to the fort, the council with the Indians was almost at an end. I had a discourse with Colonel Bouquet about the affairs, disposition and resolution of the Indians.
I drew provision for our journey to fort Ligonier, and baked bread for our whole company: towards noon the Indians met together in a conference. First king Beaver addressed himself to the Mohocks, desiring them to give their brethren an answer about settling at Pittsburg. The Mohocks said, “They lived at such a distance, that they could not defend the English there, if any accident should befal them; but you, cousins, who live close here, must think what to do.” Then Beaver said by a string:
“What this messenger has brought is very agreeable to us; and as our uncles have made peace with you, the English, and many other nations, so we likewise join, and accept of the peace offered to us; and we have already answered by your messenger, what we have to say to the general, that he should go back over the mountains; we have nothing to say to the contrary.”
Neither Mr. Croghn nor Andrew Montour would tell Colonel Bouquet the Indians’ answer. Then Mr. Croghn, Colonel Armstrong and Colonel Bouquet went into the tent by themselves, and I went upon my business. What they have further agreed I do not know; but when they had done, I called king Beaver, Shingas, and Kekeuscund, and said,
“Brethren, if you have any alteration to make, in the answer to the general, concerning leaving this place, you will be pleased to let me know.” They said, they would alter nothing, “We have told them three times to leave the place and go back; but they insist upon staying here; if, therefore, they will be destroyed by the French and the Indians, we cannot help them.”
Colonel Bouquet set out for Loyalhannon: The Indians got some liquor between ten and eleven o’clock. One Mohock died; the others fired guns three times over him; at the last firing one had accidentally loaded his gun with a double charge: this gun burst to pieces, and broke his hand clean off; he also got a hard knock on his breast; and in the morning at nine o’clock he died, and they buried them in that place, both in one hole.
6th.—It was a cold morning; we swam our horses over the river, the ice running violently. Mr. Croghn told me that the Indians had spoke, upon the same string that I had, to Colonel Bouquet, and altered their mind; and had agreed and desired that 200 men should stay at the fort. I refused to make any alteration in the answer to the general, till I myself did hear it of the Indians; at which Mr. Croghn grew very angry. I told him I had already spoke with the Indians; he said, it was a d—d lie; and desired Mr. Hays to enquire of the Indians, and take down in writing what they said. Accordingly he called them, and asked them, if they had altered their speech, or spoke to Colonel Bouquet on that string they gave me. Shingas and the other counsellor said, they had spoken nothing to Colonel Bouquet on the string they gave me, but what was agreed between the Indians at Kushkushking. They said, Mr. Croghn and Henry Montour had not spoke and acted honestly and uprightly; they bid us not alter the least, and said, “We have told them three times to go back; but they will not go, insisting upon staying here. Now you will let the governor, general, and all people know, that our desire is, that they should go back, till the other nations have joined in the peace, and then they may come and build a trading house.”
They then repeated what they had said the 5th instant. Then we took leave of them, and promised to inform the general, governor, and all other gentle people of their disposition; and so we set out from Pittsburg, and came within fifteen miles of the breast-work; where we encamped. It snowed, and we made a little cabbin of hides.
7th.—Our horses were fainting, having little or no food. We came that day about twenty miles, to another breast-work; where the whole army had encamped on a hill; the water being far to fetch.
8th.—Between Pittsburg and fort Ligonier the country is hilly, with rich bottoms, well timbered, but scantily watered. We arrived at fort Ligonier in the afternoon, about four o’clock; where we found the general very sick; and therefore could have no opportunity to speak with him.
9th.—We waited to see the general; they told us he would march the next day, and we should go with him. Captain Sinclair wrote us a return for provisions for four days.
10th.—The general was still sick; so that he could not go on the journey.
11th.—We longed very much to go farther; and therefore spoke to Major Halket,110 and desired him to enquire of the general, if he intended to speak with us, or, if we might go; as we were in a poor condition, for want of linen, and other necessaries. He desired us to bring the Indians’ answer, and our journal to the general. Mr. Hays read his journal to Major Halket and Governor Glen.111 They took memorandums, and went to the general.
12th.—They told us we should stay till the general went.
14th.—The general intended to go; but his horses could not be found. They thought the Indians had carried them off. They hunted all day for the horses, but could not find them. I spoke to Colonel Bouquet about our allowance being so small, that we could hardly subsist; and that we were without money; and desired him to let us have some money, that we might buy necessaries. Provisions, and every thing is exceeding dear. One pound of bread cost a shilling; one pound of sugar four shillings, a quart of rum seven shillings and six pence, and so in proportion. Colonel Bouquet laid our matters before the general; who let me call, and excused himself, that his distemper had hindered him from speaking with me; and promised to help me in every thing I should want, and ordered him to give me some money. He said farther, that I often should call; and when he was alone he would speak with me.
16th.—Mr. Hays, being a hunting, was so lucky as to find the general’s horses, and brought them home; for which the general was very thankful to him.
17th.—Mr. Hays, being desired by Major Halket to go and look for the other horses, went, but found none.
18th.—The general told me to hold myself ready, to go with him down the country.
20th.—After we had been out two days, to hunt for our horses, in the rain, we went again to day, and were informed, they had been seen in a lost condition; one laying on the hill, and the other standing; they had been hoppled together; but a person told us, he had cut the hopples. When we came home we found the horses; they having made home to the fort.
22d.—It was cold and stormy weather.
23d.—I hunted for our horses, and having found them, we gave them both to the king’s commissary; they not being able to carry us farther.
The sergeant Henry Osten, being one of the company that guided us, as above mentioned, and was that same prisoner, whom the Shawanos intended to burn alive, came to day to the fort. He was much rejoiced to see us, and said, “I thank you a thousand times for my deliverance from the fire; and think it not too much to be at your service my whole life time.” He gave us intelligence that the Indians were, as yet, mightily for the English. His master had offered to set him at liberty, and bring him to Pittsburg if he would promise him ten gallons of rum; which he did; and he was brought safe to Pittsburg. Delaware George is still faithful to the English; and was very helpful to procure his liberty. Isaac Still, Shingas and Beaver are gone with the message to the nations living further off. When the French had heard that the garrison, at Pittsburg, consisted only of 200 men, they resolved to go down from Venango, and destroy the English fort. So soon as the Indians at Kushkushking, heard of their intention, they sent a message to the French, desiring them to draw back; for they would have no war in their country. The friendly Indians have sent out parties with that intention, that if the French went on, in their march towards the fort, they would catch them, and bring them to the English. They shewed to Osten the place, where eight French Indian spies had lain near the fort. By their marks upon the place they learned that these eight were gone back, and five more were to come to the same place again. He told us further, that the Indians had spoke among themselves, that if the English would join them, they would go to Venango, and destroy the French there. We hear that the friendly Indians intend to hunt round the fort, at Pittsburg, and bring the garrison fresh meat. And upon this intelligence the general sent Captain Wedderholz112 with fifty men, to reinforce the garrison at Pittsburg.
25th.—The people in the camp prepared for a Christmas frolick; but I kept Christmas in the woods by myself.
26th.—To day an express came from Pittsburg to inform the general, that the French had called all the Indians in their interest together, and intended to come and destroy them there.
27th.—Towards noon the general set out; which caused a great joy among the garrison, which had hitherto lain in tents, but now being a smaller company, could be more comfortably lodged. It snowed the whole day. We encamped by a beaver dam, under Laurel Hill.
28th.—We came to Stony Creek, where Mr. Quickfell is stationed. The general sent Mr. Hays, express, to fort Bedford (Rays Town) and commanded him to see, if the place for encampment, under the Allegheny mountain, was prepared; as also to take care that refreshments should be at hand, at his coming. It was stormy and snowed all the day.
29th.—On the road I came up with some waggons; and found my horses with the company; who had taken my horse up, and intended to carry the same away. We encamped on this side, under the Allegheny hill.
30th.—Very early I hunted for my horses, but in vain, and therefore was obliged to carry my saddle bags, and other baggage on my back. The burden was heavy, the roads bad; which made me very tired, and came late to Bedford; where I took my old lodging with Mr. Frazier. They received me kindly, and refreshed me according to their ability.
31st.—This day we rested, and, contrary to expectation, preparation was made for moving further to-morrow. Mr. Hays, who has his lodging with the commander of that place, visited me.
January 1st. 1759.—We set out early. I got my saddle bags upon a waggon; but my bed and covering I carried upon my back; and came that day to the crossing of Juniata: where I had poor lodgings, being obliged to sleep in the open air, the night being very cold.
2d.—We set out early. I wondered very much that the horses, in these slippery roads, came so well with the waggons over these steep hills. We came to fort Littleton; where I drew provisions; but could not find any who had bread, to exchange for flour. I took lodging in a common house. Mr. Hays arrived late.
3d.—We rose early. I thought to travel the nearest road to Shippen’s Town, and therefore desired leave of the general to prosecute my journey to Lancaster, and wait for his excellency there; but he desired me to follow in his company. It snowed, freezed, rained, and was stormy the whole day. All were exceeding glad that the general arrived safe at fort Loudon. There was no room in the fort for such a great company; I, therefore, and some others went two miles further, and got lodgings at a plantation.
4th.—I and my company took the upper road; which is three miles nearer to Shippen’s town, where we arrived this evening. The slippery roads made me, as a traveller, very tired.
5th.—To day I staid here for the general. Mr. Hays went ten miles further, to see some of his relations. In the afternoon Israel Pemberton came from Philadelphia to wait upon the general.113
6th.—I came to-day ten miles to Mr. Miller’s, where I lodged, having no comfortable place in Shippen’s town; all the houses being crowded with people.
7th.—They made preparation, at Mr. Millers, for the reception of the general; but he, being so well to-day, resolved to go as far as Carlisle. I could scarce find any lodging there. Henry Montour was so kind as to take me in his room.
8th.—I begged the general for leave to go to Lancaster, having some business, which he at last granted. I went to captain Sinclair for a horse, who ordered me to go to the chief justice of the town; who ought to procure one for me, in the province service. According to this order I went; but the justice told me, that he did not know how to get any horse; if I would go and look for one, he should be glad if I found any. But having no mind to run from one to another, I resolved to walk, as I had done before: and so travelled along, and came about ten miles that day to a tavern keeper’s, named Chesnut.
9th.—To-day I crossed the Susquahanna over the ice, and came within thirteen miles of Lancaster. It was slippery and heavy travelling.
10th.—It rained all the day. I arrived at three o’clock in the afternoon, in Lancaster; and was quite refreshed, to have the favour to see my brethren.
Footnotes
1 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 132; Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 412-422.
2 Journal of this journey in Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, pp. 142-145.
3 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 147.
4 Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 556, 557.
5 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, pp. 341, 419, 463, 466, 469, 491; Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 581, 582, 689, 702, 703.
6 All Indians are excessive fond of rum, and will be drunk whenever they can get it.—[Charles Thomson?]
7 Willamegicken (Wellemeghikink), known to the whites as James, was a prominent brave of the Allegheny Delawares, who had been employed as a messenger between them and the Susquehanna tribes of the same race. He had agreed to accompany Post on this journey, for which the Pennsylvania Council had voted to supply him with a horse. Pennsylvania Archives, iii, p. 415; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 148.—Ed.
8 Bethlehem is a Moravian town built in 1741-42, after the retreat of these people from Georgia. Count Zinzendorf organized the congregation at this place, and named the settlement (1742). For the first twenty years a community system prevailed among the inhabitants, called the “Economy.” Portions of the buildings erected under that régime are still standing. See “Moravians and their Festival,” in Outlook, August 1, 1903. In 1752, the brethren built a large stone house for the accommodation of Indian visitors, and those who escaped the massacre of 1755 were domiciled there when Post passed through.—Ed.
9 These two treaties were made with Teedyuscung: the first at Easton in July and August, 1757, whereby the neutrality of the Susquehanna Indians and the Six Nations was secured (Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vii, pp. 649-714); the second at Philadelphia in April, 1758 (see Id., viii, pp. 29-56, 87-97).—Ed.
10 After Braddock’s defeat, the ravaging of the frontiers both west and north of the settled portions of Pennsylvania became so serious that the colonial government appointed a commission, headed by Franklin, to take means to protect the settlers, and defend the territory. Franklin proceeded into Northumberland County, and made arrangements to fortify the point on the Lehigh where Weisport, Carbon County, now stands. But before the stockade was completed a body of Indians fell upon and seriously defeated a party of militia from the neighboring Irish settlements, led by Captain Hayes (January, 1756). The works were pushed rapidly after this setback, and the fort was named in honor of William Allen, chief-justice of the province. This post was garrisoned until after Pontiac’s War, and probably throughout the Revolution. See Franklin’s Writings (New York, 1887), ii, pp. 449-454.—Ed.
11 Teedyuscung, one of the most famous of Delaware chiefs, was born in Trenton about 1705. When nearly fifty years old, he was chosen chief of the Susquehanna Delawares, and being shrewd and cunning played a game of diplomacy between the Iroquois, the Ohio Indians, and the authorities of Pennsylvania, by which he managed largely to enhance his own importance, and to free the Delawares from their submission to the Six Nations. His headquarters were in the Wyoming Valley, whence he descended to the Moravian settlements, and even to Easton and Philadelphia, to secure supplies from the Pennsylvania authorities. In 1756 a truce was patched up with this chief at Easton, after he had bitterly complained of the “Walking Purchase” of 1737, and the white settlements on the Juniata. His loyalty to the English was doubtful and wavering, and his opposition to Post’s journey was probably due to fears that his own importance as a medium between the Ohio Indians and the English would be diminished by the former’s success. His cabin at Wyoming having treacherously been set on fire, during one of his drunken sleeps, Teedyuscung was burned to death in 1763. The Iroquois, who were the guilty party, threw the obloquy upon the Connecticut settlement, whereupon Teedyuscung’s followers murdered all the band.—Ed.
12 Wyoming Valley was the bone of contention between the Connecticut and Pennsylvania colonies, each claiming that it was within their charter limits. The Connecticut agents succeeded in securing an Indian title at the Albany conference (1754); but their first settlement being effaced by an Indian massacre (see preceding note), their next body of emigrants did not proceed thither until 1769. Meanwhile, on the strength of the Indian purchase at Fort Stanwix (1768) the Pennsylvanians had occupied the valley; and a border warfare began, which lasted until the Revolution. The massacre of 1778, by the Tories and British Indians, is a matter of general history.
The Indians of the valley were of many tribes—Oneidas, Delawares, Shawnees, Munseys, Nanticokes, etc. The Moravian Christian Indians settled at Wyoming in 1752. After the murder of Teedyuscung they fled, but returned to found the town of Wyalusing (1765), where the missionary Zeisberger lived with them until their removal, three years later to the Ohio.—Ed.
13 An Indian expression meaning free admission.—[C. T.?]
14 Post, after leaving Fort Allen, passed through the present Carbon County, crossed the headwaters of the Schuylkill, and traversed Northumberland County to Fort Augusta. On the massacres in that region see Rupp, History of Northumberland, etc., (Lancaster, 1847), pp. 100-116. Fort Augusta, at the forks of the Susquehanna, was built in 1756, at the request of the Indians settled there under the chieftainship of Shickalamy. It was not a mere stockade and blockhouse, but a regular fortification, provided with cannon, and was commanded at first by Colonel Clapham, succeeded by Colonel James Burd. This stronghold was garrisoned until after the Revolutionary War; but before that time settlement had begun to spring up about the fort, and the town of Sunbury was laid out in 1772.—Ed.
15 An Indian settlement towards the heads of Susquahanna.—[C. T.?]
16 The reference is to Abercrombie’s defeat and retreat from Fort Ticonderoga in July, 1758.—Ed.
17 The Indian trail followed by Post, passed up the West Branch of the Susquehanna, through a region which had earlier been thickly sprinkled with Indian towns. The Moravian missionaries had been here as early as 1742, and had been hospitably received by Madame Montour, whose town was at the mouth of Loyalsock Creek, opposite the present village of Montoursville. This was probably Post’s “Wekeponall,” as the path to Wyoming led northeast from this place. Queenashawakee (Quenslehague) Creek is in Lycoming County, with the town of Linden at its mouth.—Ed.
18 Little hoops on which the Indians stretch and dress the raw scalps.—[C. T.?]
19 Big Island is at the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, in Clinton County. From that point the trail led up the creek to a point above Milesburg, Center County, then turned almost due west across Center and Clearfield counties to Clearfield (Shinglimuhee). This was the “Chinklacamoos path,” north of the Kittanning trail followed by Weiser in 1748. The word “Chinklacamoos” is said to signify “it almost joins,” in allusion to a horseshoe bend at this place. See Meginness, Otzinachson: A History of the West Branch Valley (rev. ed., Williamsport, Pa., 1889), p. 272.—Ed.
20 An Indian Chief, that travelled with him.—[C. T.?]
21 The money of Pennsylvania, being paper, is chiefly carried in pocket books.—[C. T.?]
22 From Chinklacamoos the Indian trail crossed Clearfield, Jefferson, and Clarion counties, over Little Toby’s Creek (Tobeco), the Clarion River (big river Tobeco), and east Sandy Creek (Weshawaucks). That no Indians were met through all this region is proof of its deserted condition, its former frequenters having withdrawn to the French sphere of influence.—Ed.
23 The officer commanding Venango at this time was Jean Baptiste Boucher Sieur de Niverville, a noted border ranger and Indian raider. Born in Montreal in 1716, he early acquired an ascendency over the Abenaki Indians, which was utilized in leading their parties against the English settlements of New England. In King George’s War, bands under his command ravaged New Hampshire and Vermont, and penetrated as far as Fort Massachusetts in the Berkshire Hills (1748). During the French and Indian War, he was similarly employed, and after Braddock’s defeat, conducted a winter campaign of thirty-three days, in the direction of Fort Cumberland on the Potomac, bringing off numerous English captives. At Lake George in 1757, he led the Abenaki auxiliaries, and was present at the massacre of Fort William Henry. The last that is known of his military exploits is during the siege of Quebec, when he defended dangerous outposts with the aid of savage allies.—Ed.
24 According to the rules of Indian politeness, you must never go into a town without sending a previous message to denote your arrival, or, standing at a distance from the town, and hallooing till some come out, to conduct you in. Otherwise you are thought as rude as white men.—[C. T.?]
25 When the people of a town, or of a nation, are addressed, the Indians always use the singular number.—[C. T.?]
26 i. e. To confer in a friendly manner.—[C. T.?]
27 i. e. Call to mind our ancient friendly intercourse.—[C. T.?]
28 Every Indian town has a large cabbin for the entertainment of strangers by the public hospitality.—[C. T.?]
29 That is, the Quakers, for whom the Indians have a particular regard.—[C. T.?]
30 Delaware George was an important chief of that tribe, who had been a disciple of Post’s in his Pennsylvania mission. He maintained friendly relations with the English until after the defeat of Braddock. Although closely associated with King Beaver and Shingas, he seems to have leaned more than they to the English interest.—Ed.
31 That is, we look on your coming as a matter of importance, it engages our attention.—[C. T.?]
32 At the Easton treaty in the autumn of 1757, Teedyuscung had promised to “halloo” to all the far Indian tribes, and bring them to an understanding with the English. In January, 1758, he reported to the governor that “all the Indian Nations from the Sun Rise to these beyond the Lakes, as far as the Sun setts, have heard what has passed between you and me, and are pleased with it,” and urged him to continue the work of peace. Teedyuscung was evidently enlarging upon his own importance, and to this end giving unwarrantable information.—Ed.
33 These belts and strings are made of shell-beads, called wampum. The wampum serves, among the Indians, as money; of it they also make their necklaces, bracelets, and other ornaments. Belts and strings of it are used in all public negotiations; to each belt or string there is connected a message, speech, or part of a speech, to be delivered with a belt by the messenger, or speaker. These belts also serve for records, being worked with figures, composed of beads of different colours, to assist the memory.—[C. T.?]
34 The peace made with Teedyuscung, was for the Delawares, &c. on Susquahanna only, and did not include the Indians on the Ohio; they having no deputies at the treaty. But he had promised to halloo to them, that is, send messengers to them, and endeavour to draw them into the peace, which he accordingly did.—[C. T.?]
35 A fire, in public affairs, signifies, among the Indians a council.—[C. T.?]
36 i. e. This Englishman.—[C. T.?]
37 By father, they express the French.—[C. T.?]
38 By I, he here means, I, the Six Nations, of which the Onondagoes are one of the greatest. This was, therefore, a claim of the Ohio lands, as belonging to the Six Nations, exclusive of the Delawares, whom they formerly called women.—[C. T.?]
39 The Indians smoke in their councils.—[C. T.?]
40 That is, the sentiments you express, are offensive to the company.—[C. T.?]
41 That is, he had changed his offensive sentiments.—[C. T.?]
42 That is, that they would act vigorously.—[C. T.?]
43 The French, at the fort.—[C. T.?]
44 The Six Nations.—[C. T.?]
45 Kuckquetackton (Koquethagechton) was the Indian name of the famous Delaware chief Captain White Eyes. About 1776, he succeeded Netawatwes, of whom he had been chief counsellor, as head of the nation Heckewelder first met him at this same town, where Post encountered him in 1772, and says that he strove to keep the neutrality during both Lord Dunmore’s War and the Revolution. Finding that impossible, he joined the American cause (1778), and brought an Indian contingent to the aid of General McIntosh at Fort Laurens; dying, however, before the attack was made on the Sandusky towns. He was always a firm friend of the Moravians, and though of small stature was one of the best and bravest of Delaware chiefs.
There were two chiefs known by the name of Killbuck, the younger of whom was the more famous. His Indian name was Gelelemend, and he was a grandson of the great chief Netawatwes. Born near Lehigh Water Gap in the decade 1730-40, he removed to the Allegheny with the Delawares, and later to the Muskingum, where was a village called Killbuck’s Town. Like White Eyes, he was a firm friend of peace and of the whites, and his life was imperilled because of this advocacy. He joined the Moravians, and was baptized as William Henry, about 1788. Later he removed to Pittsburg to secure protection from his enemies, but died at Goshen in 1811. A lineal descendant of Killbuck is at present a Moravian missionary in Alaska.—Ed.
46 That is, go on steadily with this good work of establishing a peace.—[C. T.?]
47 Meaning the Cherokees.—[C. T.?]
48 Some of the first English speech, that the Indians learn from the traders, is swearing.—[C. T.?]
49 Heckewelder testifies that Shingas, though a dreaded foe in battle, was never known to treat prisoners cruelly. See his Indian Nations, Historical Society of Pennsylvania Memoirs (Philadelphia, 1876), xii, pp. 269, 270.—Ed.
50 The Indians, having plenty of land, are no niggards of it. They sometimes give large tracts to their friends freely; and when they sell it, they make most generous bargains. But some fraudulent purchases, in which they were grossly imposed on, and some violent intrusions, imprudently and wickedly made without purchase, have rendered them jealous that we intend finally to take all from them by force. We should endeavour to recover our credit with them by fair purchases and honest payments; and then there is no doubt but they will readily sell us, at reasonable rates, as much, from time to time, as we can possibly have occasion for.—[C. T.?]
51 The agreement made with Teedyuscung, that he should enjoy the Wioming lands, and have houses built there for him and his people.—[C. T.?]
52 The army under General Forbes.—[C. T.?]
53 The Indian traders used to buy the transported Irish, and other convicts, as servants, to be employed in carrying up the goods among the Indians. The ill behaviour of these people has always hurt the character of the English among the Indians.—[C. T.?]
54 No spy among his enemies.—[C. T.?]
55 That is, since we had a friendly intercourse with each other. The frequent repetition of the word, Brethren, is the effect of their rules of politeness, which enjoin, in all conversations, a constant remembrance of the relation subsisting between the parties, especially where that relation implies any affection, or respect. It is like the perpetual repetitions among us, of Sir, or, Madam, or, Your Lordship. In the same manner the Indians at every sentence repeat, My Father, My Uncle, My Cousin, My Brother, My Friend, &c.—[C. T.?]
56 In this speech the Indians carefully guard the honour of their nation, by frequently intimating, that the peace is sought by the English: you have talked of peace: you are sorry for the war: you have digged up the peace, that was buried, &c. Then they declare their readiness to grant peace, if the English agree to its being general for all the colonies. The Indian word, that is translated, be strong, so often repeated, is an expression they use to spirit up persons, who have undertaken some difficult task, as to lift, or move, a great weight, or execute a difficult enterprise; nearly equivalent to our word, courage! courage!—[C. T.?]
57 The three tribes of the Delaware nation—the Unamis, Unalachtgo, and Minsi—were designated by the totems turtle, turkey, and wolf. The chief of the first of these was the head chief of the nation, being chosen and installed with great ceremony and rejoicing. See Heckewelder, Indian Nations, pp. 51, 53.—Ed.
58 Meaning General Forbes’s army.—[C. T.?]
59 i. e. Just ready to enter our country.—[C. T.?]
60 Two of the prisoners mention their pleasure at seeing Post, and the fact that the Indians forbade them to communicate with him. See “Narrative of Marie le Roy and Barbara Leininger,” Pennsylvania Archives, 2nd series (Harrisburg, 1878), vii, pp. 401-412.—Ed.
61 He was sent to collect the Indians together, to attack General Forbes’s army, once more, on their march.—[C. T.?]
62 The creek, here called “Antigoc” was probably Venango or the French Creek, which the Delawares designated as Attigé.—Ed.
63 The Indian name of this town, in Jefferson County, on the Mahoning Creek, is usually given as Punxatawny.—Ed.
64 Probably this was the town called “Calamaweshink” or “Chinklemoose,” Clearfield.—Ed.
65 The proprietors of Pennsylvania chose William Denny lieutenant-governor (1756), because they wished a “military man with a ready pen.” He had been captain in the British army, and his experience in Pennsylvania gave opportunity for military talents. But bound by instructions from his principals, and hampered by the hostility of the provincial assembly, he made no headway in his government. Accused of accepting bribes to betray the proprietors’ interests, he was removed in October, 1759. Returning to England, he was given a high position in the army, and died about 1766.—Ed.
66 Captain Bull and Lieutenant Hays were militia officers, the latter of Northampton County, where was an Irish settlement between Bethlehem and Fort Allen, known as “Hays’s.” Captain John Bull commanded at Fort Allen in the summer of 1758. They both volunteered to undertake this hazardous mission of a visit to the Ohio Indians. For the instructions given them, see Pennsylvania Archives, iii, p. 556.—Ed.
67 Thomas Hickman was an Indian who had taken an English name, and was much employed by the province of Pennsylvania as an interpreter. A brutal white man murdered Hickman in the Tuscarora Valley in 1761.
Totiniontenna was a Cayuga chieftain who with Shickalamy was deputed by the Six Nations to undertake this embassy to the Ohio Indians.
The chief here called Shickalamy was the youngest son, of the famous Oneida of that name, who dwelt so long at the forks of the Susquehanna, and was friendly to the whites, especially the Moravians. The elder chief died in 1749, his most famous son being Logan.
Isaac Still was a Moravian Christian Indian, frequently employed as a messenger and interpreter.—Ed.
68 Shamokin was an Indian town at the forks of the Susquehanna, the abode of Shickalamy, “vice-king” of the Indians of that region. It was first visited by the whites in 1728. Weiser built a house at this village by request of the chief, in 1744. Frequent visits of the Moravians led to the establishment here of a blacksmith’s shop, and a quasi-mission. Fort Augusta was built there in 1756; but on the proclamation of war against the Delawares in the same year, the Indians abandoned the place and destroyed the settlement.—Ed.
69 The general here referred to was John Forbes, a Scotchman who in 1757 was appointed brigadier-general for the war in America. His first service was at Louisburg. In 1758, he was appointed to organize the expedition against Fort Duquesne. After the French, on the approach of Forbes’s army, had abandoned that stronghold, the general, suffering from a serious disease, was carried by slow stages to Philadelphia, where he died in March, 1760. He was a man of iron purpose, and great strength of character, being popular alike with his soldiers and Indian allies.—Ed.
70 A string of wampum beads. Nothing of importance is said, or proposed without wampum.—[C. T.?]
71 The Indians, having learned drunkenness of the white people, do not reckon it among the vices. They all, without exception, and without shame, practice it when they can get strong liquor. It does not, among them, hurt the character of the greatest warrior, the greatest counsellor, or the modestest matron. It is not so much an offence, as an excuse for other offences; the injuries they do each other in their drink being charged, not upon the man, but upon the rum.—[C. T.?]
72 The Ohio.—[C. T.?]
73 An Indian trader, John Harris, built a log house on the Susquehanna in 1705, and later established an inn and a ferry at the spot called Harris’s Ferry, which was maintained for three-quarters of a century. His son laid out the present town of Harrisburg.—Ed.
74 They were afraid of going where our people were all in arms, lest some of the indiscreet soldiers might kill them.—[C. T.?]
75 Carlisle, the seat of Cumberland County (erected in 1750), was originally settled by Scotch-Irish immigrants, who in the decade between 1720 and 1730 formed the “back settlements” of Pennsylvania. The Indian title was extinguished by a treaty in 1736; but when Fort Lowther was built at this site in 1753, there were but five houses in the place. Later it became the eastern terminus of the Pennsylvania highroad, and the centre of an extensive overland trade.—Ed.
76 The town of Shippensburg was one of the oldest west of the Susquehanna, having been laid out in 1749, by Edward Shippen—later chief-justice of Pennsylvania—on land of which he was proprietor. It was the site of two frontier forts—Franklin, built before Braddock’s defeat; and Morris, erected after that disaster. Shippensburg became an important station on the Pennsylvania state road; and until the opening of the nineteenth century was the end of the stage-route from Lancaster westward.—Ed.
77 Chambers’s Fort was a private stockade erected (1756) on the Conococheague Creek, by a Scotch-Irishman, Benjamin Chambers, who for some time had had a mill and settlement here. The fort was a large stone building, protected by cannon, and considered one of the strongest defenses in that region. The government attempted to take possession of the guns in 1757, lest they should be captured and turned against the other forts; but the Scotch-Irish settlers stoutly resisted this attempt, and it was abandoned. The present city of Chambersburg occupies the site.—Ed.
78 This should not be confused with the more famous Fort Loudoun, built the same year (1756) in Tennessee as a check upon the Cherokees. The Pennsylvania fort was on the road between Shippensburg and Fort Lyttleton, about a mile east of the present village of Loudon, Franklin County, being erected by Armstrong after Braddock’s defeat. This was the scene of the plundering of the Indian goods, dispatched to the Ohio (1765) for Croghan’s use on his journey to the Illinois.
The Cherokees were employed by the English as auxiliaries in this campaign. Their presence had caused much concern among the Northern Indians, and Post had been sent to Wyoming the previous spring, with reassuring messages on this account.
Bill Sock was a Conestoga Indian, employed as a messenger to the Six Nations. He was massacred in the Paxton affair (1763). See Heckeweldert Narrative, p. 79.—Ed.
79 A calumet pipe; the signal of peace.—[C. T.?]
80 Fort Lyttleton was another of the chain of frontier posts built in 1756 for the protection of the frontiers. It was located at the place called by the Indian traders “Sugar Cabins,” near the present McConnellsburg, Fulton County. A garrison was maintained at this point until after Pontiac’s War, when it gradually fell into ruins, some relics of its occupation being still found in the locality.—Ed.
81 Ray’s town, so named from its first settler (1751), was the chief rendezvous for Forbes’s army in this campaign, where he had the stronghold of Fort Bedford built, and whence he made his final advance against Fort Duquesne. From 1760-63, the fort at this place was commanded by Captain Lewis Ourry of the Royal Americans; and its apparent strength saved it from attack by the Indians of the conspiracy. Bouquet made it the rendezvous in his advance in 1764. Throughout the Indian wars, Fort Bedford was the most important station between Carlisle and Fort Pitt. The town of Bedford was incorporated in 1766.—Ed.
82 Post’s testimony as to the condition of the new road cut for the army west from Fort Bedford is interesting. For an account of the controversy over the building of this road, see Hulbert, Old Glade Road (Cleveland, 1903), pp. 65-161.
Stony Creek flows northward through the valley between the Allegheny and Laurel Hill ranges of mountains.—Ed.
83 The creek called “Rekempalin,” apparently was Pickings Run in Somerset County—not a large creek, but all streams were swollen by unusual rains.
Loyal Hanna was an old Indian town situated on the trail passing west to Shannopin’s Town at the Forks of the Ohio. Upon the advance of Forbes’s army (1758), this was made the last station on the road to Fort Duquesne, and a fort was built called Ligonier. Before the erection of this fort the station was known simply as the “Camp on Loyal Hanna.”—Ed.
84 Captain John Haslett was an officer of the Pennsylvania provincial troops, of which there was in Forbes’s army, a contingent of two thousand and seven hundred. Probably this was the same officer who commanded Delaware troops in the Revolution, and after conspicuous bravery at Long Island was killed in the battle of Princeton.—Ed.
85 The camping-place for this night, at the advanced breast-work, is identified as on the Nine Mile Run, in Unity Township, Westmoreland County, being still locally known as “Breast-work Hill.”—Ed.
86 Lieutenant William Hays, who was later killed on his return from escorting Post, belonged to the Royal Americans, having been commissioned December 11, 1756.—Ed.
87 The Ohio, as it is called by the Sennecas. Alleghenny is the name of the same river in the Delaware language. Both words signify the fine, or fair river.—[C. T.?]
88 The Indian town which Post calls Keckkeknepolin was usually known as Blackleg’s Town, being situated at the mouth of Loyalhanna Creek, where it flows into the Kiskiminitas.—Ed.
89 Heckewelder says that the word “Kiskiminitas” means “make daylight,” and was due to the impatient exclamation of some eager warrior encamped on the spot. The town here mentioned was in Armstrong County, on a creek of the same name, about seven miles from where it flows into the Allegheny River.—Ed.
90 When he parted from Captain Haslett, Post left the regular westward Indian trail to the Forks of the Ohio. In order to avoid Fort Duquesne, and to reach the Indian towns beyond the Allegheny, he followed a northward branch of the same that led down the Loyalhanna and Kiskiminitas creeks. The Indian town at the mouth of Kiskiminitas Creek had always been insignificant, lying between Kittanning on the north, and Shannopin’s Town on the south.—Ed.
91 Connequenessing Creek, whose name, according to Heckewelder, signifies “a long straight course.”—Ed.
92 Persons appointed by law to manage the Indian trade, for the public; the private trade, on account of its abuses, being abolished.—[C. T.?]
93 Where they boil into sugar the juice of a tree that grows in those rich lands.—[C. T.?]
94 Irvine says (Pennsylvania Archives, xi, p. 518) that the Indians termed all the land along Beaver and Mahoning creeks for twenty-five miles, Kuskuskies. Old Kuskusking was located between the mouths of Neshanock and Mahoning creeks on the Shenango, about where the town of New Castle, Lawrence County, now stands.—Ed.
95 Kekeuscung’s name signified “the healer.” He was accounted a great warrior, and often joined the Six Nations against the Cherokees. The traditional hostility between the latter Indians and those around the Allegheny rendered difficult the attempt to conciliate the Delawares while the Cherokees were in the English army.
The attack here mentioned on the English camp at Loyalhanna, was repulsed by Colonel Mercer and the Virginian troops. On their return they fired by mistake upon their own re-enforcements, and nearly killed their leader, Washington.—Ed.
96 An Indian with an English name. An Indian sometimes changes his name with an Englishman he respects; it is a seal of friendship, and creates a kind of relation between them.—[C. T.?]
97 When a prisoner is brought to an Indian town, he runs a kind of gauntlet thro’ the mob; and every one, even the children, endeavour to have a stroke at him; but as soon as he can get into any of their huts, he is under protection, and refreshments are administered to him.—[C. T.?]
98 i. e. He has listened to the English messengers.—[C. T.?]
99 Kicking the string about, and throwing it with a stick, not touching it with their hands, were marks of dislike of the message, that accompanied it.—[C. T.?]
100 The Quakers of Philadelphia, who first set on foot these negociations of peace; and for whom the Indians have always had a great regard.—[C. T.?]
Comment by Ed. See on this subject Pennsylvania Archives, iii, p. 581.
101 “Sastaghretsy, Anigh Kalicken, Atowateany, Towigh, Towighroano, Geghdageghroano, Oyaghtanont, Sisaghroano, Stiaggeghroano, Jenontadynago.”—[C. T.?]
102 Diamond figures, formed by beads of wampum, of different colours.—[C. T.?]
103 Important matters should be accompanied with large strings, or belts; but sometimes a sufficient quantity of wampum is not at hand.—[C. T.?]
104 The word, wishicksey, translated, be strong, is of a very extensive signification be strong, be steady, pursue to effect what you have begun, &c.—[C. T.?]
105 i. e. They will observe how we are dressed.—[C. T.?]
106 Thomas King was an Oneida Indian, who had taken a prominent part in the treaty at Easton (October, 1758).—Ed.
107 It is probable that Croghan brought Post the news of the change of name from Fort Duquesne to Pittsburg. He apparently uses the new term with much relish. The day after the English occupation of Fort Duquesne, General Forbes wrote to Governor Denny, dating his letter “Fort Duquesne, or now Pittsburg.”—Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 232.—Ed.
108 As it often happens to the Indians, on their long marches, in war, and sometimes in their hunting expeditions, to be without victuals for several days, occasioned by bad weather and other accidents, they have the custom in such cases; which Post probably learned of them, viz. girding their bellies tight, when they have nothing to put in them; and they say it prevents the pain of hunger.—[C. T.?]
109 Colonel Henry Bouquet, a Swiss officer, who had served with distinction in the armies of Sardinia and Holland, was engaged to enter the regiment of Royal Americans, and came to America in 1756. The following year he was in command in South Carolina; but early in 1758 was summoned north to aid Forbes in his march through Pennsylvania. Bouquet commanded the advance, and prepared the road, ordered the stations for reserve supplies, and by careful management contributed much to the success of the campaign. Upon Forbes’s retiring, Bouquet was left in command at Fort Pitt, where he remained fulfilling the arduous and exacting duties of his frontier service until late in 1762, when he was relieved by Captain Ecuyer, and returned to Philadelphia. On the news of the siege of Fort Pitt (1763), Bouquet organized a relief expedition, which inflicted a severe defeat upon the Indians at Bushy Run. The following year, the Indian country was invaded, Bouquet’s expedition to the Muskingum proving a complete success. Relieved from his Western command, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general and placed in command of all the troops in the southern British colonies of America. He died at Pensacola, February, 1766, at the early age of forty-seven. He was not only a soldier of ability and vigor, but a man of most attractive and charming character, beloved by superiors and subordinates. The collection of his letters in the British Museum is a chief source for the history of the West during this period. See calendar in Canadian Archives, 1889; extracts in Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, xix, pp. 27-295; also Bouquet’s Expedition against the Ohio Indians (Cincinnati, 1868).—Ed.
110 Major Halket was the son of Sir Peter Halket, who was killed, together with another son, at the battle of Monongahela (1755). When Major Halket accompanied the detachment sent by Forbes to bury the bones of the victims of that disaster, he recognized the skeletons of his father and brother and at the sight fainted with grief and horror.—Ed.
111 James Glen had been governor of South Carolina (1744-55), but was superseded in the latter year by Governor Lyttleton. His presence at Forbes’s camp is perhaps explained by the fact that he was interested in the Cherokee Indian trade.—Ed.
112 Captain Nicholas Wedderholz (Weatherholt) was a militia officer in command of a German company from Northumberland County, which was enlisted December 16, 1755, and “discontinued” in 1760. It is said that every man in his company was of German descent. During the Indian troubles of 1763, Weatherholt raised another company, which did not, however, see active service.—Ed.
113 Israel Pemberton was a member of a prominent Quaker family, and a merchant of Philadelphia. Very active in political affairs, and influential with the Indians because of his Quaker principles and trade-relations, he was one of the leading members of the “Friendly Association,” formed to put down war with the Indians. In 1759 he sent for the association £1,000 worth of goods to be distributed to the Ohio Indians at Pittsburg. Pemberton, with other leading Quakers, was much disliked by the borderers, who called him “King Wampum,” and placed his life in jeopardy during the Paxton riots (1763). Neither did Pemberton find favor with the “Sons of Liberty,” and the patriot party of the Revolution. In 1777 he, with two brothers, was banished to Virginia on the charge of aiding the British enemy.—Ed.