Indian Slavery in Colonial Times

Vita

The author of this dissertation, Almon Wheeler Lauber, was born at Lawrenceville, St. Lawrence Co., New York, March 24, 1880. He was graduated from the New York State Normal School, Potsdam, New York, in 1900. During the academic year of 1900–1901 he was principal of the graded school at Lawrenceville, New York. In 1905, he was graduated from Syracuse University with the degree of Ph. B., and in the same year received the Ph. M. degree. During the three succeeding academic years he was instructor in history at George School, Bucks Co., Pennsylvania. In 1908, he entered Columbia University where he pursued graduate work. His major subject was American History, and his minors were Constitutional Law and European History. He took courses in American History under Professors Shepherd, Osgood and Dunning; in Constitutional Law under Professor Burgess; and in European History under Professors Osgood, Robinson and Sloane. He was a member of seminars under Professors Shepherd, Osgood and Dunning.

Footnotes

1 In Mexico, a certain community of Indians was named “Esclavos” by the Spaniards, because the Aztec rulers had drawn so largely upon them for slaves. Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies, third edition, ii, p. 414.

2 Hodge, Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, pt. ii, p. 599.

3 Ibid.

4 Fiske, The Discovery of America, i, p. 121; Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, twenty-second edition, i, pp. 35, 41. See also Clavigero, The History of Mexico (translated by Cullen), i, p. 157, ii, p. 154; Prescott, op. cit., i, pp. 63, 68, 147, 155, 168, 285; ii, pp. 82, 137.

5 See Neill, History of Minnesota, p. 85, for the case of an Indian who wanted to enslave his daughter’s murderer. Brickell, The Natural History of North Carolina, etc., p. 355, tells of Indians enslaving one another for theft until reparation was made.

6 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, xvi, pp. 199, 201. The same custom was followed by the Indians in later periods. See Parker, A Journey Beyond the Rocky Mountains (1835), p. 53.

7 Jesuit Relations, xv, p. 157.

8 Margry, Découvertes, etc., i, p. 470; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xxiv, p. 182.

9 Thwaites, Father Marquette, p. 85. The spelling of the Indian names in this dissertation is that used by Hodge in Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico.

10 Hennepin, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, p. 631.

11 French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, pt. i, p. 56; Margry, op. cit., i, p. 527.

12 Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, etc., pp. lvi, 32; Thwaites, Father Marquette, p. 81.

13 Jesuit Relations, lix, p. 309.

14 Jesuit Relations, lxvii, p. 171. In the south, the term “slave” was used by the Indians, not only in the sense in which it is commonly used, but as applied to dogs, cats, tame and domestic animals, and to captive birds. “So when an Indian tells you that he has a slave for you, it may, in general terms as they use, be a young eagle, a dog, or any other thing of that nature, which is obsequiously to depend upon the master for its substance.” Lawson, The History of North Carolina, containing the exact description and natural history of that country, p. 327.

15 In 1694, the Illinois informed Tonti that during the preceding seven years they had killed and taken prisoners 334 men and boys and 111 women and girls. Margry, op. cit., iv, p. 5.

16 Hennepin, A New Discovery, etc., ii, p. 631; Margry, op. cit., ii, p. 98; Jesuit Relations, liv, p. 191; lix, p. 127.

17 Chappell, A History of the Missouri River, p. 25.

18 Jesuit Relations, xxx, p. 133.

19 French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, pt. i, p. 69.

20 Hazard, Annals of Pennsylvania, p. 7.

21 Discourse delivered before The New York Historical Association at the anniversary meeting, December 6, 1811, by the Honorable DeWitt Clinton; La Hontan, New Voyages to North America, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, ii, p. 504.

22 Margry, op. cit., ii, pp. 141, 272; iv, p. 5.

23 Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 659.

24 Margry, op. cit., i, p. 527; ii, p. 141.

25 Jesuit Relations, lxii, p. 67.

26 Ibid., lxi, p. 195.

27 Catesby, The Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands, etc., ii, p. xiii; Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 532.

28 Beverly, The History of Virginia in Four Parts, second edition, p. 179; Smith, The General Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, in Arber’s edition of Captain John Smith’s Works, ii, p. 570.

29 Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo on the Country and Ancient Indian Tribes of Florida, in French, Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, series ii, p. 253.

30 French, op. cit., pt. iii. p. 68.

31 Bulletin 43 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 296.

32 Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society, v, p. 305.

33 Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1904–1905, p. 197.

34 Bureau of American Ethnology Publications, xiv, pt. i, p. 548.

35 Ibid., p. 449; Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 314.

36 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 74. Du Tisné meditated making peace between the Pawnee and Padouca, and thought it could be done by giving presents to each tribe, and by getting each to return the slaves which it held of the other nation. Chappell, op. cit., p. 26.

37 Iberville, in 1702, found them to number 2,000 men. Margry, op. cit., iv, pp. 597–599.

38 Thwaites, Early Western Travels, vi, p. 61; Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 301.

39 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 416.

40 Narrative of De Boucherville, in Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvii, pp. 42, 55, 89.

41 Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xxxiv, p. 182.

42 Parkman, A Half Century of Conflict, ii, p. 46.

43 The term “Pawnee” or “Panis” signifying an Indian slave was especially used in Canada. See J. C. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, pp. 102–108; “The Panis” in Canadian Institute Proceedings, 1899, pp. 19–27; Smith, The Slave in Canada, in Nova Scotia Historical Society Reports, x, pp. 3, 72.

44 Grignon, Seventy-two Years’ Recollections of Wisconsin, in Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, iii, p. 256; Thwaites, Early Western Travels, i, pp. 304, 309. In the present state of Michigan, traces are found of Indians holding others as slaves, though the Ordinance of 1787 forbade slavery in the Northwest Territory. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xiv, p. 658.

45 Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

46 Ibid., pt. ii, p. 598.

47 Ibid., pt. ii, p. 598.

48 Margry, op. cit., v, p. 506; French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, pt. iii, pp. 33, 34, 68; Cramoisy, Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas, pp. 65, 67, 68, 89; La Harpe, Historical Journal of the Establishment of the French in Louisiana, in French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 27; Brickell, op. cit., p. 324.

49 Douay, Narrative of La Salle’s Expedition, in Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 204; French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. 204.

50 Shea, op. cit., pp. 205, 211, 216.

51 French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 42.

52 Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 299; xliv, pp. 47, 49; l, p. 115.

53 Ibid., xliii, p. 293.

54 Hennepin’s Narrative, in Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 144.

55 Jesuit Relations, liv, pp. 93, 95.

56 La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 454. A Memoir of La Salle to Frontenac, November 9, 1680, declares that the Illinois forced their slaves to work. The Historical Magazine, v, p. 197.

57 Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, p. 185.

58 Jesuit Relations, xvi, p. 199.

59 Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

60 Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 293. It was the existence of this class of slaves among the Iroquois which the Jesuits deplored most of all.

61 Carr, The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley Historical Considered, p. 8; Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 32.

62 Carr, op. cit., p. 18.

63 Purchas His Pilgrimes, edition of 1908, iv, pp. 1699–1700.

64 Brickell, op. cit., p. 321; Lawson, op. cit., p. 188.

65 Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 32.

66 La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 432.

67 Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 339.

68 Jesuit Relations, lxi, p. 195; La Hontan, op. cit., i, pp. 94, 106, 111, 113; Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 509; Carr, op. cit., p. 18.

69 Jesuit Relations, xvi, p. 199.

70 Ibid., xvi, p. 199.

71 La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 432.

72 Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

73 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 345. For the legend of the enslaving and freeing of the Indians of Payupki by the Tusayan, see the Bureau of American Ethnology, Report for 1886–1887, p. 40.

74 French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 56.

75 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi. p. 284.

76 Ibid., xvi, pp. 306, 429, 444, 447–451.

77 Ibid., xvi, p. 123.

78 Ibid., xvi, p. 276.

79 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, v, p. 79.

80 Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

81 Ibid.

82 This statement implies that the term “slave” does not include prisoners of war who were tortured by their captors.

83 Bartram, op. cit., p. 185.

84 La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 439.

85 French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 160.

86 Brickell, The National History of North Carolina, p. 321; Irving, The Conquest of Florida under Hernando de Soto, i, p. 280; Shipp, The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida, etc., p. 367; Pickett, History of Alabama, p. 64. The statements of Irving, Shipp and Pickett are based on the account by Garcilaso de la Vega.

87 Margry, op. cit., v, p. 95.

88 Margry, op. cit., v, p. 95; Marshall, Historical Writings Relating to the Early History of the West, p. 211; La Hontan, op. cit., ii, pp. 420, 505.

89 Marshall, op. cit., p. 212; Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 508; Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 303.

90 Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 295.

91 Ibid., xliii, p. 299; Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 34.

92 Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 599.

93 Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 293.

94 Ibid., xliii, p. 293.

95 Ibid., 1, p. 115.

96 Bartram, op. cit., p. 186.

97 La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 613.

98 Bartram, op. cit., p. 186.

99 La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 474. These freed slaves were accustomed to go each day to visit their former masters’ graves to offer pipes and tobacco in acknowledgment of their freedom.

100 Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

101 Ibid., pt. ii, p. 599.

102 Ibid. For the Iroquois, see Carr, op. cit., p. 18; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 8; Jesuit Relations, lxii, p. 63. For the western Indians, see Hennepin, op. cit., p. 509; Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 59. For the northern Indians, see Catesby, op. cit., ii. p. xiii (editor’s note).

103 Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 508.

104 Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1893–1894, p. cxii.

105 Brickell, op. cit., p. 321; Lawson, op. cit., p. 323; Catesby, op. cit., ii, p. xiii.

106 Jesuit Relations, liv, p. 237.

107 La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 508.

108 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 46.

109 The holding of slaves by the Indians continued long after colonial times. It naturally died out first in the east, with the growth in power of the whites and the consequent decrease in the numbers and strength of the Indians.

The Indians of the Columbia River country held slaves till well into the nineteenth century. These they procured by trading beads and furs with the interior tribes. Franchère’s Narrative, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, vi, p. 324; xxix, p. 242; xxx, p. 111. The Blackfeet, Cayuse, Crows, and Ute were accustomed to keep the women taken in war as slaves, (Ibid., xxiii, p. 118); and other neighboring tribes did the same. Travelers in Oregon in 1846 found that the Oregon Indians enslaved their war captives, and that they made war for the purpose of obtaining slaves. Ibid., xxix, p. 124. The Toungletat, who inhabited Vancouver Island, at the same time had Indian slaves, captives in war. Ibid., xxix, p. 149. The tribes of the section south of the Columbia River country were given over to the same custom. Both here, and in the Columbia River country, the Indians were heavy gamblers, and not infrequently staked their own freedom in their games. Ibid., xxx, p. 161; xxvii, p. 171; Parker, Journey Beyond the Rocky Mountains, p. 53. The Indians of the extreme northwest held slaves in 1840. Considerable numbers were owned by the chiefs. These were worth thirty blankets each, and were generally purchased from the natives of Queen Charlotte Island, the great slave mart of the northwest coast. Bancroft, History of the Northwest Coast, ii, pp. 647–649.

The slaves of the Columbia River country were well treated as long as they were able to work. The district was a commercial one, and the slaves, as an article of commerce, were valuable. But when a slave grew old and was unable to work, he was neglected. The women of the tribe had several slaves who were dependent entirely upon their will. Slaves could be purchased by the male members of the tribes for wives. The Oackinacke Indians, at this time, possessed but few slaves, and these were adopted as children and as members of the family. Ibid., vii, pp. 103, 107, 303.

Until 1850, the Thompson Indians of British Columbia enslaved captive Indians. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, pp. 269, 290. In 1836, the Chinook Indians possessed Indian slaves. In 1855, the Ute sacrificed four slaves, and buried them with one of their chiefs. One of these slaves was buried alive. Thomas, Indians of North America in Historic Times, p. 369. In 1863, the Cherokee abolished slavery by law. This was amended in 1866, so as to permit it as a punishment for crime. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, xx, p. 303.

110 Enslavement of the whites by the Indians was not uncommon. Cabeza de Vaca and other survivors of Narvaez’s expedition were made slaves by the Indians among whom they wandered. Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, in Narratives of Early American History, i, pp. 64, 69. Soto found one of these survivors, Juan Ortiz by name, who had taken on Indian customs, and nearly forgotten his native language. “Relation of Biedma,” in Bourne, Narratives of the Career of De Soto, ii, p. 3.

Strachey, The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, speaks of a story that he had heard from the Indians, concerning an Indian chief, Eyanoco by name, living somewhere to the south of Virginia, who had seven white slaves who had escaped from the massacre at Roanoke. These slaves the Indians employed in beating copper. Hakluyt Society Publication, vi, p. 26. Whether the story is wholly or partly true has never been determined. That the Indians of the locality did enslave the whites captured in war or shipwrecked off the coast is shown by the preamble of an act of Carolina in 1707. North Carolina Colonial Records, i, p. 674. In the war of 1711, the Indians spared some of the women and children captured on the plantations so that they might serve as slaves. Ibid., i, p. 182.

Captain Hendrickson, in 1616, found three persons belonging to the Dutch West India Company, who were slaves of the Mohawk and Minquae, and who were traded to him for merchandise. Hazard, Annals of Pennsylvania, p. 7.

Father Bressani was captured in 1644 by the Iroquois, and given to a woman as a slave. She sent him to Fort Orange, where he was ransomed by the Dutch and returned to France. Jesuit Relations, xxvi, p. 49. Other Jesuits were enslaved by the Iroquois. Basqueville de la Potherie, Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale, iv, pp. 125–163. French men, women and children had a similar fate. Jesuit Relations, xl, p. 137; xlvi, p. 207. Some of them were ransomed and freed by the Dutch. Margry, op. cit., vi, pp. 123, 125. Joutel, in 1687, feared that he would be enslaved by the Cenis, and put to work in their mines along with their Indian slaves. Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 339. After the death of La Salle, and the massacre of most of his followers in 1687, the children who were spared were taken captive by the Spanish Indians, and sent to Mexico as slaves. Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 339. Saint Denis, in 1721, certified that he had been eleven months a slave among the savages of the west Mississippi country. Robinson, Account of Discoveries in the West, etc., p. 215. As late as 1754, the Indians of Virginia had French prisoners as slaves. Virginia Historical Society Collections, iii, p. 267.

In the time of King Philip’s War, Mrs. Rowlandson of Lancaster was taken prisoner by the Indians and sold to a Narraganset chief whose slave she became. Clark, History of King Philip, p. 290. During the various colonial wars, many Englishmen were taken by the Indians as slaves and sold to the French in Canada. Massachusetts Archives, lxxiv, p. 57.

111 Prescott, History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic, edition of 1838, i, p. 390; ii, p. 40.

112 French, op. cit., series 2, p. 263.

113 For slaves taken by Columbus on his three voyages, see Journal of Columbus’ First Voyage, in Original Narratives of Early American History, i, pp. 112, 306; Thacher, Christopher Columbus, His Life, His Work, His Remains, etc., ii, pp. 301, 357, 393, 585, 644, 685.

114 Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 136. According to the patent, the king was to name the individuals who should distribute the slaves. Ibid., p. 136.

115 Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 162.

116 Shea, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 112; Lowery, op. cit., p. 136.

117 For this reason he took no monks or priests with him. Lowery, op. cit., p. 136.

118 The proclamation of Ponce de Leon is quoted in Helps, The Conquerors of the New World and Their Bondsmen, etc., ii, pp. 111–116. This peculiar summons to surrender had been used by the Spanish explorers and conquerors since 1509. After telling the Indians of the creation of the world, it traced the title thereto to St. Peter, and thence to the ruling pope. It cited also the grant of the Indies by the pope to the sovereigns of Castile; and after urging the Indians to acknowledge their fealty to these sovereigns, it threatened them with war and slavery if they refused.

119 Lowery, op. cit., p. 169.

120 The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 25.

121 Ibid., ii, p. 30.

122 Bourne, op. cit., i, p. 20.

123 Buckingham Smith, Life of De Soto, p. 170.

124 Bourne, op. cit., ii, pp. 60, 94, 97, 103, 105.

125 Bourne, op. cit., i, p. 34.

126 Ibid., i, p. 45; ii, pp. 25, 121.

127 Ibid., i, p. 70; ii, pp. 72, 75, 117, 129.

128 Coronado, in his letter to Mendoza, August 3, 1540, mentions both negroes and Indians in the expedition. He does not allude to their being slaves. In other parts of the letter, he mentions friendly Indians accompanying the expedition. Coronado’s Letter to Mendoza, in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology; Shea, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 114.

129 The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Pedro de Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 324.

130 Lowery, op. cit., pp. 156–157; Martin, The History of North Carolina from the Earliest Period, i, p. 2.

131 The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca in Original Narratives of Early American History, i, pp. 25–118. Among the Indians of this region, who were carried away into captivity, were Yaqui who long afterwards remained hostile to the whites.

132 Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States, i, p. 59.

133 French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. 201; Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 201.

134 For such instances in Soto’s journey, see Bourne, op. cit. For Coronado’s journey, see Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, pp. 289, 329, 342; Narrative of Jaramillo, in Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

135 Bourne, op. cit., ii, p. 11.

136 Ibid., i, p. 20.

137 Ibid., ii, p. 55.

138 The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, pp. 329, 342.

139 Bourne, op. cit., ii, pp. 21, 117.

140 Ibid., i, p. 45; ii, pp. 25, 121.

141 The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 289.

142 Bourne, op. cit., i, pp. 193–194.

143 Fairbanks, History of Florida from Its Discovery, etc., p. 58.

144 Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, pp. 249 (note), 357, 415, 417.

145 The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 324.

146 Bourne, op. cit., i, p. 177; ii, p. 60.

147 Ibid., i, pp. 102, 139, 171, 191; ii, pp. 80, 121.

148 Ibid., i, pp. 44, 84, 93; ii, pp. 94, 97, 103, 105, 106, 110, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117.

149 See Lucas and Stevens, The New Laws of the Indies.

150 Houck, History of Missouri, ii, p. 240; Wheeler, A Practical Treatise of the Law of Slavery, pp. 12–14. O’Reilly’s instructions to the various commandants at Natchitoches, the coast and elsewhere, are given in Gayarré, History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination, pp. 20, 25.

151 Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530–1888, p. 132.

152 Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, Florida, 1562–1574, pp. 145–160.

153 Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 874.

154 Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 893.

155 Ibid., pt. i, pp. 894–895.

156 Ibid., pt. i, p. 895; Bancroft, History of California, i, p. 111; Coman, Economic Beginnings of the Far West, i, pp. 100–101, 147–155.

157 Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 894.

158 Coman, op. cit., ii, pp. 28–29, 31–32, 144.

159 Ibid., i, pp. 40–44.

160 Ibid., i, p. 99.

161 Barrett, The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, in University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vi, p. 45.

162 The edict of Louis XIV in 1688 authorizing the importation of slaves related only to negroes from Africa. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

163 Hamilton, op. cit., in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102; Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada, p. 5.

164 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 316.

165 Hamilton, op. cit., in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

166 Hamilton, op. cit., in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102; New York Colonial Documents, x, p. 1118. General Amherst, the English commander and agent in the negotiations, wrote opposite the proposition: “Granted, except those who shall have been made prisoners.”

Though the word “Pawnee,” in the records, seems to have special reference to Indian slaves, it is sometimes used by the old Canadian writers to signify all persons in servitude, without regard to color. Hamilton, op. cit., in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 107.

167 In 1557, ten young Brazilian Indians were purchased by Villegaignon, and sent to France as a gift to King Henry II. The king distributed them among the nobles of his court. Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, i, p. 174.

168 See Transactions of the Canadian Institute, ii, p. 173.

169 Parkman, The Discovery of the Great West, sixth edition, p. 27.

170 Thwaites, Father Marquette, p. 34.

171 It should be noted that the missions never attained the same prominence among the French, within the limits of the present United States, as among the Spaniards. “The neophyte was too much a child, too much a slave, too little a man” to please the Frenchman.

172 Margry, op. cit., v, p. 162. La Salle, on his expedition, employed Indian hunters who were not slaves. Joutel’s Journal of La Salle’s Last Voyage, pp. 20, 76, 82, 94, 95, 97, 98; Parkman, The Discovery of the Great West, sixth edition, pp. 144, 356.

173 Jesuit Relations, xxx, p. 133.

174 Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13... Correspondance Générale, ii, 1707–1712.

175 Lowry and McCardle, A History of Mississippi from the Discovery, etc., second edition, p. 84.

176 Thwaites, Early Western Travels, xiii, p. 179.

177 Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 321.

178 Garneau, Histoire du Canada, etc., fourth edition, ii, p. 95. “The number of the Natchez that escaped the grasp of Périer, at this time, has been put down by some writers as three hundred warriors.” French, Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, series 5, p. 102.

179 Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 36; Monette, History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi, etc., i, p. 272, states the number as four hundred and twenty-seven. Lowry and McCardle, op. cit., p. 85, place the number as forty-five male Indians, and four hundred and fifty women and children.

180 Pittman, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi, Hodder edition, p. 80.

181 On the passage, some of the Indians, for “showing their resentment by upbraiding the authors of their misery,” were thrown into the sea. Ibid., p. 80.

182 Marbois, op. cit., p. 119, and appendix, No. 4.

183 Ferland, Cours d’Histoire du Canada, seconde partie, p. 446.

184 Landun, Journal d’un Voyage à la Louisiane fait en, p. 247; Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 316; La Harpe’s Journal in French, op. cit., p. 351.

185 Martin, The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period, i, p. 256.

186 Ibid., i, p. 256.

187 Dubroca, L’Itinéraire des Français dans la Louisiane, p. 81.

188 Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 319; Cramoisy, Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas, p. 65.

189 Cramoisy, op. cit., p. 65.

190 Gayarré, Louisiana, its History as a French Colony, p. 64.

191 Cramoisy, op. cit., pp. 49, 65, 67, 68, 89; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 432.

192 Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 564.

193 French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 42.

194 Margry, op. cit., v, p. 476; French, op. cit., new series, i. p. 100. Hennepin, A New Discovery, etc., p. 631, mentions the French of Kaskaskia using both Indian and negro slaves.

195 Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xxxiii, p. 286.

196 Ibid., pp. 324, 397.

197 Ibid., pp. 328, 439, 544.

198 Ibid., p. 550.

199 Ibid., pp. 365, 396.

200 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, pp. 434, 436.

201 Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages dans l’Amérique Septentrionale, p. 100.

202 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 343.

203 Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, p. 255. Verrazano says of the Indians of this region: “They are suspicious, hostile and desirous of obtaining steel implements for defense against kidnappers, who frequent the coast to seize and transport them to the Spanish Islands of the West Indies.”

204 Hakluyt, Voyages, iii, pp. 209, 213; Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, ii, p. 350; Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, pp. 327, 330; Douglas, Old France in the New World, pp. 22, 23, 27, 28, 30; Robinson, An Account of Discoveries, etc., p. 359. Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 81.

205 Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, ii, p. 364; Douglas, op. cit., pp. 39, 40, 42.

206 Lescarbot, op. cit., ii, pp. 363–367; Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, p. 336; Douglas, op. cit., p. 37; Robinson, op cit., p. 369. Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 81. The promise of Cartier that the prisoners should be well treated was evidently kept. In the archives of St. Malo for the year 1538, is noted the baptism of three savages brought there by Cartier. Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, iv, p. 57. These Indians were questioned by Francis I, (Thevet, Cosmographie Universelle, Tome II, p. 1013), and thus served the purpose for which they had been brought. They never returned to America, for all of them, except one little girl, died in Brittany before Cartier’s third voyage in 1540. Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, p. 342; Robinson, op. cit., p. 406.

207 Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, pp. 303–319; Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 44; Narrative of Jean Ribaut’s Whole and True Discovery of Terra Florida, reprinted in Courtnay, The Genesis of South Carolina, p. xxiv.

208 Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, p. 320, says, “by permission of the king”; Robinson, op. cit., p. 431.

209 French, op. cit., p. 74; Margry, op. cit., vi, pp. 282, 370, 371. An instance of kidnapping Indians in Canada by military officials is worthy of mention. In 1687, a number of Iroquois chiefs went to a French camp near Montreal, on the invitation of the French officials, to confer with the governor of Canada. The intendant, Champigny, had these chiefs seized and by the king’s orders sent to France to serve in the galleys. Brodhead, History of New York, first edition, ii, p. 476.

210 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 314.

211 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 29.

212 Ibid., vi, p. 315.

213 Ibid., vi, p. 406.

214 Ibid., vi, p. 410.

215 Ibid., vi, p. 593.

216 Farmer, The History of Detroit and Michigan, p. 344.

217 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 601.

218 Ibid., iv, p. 230; Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, ix, 1720–1722, p. 111; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, vi, p. 50.

219 Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, 1707–1712, p. 398.

220 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 36.

221 Ibid., pt. iii. p. 36.

222 Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., p. 346.

223 Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 564.

224 French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 42; A Memoir of La Salle to Frontenac, November 9, 1680, states: “The young bisons are easily tamed, and may be of great help, as well as the slaves in which the natives are accustomed to trade.” Historical Magazine, v, p. 197.

225 Margry, op. cit., v, p. 476; French, op. cit., new series, i, p. 100; Hennepin, A New Discovery, etc., p. 631, mentions the French of Kaskaskia using both negro and Indian slaves.

226 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, pp. 434, 436.

227 Savoile reported from Ft. Biloxi, August 4, 1701, that he possessed some slaves from the territory to the west and one Illinois slave, who was probably a runaway, and then adds that the French “voyageurs” would not miss this one runaway since they had so many. Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1678–1701, i, p. 152; Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 13, Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, 1678–1708, i, p. 315.

228 Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 12, second series, Carton I—Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, 1699–1773. (Transcript in Mr. Peter J. Hamilton’s library); Charlevoix, History and General Description of New France, (Shea’s Translation), vi, p. 32.

229 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1713–1714, iv; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, 1710–1712, iii.

230 Margry, op. cit., v, p. 476; French, op. cit., new series, i, p. 100.

231 Kingsford, The History of Canada, iii, p. 226.

232 Ibid.

233 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1716, vii, p. 23; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, iv, p. 248.

234 Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., p. 347.

235 Robinson, An Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519, etc., p. 369; Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 50.

236 Lescarbot, op. cit., ii, p. 352.

237 Robinson, op. cit., p. 369; Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 55.

238 Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 71; Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, pp. 319–349.

239 Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 74; Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, p. 396.

240 Sagard-Theodat, Histoire du Canada et Voyages, etc., new edition, iv, p. 829; Le Clercq, The First Establishment of the Faith in New France, Shea’s translation, i, p. 283; Douglas, op. cit., pp. 181, 195; Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain, seconde édition, vi, pp. 154–158.

241 Purchas His Pilgrimes, xviii, p. 225; Bourne, The Voyages and Explorations of Samuel de Champlain, etc., i, p. 229.

242 Bourne, op. cit., i, pp. 226, 229; Laverdière, op. cit., seconde édition, vi, pp. 154–158; Marshall, Historical Writings Relating to the Early History of the West, p. 22. It will be seen that these Indians were not considered as slaves by Champlain. They were to be educated and trained in religious duties for their own good, for that of the faith and the future good of the French. Yet they illustrate the readiness with which the Indians parted with members of their own tribe, as well as with those whom they held captive.

243 Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, pp. xxxii, 23; Jesuit Relations, lix, p. 121; French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. xxxii.

244 Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. lv.

245 French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. li.

246 Ibid., pt. iv, p. 169; pt. i, pp. 71, 72, 74; Margry, op. cit., ii, p. 98; Joutel, Journal of La Salle’s Last Voyage, p. 118.

247 French, op. cit., series 2, p. 100.

248 Ibid., new series, p. 84; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 433.

249 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 21.

250 Ibid., vi, pp. 47, 48.

251 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 192.

252 French, op. cit., p. 74; Margry, op. cit., vi, pp. 282, 370, 37?.

253 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 407.

254 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1716, vi, p. 355.

255 Le Code Noir, Article IX.

256 Robinson, op. cit., p. 363.

257 Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 74.

258 Margry, op. cit., vi. p. 21.

259 Ibid., vi, p. 458.

260 Ibid., vi, p. 417.

261 As in the case of the Spaniards, not all the Indians who accompanied the French exploring parties were slaves. Many of them were hired. Others were sent by their chiefs. Some went voluntarily.

262 Le Page du Pratz, The History of Louisiana, etc., p. 20.

263 Correspondance Générale, 1678–1706. Tome 2, p. 328. A memoir in the possession of the Louisiana Historical Society.

264 The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America, p. 12.

265 Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13. 1707–1712, p. 398.

266 Pittman, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi, etc., Hodder edition, p. 102; Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, p. 67; Monette, History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi, i, p. 192; Gayarré, History of Louisiana, French Domination, i, p. 242; Thwaites, Early Western Travels, xxvii, p. 55; Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 145; Martin, History of Louisiana, i. p. 173.

267 Guénin, La Louisiane, p. 297.

268 Pittman, op. cit., Hodder edition, p. 102.

269 Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 145.

270 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 332.

271 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, iv, 1713–1714, p. 14; Notes et Documents Historiques de la Louisiane, p. 29.

272 Bossu, op. cit., p. 114; Margry, op. cit., i, p. 112.

273 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, pp. 378, 379, 454.

274 Margry. op. cit., ii, p. 293. The only instance in which a home government demanded that Indians be sent to Europe to perform actual labor as slaves, exists in the case of the French. On July 31, 1684, Louis XIV ordered de la Barre to send all Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys, because, said the letters royal, “these savages are strong and robust.” Brodhead, History of New York, first edition, ii, p. 476. De la Barre made an expedition against the Iroquois, but was unsuccessful. In 1687, Denonville, the succeeding governor-general, led another expedition against the Iroquois who had been especially arrogant toward the French since the repulse of de la Barre. Before the expedition had set out from Fort Frontenac, another dispatch from the king had arrived. This repeated his former orders to send the Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys. Denonville obeyed the command. Brodhead, op. cit., ii, p. 507. The order was repeated March, 1688, declaring “It is certain that those Indians, who are vigorous and accustomed to hardship, can serve usefully on board his Majesty’s galleys,” Brodhead, op. cit., ii, p. 546. Continued difficulties with the Indians led Denonville, among other concessions and attempts at conciliation, to write to France, asking that as many of the Indian galley slaves as survived should be returned to Canada, and suggesting that, to produce as good an effect as possible, they be decently clothed. The request was complied with. Marshall, Historical Writings relating to the early History of the West, p. 159; De Brumath, Bishop Laval, pp. 214, 215, 216. For a description of the French galleys of the time, see Clément, Vie de Colbert, p. 456.

275 Parkman, A Half-Century of Conflict, ii, p. 17.

276 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 402.

277 Arkansas Historical Society Publications, ii, p. 342.

278 Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 103.

279 See Hinsdale, The Old Northwest, etc., revised edition, p. 347; Monette, op. cit., pp. 199–200; Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, 1856, iii, pp. 256 et seq.

280 Cramoisy, Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas, p. 53.

281 Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, xlvi, p. 141.

282 Bienville ordered one of the Indian prisoners, who had assisted in the murder of St. Cosmé, to be placed on a wooden horse, and his brains to be beaten out with a club. His scalp was then cut off, and his body thrown into the river.

283 Parkman, The Pioneers of France in the New World, pp. 217, 244.

284 Lescarbot, op. cit., iii, p. 612; Parkman, The Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 279; Marshall, op. cit., p. 127.

285 The following records are from a transcript in the library of Tulane University.

1724, Feb. 4, est né un fils d’une esclave Indienne appt—le père est inconnu. (p. 26).

1724, May 2—autre fois esclave de la nation des Panis marié avec Francarte de la nation de Chat—(p. 33).

1728, Sept. 13—ai inhumé dans la cimetière de cette paroisse—le corps de sauvagesse apport à—(p. 280).

1729, Feb. 26—ai baptisé—sauvage appt. à M. Roquet, (p. 371).

1729, June 20—ai baptisé—sauvage appt. à M. Villevalle (p. 389).

1730, Janvier 30—ai inhumé dans la cimetière de cette paroisse avec les ceremonies ordinaires de l’église, le corps de Jean Baptise, sauvage, age de deux ans, appt. à M. de Ste. Cheuse (p. 424).

au fay de quoy j’ai signé,
Fr. Hyacueltre.

286 Tanguay, A Travers les Registres, pp. 88, 111, 157 (instances cited).

287 Jesuit Relations, lxx, p. 232.

288 Dunn, Indiana, p. 127. Parkman Club Papers, p. 210, gives an account of the marriage of two Indian slaves in 1754. About 1750 half the baptisms and marriages recorded in the church register of Vincennes were “red or Indian slaves,” belonging to the commandant or to the inhabitants. Law, The General History of Vincennes, etc., p. 145.

289 This register is now kept in the Mobile cathedral under the care of the Bishop of Mobile. It was presented for examination through the kindness of Father Hacket.

290 Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 66; Godwyn, The Negro and Indian’s Advocate, etc., p. 30. When arrangements for an expedition to New Biscay were being made, a memorial on America, February, 1684, called attention to this state of affairs, and urged the king to enforce it in order to attract to the side of the French the numerous negro, Indian and mulatto slaves of that country. Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 66.

291 Fortier, A History of Louisiana, i, p. 87.

292 Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 13, Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, 1673–1706, i, p. 168.

293 French, Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, new series, i, p. 99; Pickett, History of Alabama, etc., p. 179.

294 Martin, The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period, i, p. 173.

295 Quoted in Fortier, A History of Louisiana, i, p. 101.

296 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 231; Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, ix, p. 12; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, vi, p. 51.

297 The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America, etc., p. 26.

298 Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 211.

299 Smith, Slavery in Canada, in Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

300 Dunn, Indiana, p. 126.

301 Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 145; Hinsdale, The Old Northwest, etc., p. 347.

302 Burton, Cadillac’s Village, or Detroit under Cadillac, p. 34.

303 Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 295.

304 Ibid., xvi, p. 340.

305 Beauharnois et Hocquart au Ministre. Quoted in Salone, La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, deuxième édition, p. 353.

306 Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada, published by the Montreal Historical Society, pp. 8–9. Records following that time show Pawnee slaves still in existence down to 1827, Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, vii, pp. 158, 177, 179; xi, p. 393; xii, p. 94; Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, 1896–1898, x, p. 3. In the Niagara Herald several advertisements are found relating to Indian slaves. One of August 25, 1802, forbids all persons harboring a runaway Indian slave. So in the Gazette and Oracle, early in the nineteenth century, advertisements refer to Indian slaves or “Pawnees.”

307 Rambaut, A Sketch of the Constitutional History of Canada, p. 28.

308 Smith, Slavery in Canada, in Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

309 Grignon, Recollections, in Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, 1856, iii, pp. 256–258, mentions several such instances.

310 Report Concerning Canadian Archives, 1904, pt. ii, p. 211.

311 Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada, pp. 5–6.

An interesting example of such manumission is recorded in Louisiana in 1770. On April 30th of that year, the Sieur Pierre Clermont appeared before the notary of the Cabildo and declared that he had had for a long time in his service an Indian, Louison, of the nation of the “Sious.” The latter had served him with so much attachment and zeal that he desired to reward him, and believed that the best way to do so was to give him his freedom. As, however, he had an indispensable need for the Indian for three years longer, and feared that he might be prevented by death from liberating him, he stated that it was his wish that in three years Louison be set free and enjoy all the rights of freedom. Louison, in his turn, stated that he thanked the Sieur Clermont, and promised to serve him faithfully for three years. He also agreed to lose all rights given him by his master if he should be ungrateful to him. Fortier, Old Papers of Colonial Times, in Louisiana Historical Society Publications, i, pt. ii, 1895, p. 17.

312 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1716, vi, p. 355.

313 Ibid., 1721–1722, x, p. 217; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, vi, p. 368.

314 Hewat, An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, ii, p. 227.

315 Wilson, A New History of the Conquest of Mexico, p. 34.

316 Dunn, Indiana, p. 126.

317 Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., p. 348.

318 Salone, La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, deuxième édition, p. 353.

319 In 1793, slavery was abolished in Upper Canada by act of the Provincial Parliament. In Lower Canada, it had practically ceased by 1800, the few remaining slaves being freed by an imperial act in 1834. Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 301. The last public sale of a slave in Canada took place in Montreal in 1797. It has been held, however, that it was the proceeding of the Canadian courts, consistent with the rising public sentiment in England and France against slavery, rather than the actual state of the law, which reached the slave owners’ claims, and finally broke them. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

320 Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 13, Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, i, 1678–1706, p. 514; Gayarré, History of Louisiana, i, p. 100.

321 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, viii, 1717–1720, pp. 73–74.

322 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, xvii, pp. 303–307.

323 Report Concerning Canadian Archives, 1905, i, p. 117.

324 John Long’s Journal, 1768–1782, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, ii, p. 116.

325 Care should be taken to distinguish between the term “Pawnee” as applied to an Indian tribe, and as used by the French to mean any Indian slave, regardless of the tribe to which he originally belonged.

326 Parkman, The Old Régime in Canada, p. 338.

327 Ibid., p. 388.

328 Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

329 Fortier, A History of Louisiana, i, p. 85; Burke, An Account of the European Settlements in America, i, p. 45.

330 France also had in mind the getting rid of an undesirable class.

331 Martin, The History of Louisiana, i, p. 266.

332 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 42. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

333 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 42.

334 Rowland, Encyclopedia of Mississippi History, ii, p. 673.

335 Wallace, History of Louisiana and Illinois, p. 239.

336 Rowland, op. cit., ii, p. 673.

337 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 21.

338 Stoddard, History of Louisiana, p. 36.

339 Martin, History of Louisiana, i, p. 266. For an instance of one hundred and seventy-five negroes brought in one vessel to Louisiana in 1721, see Margry, op. cit., v, p. 583.

340 See Fortier, op. cit., i, pp. 87–94.

341 Jesuit Relations, lxvii, p. 281.

342 Albach, Annals of the West, p. 88; Illinois Historical Society Publications, xi, 1906, p. 49.

343 Breese, Early History of Illinois, p. 194.

344 Illinois Historical Society Publications, xi, 1906, p. 49.

345 Doyle, English Colonies in America, The Puritan Colonies, ii, p. 506.

346 I. e., until after the Pequot and King Philip Wars.

347 Freeman, The History of Cape Cod, p. 72.

348 Connecticut Colonial Records, 1715, p. 516.

349 Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, etc., p. 337; Essex Institute Historical Collections, vii, p. 73; Connecticut Colonial Records, 1711, p. 233.

350 Hawks, History of North Carolina, etc., second edition, ii, p. 577.

351 Bancroft Papers Relating to Carolina, in New York City Public Library, MSS. vol. i, 1662–1769; Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Government, etc., p. 232; South Carolina Historical Society Collections, ii, p. 217; Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 95; Schaper, Sectionalism in South Carolina, p. 263.

352 Logan, A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina, i, p. 189.

353 Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of Proprietary Government, etc., p. 231.

354 Public Records of South Carolina, 1711–1716, vi, p. 276; British Public Record Office, Am. N. I., vol. 620.

355 Hewat, An Historical Account of the Rise of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, i, p. 309.

356 Glenn, A Description of South Carolina, etc., p. 81; Charleston Year Book, 1883, p. 407. (A quotation from a pamphlet entitled, “The Importance of the British Plantations in America to this Kingdom,” London, 1731).

357 Dalcho, An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina, p. 287; Humphreys, An Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, etc., edition of 1730, pp. 103–105.

As the result of the intermingling of negroes and Indians, which came about when the coast tribes dwindled and the small number of remaining members moved inland, associated and intermarried with the negroes until they finally lost their identity and were classed with that race, a considerable portion of the blood of the southern negroes is unquestionably Indian. Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897–1898, p. 233. It was these mixed bloods, as well as the pure blood Indians, to which the statutes referred by the terms “Indian slaves” and “mustee,” or “mestee,” slaves. Occasional mention is made in the colonial newspapers of slaves of the mixed red and black races. American Weekly Mercury, October 24, 1734. The opinion has even been advanced that, in certain of the colonies, there never were any pure blood Indian slaves. Mr. W. B. Melius of Albany, New York, asserts; “I do not believe the pure Indian was sold as a slave (in New York), I believe the Indian who was the slave was not without mixture.” New York State Library Bulletin, History, No. 4, May, 1900. One instance of the mixture of the Indians and negroes in New York is found in a complaint made in 1717, that negro slaves ran away, and were secreted by the Minisink with whose women they intermarried. Ibid., No. 4, May, 1900.

358 Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, vi, p. 259, mentions an Indian slave in 1749.

359 Howe, Historical Collections of Virginia, etc., p. 134.

360 Winthrop, Journal History of New England, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

361 See Chapter V.

362 “It seems probable that there were no Indian slaves in Plymouth before the division of land in 1623.” Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, iii, p. 114.

363 Boston News Letter and other newspapers.

364 Ellis, The History of Roxbury Town, p. 136.

365 Felt, The History of Ipswich, pp. 306, 320; Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735.

366 Wilson, Where American Independence Began, p. 154.

367 Corey, The History of Malden, p. 416.

368 Ibid.

369 Chase, The History of Haverhill, pp. 239, 248.

370 Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New England, p. 84.

371 Doyle, English Colonies in America, The Puritan Colonies, ii, p. 68. In 1708, Governor Dudley made a report on slaves and the slave trade to the Board of Trade, in which he stated that there were 400 negro slaves in Massachusetts. No mention was made of Indians. Historical Magazine, x, p. 52.

372 American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, 1885–1887, new series, iv, p. 216.

373 American Statistical Association Collections, i, pp. 208–214; Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 1, iv, p. 199.

374 Livermore, A History of Block Island, etc., p. 60.

375 New England Courant, June 17, 1723—A Spanish Indian runaway from Newport; Boston Gazette, October 28, 1728—An Indian runaway slave from Warwick, Rhode Island.

376 Channing, The Narragansett Planters, p. 10, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, iv.

377 Ibid., p. 10.

378 Colonial Records of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, viii, p. 359.

379 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 342, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

380 See pp. 130–131, 150.

381 Caulkins, History of New London, pp. 330, 335, mentions Indian slaves in 1711 and 1735; An Indian woman slave lived in Westbury until her death in 1774. Steiner, History of Slavery in Connecticut, p. 21, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xi.

382 Steiner, op. cit., p. 12, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xi.

383 Sanborn, New Hampshire, an Epitome of Popular Government, p. 137.

384 Sanborn, op. cit., p. 151, states that in 1720, hardly an Indian remained in New Hampshire, except, perhaps, an enslaved captive.

385 The Boston Postboy, May 2, 1743, advertises a runaway Indian slave from Portsmouth, New Hampshire. The same paper, July 25, 1743, advertises another runaway Indian slave from New Castle, in the same colony.

386 “In theory, at least, the Hollander considered the Indian a man like himself, with analogous rights to life, liberty and possessions.” Consequently, “Indians were not enslaved in New Netherland.” Van Rensselaer, History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century, i, p. 63. These statements are rather difficult to prove. Holding Indians as slaves who had been enslaved elsewhere and then brought into the colony, and making slaves in the colony and then sending them out of it, were practices that unquestionably existed, even if on a small scale. The declaration of the governor and council of New York in 1680 that “all Indians here have always been, and are, free, and not slave, except such as have been formerly brought from the Bay and Foreign Ports,” (Brodhead, History of the State of New York, first edition, ii, p. 331), shows the presence of some Indian slaves in the Dutch colony.

The records of New Netherland contain accounts of manumission in that colony of slaves called Spaniards and bearing Spanish names. Whether these individuals were Spanish Indians, or negroes from the Spanish Islands, is not specified in the records. One such person received his freedom in 1645, by payment of 300 carolus guilders. O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, New York, pt. i, p. 45. Another received his freedom in 1646, in return for his long and faithful services. O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. i, p. 105. Two others, slaves in the Company’s service, were freed in 1664. O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. i, p. 264. Still others, belonging presumably to individual owners, received freedom in this same year. O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. i, p. 269.

Two incidents of enslavement of Indians in New Netherland are noteworthy, even if the individuals concerned were subsequently sent out of the colony. The first instance occurred in 1644, in connection with the Indian troubles of that time. At the close of the difficulties, some of the Indian prisoners were sent by Governor Kieft to the Bermudas “as a present to the English governor.” Still others were given to the “oldest and most experienced soldiers,” who, at that time, were allowed to go to Holland. Brodhead, History of the State of New York, revised edition, i, p. 396; New York Colonial Documents, i, p. 215; Van Rensselaer, op. cit., i, p. 235. The second instance was connected with the Esopus Indians. On May 25, 1660, a resolution was taken in the council to transport to Curaçao all but two or three of the lately acquired Esopus Indians, “to be employed there, or at Buenaire, with the negroes in the Company’s service.” Brodhead, op. cit., revised edition, i, p. 676; O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State in Albany, pt. i, p. 295. On June 29th, Stuyvesant issued an order, and arranged for their passage. O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. i, p. 214. O’Callaghan, History of New Netherland, etc., ii, p. 420, gives the number transported as eleven. Schoonmaker, The History of Kingston, p. 16, states it as twenty. Those retained in the colony on this occasion were not enslaved, but were to be punished “as might be thought proper or as necessity might demand.” Schoonmaker, op. cit., p. 16. The relations with the Iroquois had prevented any serious Indian wars in the colony, and because of this relation Stuyvesant’s act was considered highly impolitic. His course, which was perhaps patterned after the action of the English following the Pequot War, he sought to justify in his declaration that “their enlargement would have a tendency to create disaffection toward our nation. Our barbarian neighbors would glory, as if they had inspired us with terror.” Schoonmaker, op. cit., p. 16. In 1661 these Indians were recalled from slavery. O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts, etc., pt. i, p. 295.

387 Van Rensselaer, History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century, i, p. 193.

388 Brodhead, History of the State of New York, revised edition, i, p. 193.

389 Records of the Towns of North and South Hempstead, Long Island, ii, p. 60.

390 Northrup, Slavery in New York, in New York State Library Bulletin, History. No. 4, May, 1900, p. 305.

391 Ibid. Note that April 27, 1699, Bellomont reported to the Lords of Trade: “They have no other servants in this country but negroes.”

392 O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, New York, pt. ii, p. 314.

393 New York Historical Society Collections, 1892, i, p. 413.

394 New York Colonial Documents, v, p. 433.

395 Scharf, History of Westchester County, etc., ii, p. 667.

396 Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, iv, p. 2357; Dix, History of the Parish of Trinity Church in the City of New York, i, p. 203.

397 New York Colonial Documents, vi, p. 546.

398 O’Callaghan, Documentary History of New York, ii, p. 984; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xxx, p. 596.

399 New York Gazette, July 23, 1733 (a runaway Indian slave from Flushing); March 3, 1734 (a runaway Indian slave from Westchester); February 13, 1739 (a runaway slave from New York City). New York Weekly Mercury, October 27, November 3, and November 10, 1740 (a runaway Indian slave from New York); August 16, 1756 (a runaway Indian slave from Long Island); May 30 and June 13, 1757 (a runaway Indian slave from “the mines near Second River”); June 12, June 19, June 26, July 3, 1758 (a runaway Indian slave from Newcastle, Westchester County).

400 The Delaware Indians had been conquered by the Iroquois, and so humbled that they were glad to accept the friendship of the Quakers and live in peace. Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac, etc., sixth edition, i, p. 82.

401 The Pennsylvania Gazette, April 20, 1737, October 5, 1738, March 16, 1731. The American Daily Mercury, March 24, 1720; May 24, 1726; August 28, 1729; July 30, 1730; August 16, 1733; July 8, 1771, The Pennsylvania Journal, June 18, 1726.

402 Scharf, History of Delaware, i, p. 180; Smith, History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, p. 219.

403 Martin, Chester and its Vicinity, p. 189.

404 Smith, History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, p. 335; Martin, Chester and its Vicinity, p. 189; Futhey and Cope, History of Chester County, Pennsylvania, etc., p. 424. The registration was made in accordance with the terms of the act of 1780, which provided for the registration of all negro and mulatto slaves and servants for life.

405 Report of the Friends’ Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jersies, from the 19th to the 24th of the 7th month, 1719, p. 211.

406 Lee, New Jersey as a Colony and as a State, i, p. 199.

407 Cornelius Van Vorst had a slave known as “Half Indian Jack,” who died at Harsimus, February 2, 1831, at the age of 102 years. Winfield, History of the County of Hudson, New Jersey, p. 434.

The New York Gazette, June 24, July 8, July 15, July 29, August 12, and August 26, advertises a runaway Indian slave, and a second slave, half Indian and half negro, from Monmouth County, New Jersey. The American Weekly Mercury, October 24, October 31, and November 7, 1734, advertises a runaway slave, half Indian and half negro, from Perth Amboy, New Jersey.

408 The Yoamaco Indians of that section had been so preyed upon by the “Susquahannocks” that they had abandoned their country. Oldmixon, The British Empire in America, etc., i, p. 189.

409 Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, etc., p. 194, states that the Indians of the Carolina country refused to sell their children, though they would sell anything else they possessed for wampum. For precedents when the English sold white captives in war, see Trowbridge, A History of Ancient Maritime Interests in New Haven, p. 47; Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century, ii, p. 189.

410 Quoted in Bannister, British Colonization and Colored Tribes, pp. 49–54.

411 William and Mary College Quarterly, vi, p. 214.

412 The Narrative of Bacon’s Rebellion, in Winder Papers, Virginia State Library, reprinted in Virginia Magazine of History, iv, 1896–1897, p. 140, tells of forty-five Indian captives taken. “The plunder and captives estimated noe lesse than 6 or 700, the goodes being three horse loades.”

413 Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, x, p. 165. Later all but five were restored to the queen by Ingram, one of Bacon’s officers.

414 Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, etc., p. 106.

415 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78; Grahame, The History of the United States, etc., ii, p. 113.

416 Rivers, op. cit., p. 200.

417 Religious hatred and race hatred, as well as the desire for personal gain, dictated Moore’s action. Note that the constant enmity of the Spanish and English Indians, and their raids upon each other, gave him excellent opportunity to accomplish his purpose.

418 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 157.

419 Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 233.

420 Public Records of South Carolina, v, 1700–1710, p. 196; British Public Record Office, vol. 620.

421 Fairbanks, History of Florida from its Discovery, etc., p. 179.

422 Fairbanks, op. cit., p. 189; Fairbanks, The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, etc., p. 139.

423 Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 875; pt. ii, p. 600.

424 Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

425 A few Indians were captured before this, and a few more were imported, like other slaves. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, p. 72, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

426 North Carolina Colonial Records, i, p. 815.

427 McCrady, The History of South Carolina under Proprietary Government, p. 499.

428 North Carolina Colonial Records, i, p. 826.

429 Ibid., i, p. 875.

430 Ibid., ii, p. iv.

431 Ibid., i, p. 826.

432 Ibid., ii, p. 30; McCrady, op. cit., p. 526; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, ix, 1908, pp. 33, 39, 41.

433 McCrady, op. cit., p. 566; Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, etc., p. 254; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, viii, 1908, pp. 28–54.

434 Bassett, op. cit., p. 73, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

435 These Indians had never forgotten the seizure of twenty-seven of their number by Thomas Hunt who had been in Smith’s expedition of 1614, and were, in consequence, always antagonistic to the whites. As the result of their depredations, the Connecticut general court, May 1, 1637, declared an offensive war against them. See copy of the court record in Orr, History of the Pequot War, etc., p. ix. Mason records that one cause of not pursuing the Indians farther was the Sabbath coming on. Mason, A Brief Narrative of the Pequot War, in Orr, op. cit., p. 34.

436 Ibid., p. 39.

437 Winthrop, Journal History of New England, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Hubbard, A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, p. 42. They were carried into the harbor and drowned. Mather, Magnalia,, edition of 1820, ii, p. 483.

It has been stated that Massachusetts made no effort to retain the captive male Pequot as slaves because of the admonition given in Leviticus, xxiv, 44, that the heathen of the land in which the Israelitish people dwelt were not to be enslaved, but only those “that were round about them”—the Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites, and Syrians, whose utter extermination had not been expressly decreed. Historical Magazine, x, p. 49.7

438 Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 342, in Original Narratives of Early American History. Winthrop states the number of captives as eighty. This is evidently an error, for the sum of those whom he mentions as disposed of is eighty-three. Mason, op. cit., in Orr, op. cit., p. 39, gives the number of captives as one hundred and eighty.

A division of the Indian captives among the allies would tend to draw them nearer to the English. It was for this reason, and because the Indians enslaved at the first division of captives persisted in running away, that all the Indians of the second division were not enslaved. The Indians distributed among the friendly Indians did not become their slaves. In the case of the Narraganset, Roger Williams informed Governor Winthrop, June, 1637, that they did not desire to use the Pequot as slaves, but preferred to treat them kindly, and grant them houses and lands. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, vi, p. 195.

439 Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

440 Steiner, History of Slavery in Connecticut, p. 9, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xi.

441 Morton, op. cit., 104; Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, iii, p. 360. In the Swamp Fight the Indians were attacked by the combined forces of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Hence the division of the captives between the two colonies.

442 Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 260, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Bradford, op. cit., p. 342, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

443 Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

444 Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, i, 1574–1660, p. 278.

445 Ibid., i, p. 296.

446 Freeman, Civilisation and Barbarism, p. 64, declares that the enslaving of Indians had become a mania with speculators.

447 Williamson, The History of the State of Maine, etc., i, p. 531; Drake, The Book of the Indians, ninth edition, bk. iii, p. 40.

448 Drake’s Note in Hubbard, A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, etc., ii, p. 94.

449 Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War, p. 209.

450 Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173.

451 Ibid., v, p. 174.

452 Felt, The Ecclesiastical History of New England, ii, p. 576.

453 Baylies, Historical Memoir of New Plymouth, ii, pt. iii, pp. 47–48; Church, The History of King Philip’s War, Dexter edition, p. 147.

454 Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 75.

455 Hough, A Narrative of the Causes which led to Philip’s Indian War of 1675–1676, pp. 188–189.

456 Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173; ix, p. 401.

457 Hough, op. cit., p. 25; Felt, Annals of Salem, second edition, i, p. 507.

458 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii, pp. 270–272.

459 Hutchinson, The History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, etc., i, p. 306.

460 Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, p. 287.

461 Drake’s Note in Hubbard, op. cit., ii, p. 94. These Indians did not sell well abroad, for doubtless former experience had proved their race to be unsatisfactory as slaves. In one instance, when no immediate market could be found, a number of them were left in the slave market of Algiers from which, by the efforts of John Eliot, they were enabled to return to America in 1683. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 1, ii, p. 183. Of this incident Cotton Mather said: “Moreover, ’tis a prophecy in Deut. 28: 68, ‘The Lord shall bring thee into Egypt again with ships, by the way whereof I spake unto thee. Thou shalt see it no more again; and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bondmen and bondwomen, and no man shall buy you.’ These did our Eliot imagine were sent to be sold in the coasts lying not very far from the coasts of Egypt, on the Mediterranean Sea, and scarce any chapman would offer to take them off.” Magnalia, bk. iii, pt. 3.

462 Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 190.

463 For a discussion of the treatment of Philip’s wife and son, see Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, viii, p. 689. For the opinions of the two eminent divines to whom the matter of their disposal was referred before colonial action was taken, see Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 190.

464 Plymouth Colony Records, vi, p. 15. The Boston Book of Possessions, p. 145 (quoted in Corey, The History of Malden, p. 48), contains a proclamation issued by Governor Leverett, September 23, 1675, relating to the sale of seven male Indians to two colonists who were to transport and sell them anywhere they wished.

465 Shurtleff, Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, v, p. 136.

466 Gookin, History of the Christian Indians, in American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, 1836, ii, p. 449.

467 Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 244.

468 Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 136; Plymouth Colony Records, v, pp. 207, 223; vi, p. 15. The Plymouth general court required that the magistrates who disposed of such Indian children according to the order of the court, should sign “indentures for such as are so disposed, to prevent further differences.” Plymouth Colony Records, vi, p. 15.

469 In 1676, as well as several years before and after, the government of Rhode Island was in the hands of the Quakers. Staples, Annals of Providence, p. 169. No organized effort against the system of slavery in general was made in Rhode Island until that of the Quakers, 1717. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, p. 188.

470 Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, v, p. 170; Rhode Island Historical Society Publications, new series, i, p. 234. This same town meeting freed certain Indians and gave them the rights of inhabitants, and sentenced others to be shot for crime. Early Records of Providence, viii, p. 12. These Indian captives were carried to the port in a vessel belonging to Providence Williams, son of Roger Williams. Staples, op. cit., p. 172.

471 Roger Williams was a member of this committee.

472 Rhode Island Historical Society Publications, i, pp. 236–238; Arnold, History of Rhode Island, i, p. 425. For examples of indentures or bills of sale, and receipts returned to the committee, see Early Records of the Town of Portsmouth, pp. 430–433; vol. 01087 of the Town Records of Providence. See Report of Record Commissioners on Providence Town Records.

473 Richman, Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning, ii, p. 192; Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England, ii, p. 549.

474 Orcutt, The History of the old Town of Derby, Connecticut, p. lvii.

475 Connecticut Colonial Records, ii, p. 308.

476 William and Mary College Quarterly, viii, p. 165.

477 Ibid., viii, p. 165.

478 Hening, The Statutes at Large, etc., ii, pp. 346, 404.

479 Foote, Sketches of Virginia, Historical and Biographical, first edition, p. 18.

480 Hening, op. cit., ii, pp. 404, 440; Virginia Magazine of History, ii, p. 173. This law is almost a literal transcript of Bacon’s law.

481 Ballagh, A History of Slavery in Virginia, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, extra volume xxiv, pp. 35, 50; Hening, op. cit., ii, pp. 346, 404.

482 Hening, op. cit., iv, p. 10.

483 Ibid., i, p. 259.

484 Ibid., i, p. 459.

485 Indians held in captivity before 1670 were not slaves but servants. See Chapter ix.

486 Before that time, the Indians had given little or no trouble, and the colony had never passed a militia act.

487 Every seventh man was to be pressed into service. William Fuller was appointed to command.

488 Allen, A Calendar of Maryland State Papers, i, p. 54. This appears to have been the only attempt made by Maryland to enslave Indian war captives.

489 North Carolina Colonial Records, i, p. 900; ii, p. iv.

490 Ibid., ii, p. 305.

491 Ibid., ii, pp. iv, 52; Williamson, History of North Carolina, i, p. 289.

492 North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 45.

493 Rivers, op. cit., p. 132.

494 Lands were also given as reward for valor, but they were not acceptable for the people had no laborers to work them. Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78.

495 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 74.

496 Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Lewis edition, 1898, i, p. 108.

497 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, pp. 189, 212.

498 Ibid., ii, p. 212.

499 In 1703, Sir Nathaniel Johnson succeeded Moore as governor.

500 In a letter to the governor of South Carolina, May 1, 1704, Moore states that he has taken all the people of three towns, and the greatest part of four more, and that he has with him thirteen hundred free Apalachee Indians and one hundred slaves. Carroll, op. cit., ii, pp. 574–576.

501 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, pp. 322, 325.

502 Ibid., ii, p. 637.

503 Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, etc., edition of 1804, p. 135. If such an Indian should be killed, the captor was to secure £10 from the public treasury. This amount was probably less than the regular price of such slaves, for if the amount were equal to the full value, the captor would have been tempted to kill the captive, and thus avoid the trouble of keeping him. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, p. 73, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

504 North Carolina Colonial Records, xiii, pp. 204–205, contains a letter of President Lowndes of South Carolina to Governor Caswell of North Carolina, August 6, 1778, concerning the adjustment of this matter. As late as 1776 Cherokee prisoners of war were sold to the highest bidder in South Carolina, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 223; Basset, op. cit., p. 73, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

505 Hoadly, Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven, from May, 1653, to the Union, etc., p. 177.

506 Plymouth Colony Records, ix, p. 4.

507 Ibid., ix, p. 35.

508 Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173.

509 Ibid., v, p. 174.

510 Ibid., v, p. 173; ix, p. 401.

511 Ibid., xi, p. 242.

512 Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 115.

513 Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 75.

514 Hough, op. cit., pp. 188–189. It is to be noted that none of the Indians transported were allowed to return to the colonies. This same court, on rumors of Indians landing near the coast of Rhode Island, forbade the landing of any Indian on the shores of Rhode Island or Narragansett Bay. Hough, op. cit., p. 189.

515 See Sylvester, op. cit., ii, p. 457, for expedients adopted by Massachusetts to obtain money to defend the frontiers. Yet the number killed and sold, along with those who escaped, practically destroyed the warring Indians. According to the Massachusetts Records of 1676–1677 a day was set apart for public thanksgiving, because, among other things of moment, “there now scarce remains a name or family of them (the Indians) but are either slain, captivated or fled.”

516 Both Plymouth and Massachusetts, by encouraging, as a part of the war policy, the capture of Indians alive, through legalizing such capture or granting a specified reward for each captive, unintentionally increased the number of Indian captives that could be sold. In a declaration issued by the New England commissioners at the beginning of the war, it was declared “lawful for any person, whether English or Indian, that shall find any Indians traveling or skulking in any of the towns or roads (within specified limits), to command them under their guard and examination, or to kill them as they may or can.” To this direction was added: “The council hereby declaring, that it will be most acceptable to them that none be killed or wounded that are willing to surrender themselves into custody.” Halkett, Historical Notes respecting the Indians of North America, p. 135.

In the eastern campaign Massachusetts offered twenty shillings bounty for every Indian scalp, and forty shillings for every prisoner. The individual towns sometimes took similar action. For instance, the people of Monhegan publicly offered a bounty of £5 for every Indian that should be brought in. In 1694, Massachusetts decreed that volunteers were to have for every Indian, great or small, which they should kill or bring in prisoner, £50, as well as all plunder. Soldiers under pay were to receive, over and above pay, £10. In 1695, £25 was decreed as the reward for any Indian woman or young person under fourteen years of age. Acts and Resolves, i, pp. 176, 211, 292.

517 Historical Magazine, x, p. 188.

518 Douglas, A Summary, Historical and Political, etc., i, p. 557.

519 Acts and Resolves, viii, p. 45.

520 Ibid., i, 530.

521 Church, op. cit., Dexter edition, i, p. 189. For the successful expedition of Church in which he captured 126 Indians, see Sylvester, Indian Wars of New England, ii, p. 326.

522 This last phrase related to a decree of the Plymouth Council of War, in turn confirmed by the Court, July 23, 1676. Hough, op. cit., pp. 187–189. The bill of sale of one of the Indian women to Adam Right of Duxbury bears the signature of Church. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, a Social History of the People, p. 178.

523 Gookin, op. cit., in American Antiquarian Society Collections, ii, 1836, p. 449. One of the arguments used by the warring Indians to persuade the Praying Indians to join with them, was that the English proposed to destroy all the Praying Indians, or sell them out of the country as slaves. Ibid., pp. 462, 476. The feeling against the Praying Indians was so strong that a council in Boston, August 30, 1675, disbanded them, and distributed them among five of their own villages. Gookin, op. cit., in American Antiquarian Society Collections, ii, 1836, p. 450. Most of the Indians were sent to Deer Island. Some of them were transported before harvests were gathered, and the government neglected to provide them with sufficient food, clothes and shelter. Ibid., ii, 1836, p. 433 et seq.

524 Belknap, The History of New Hampshire, i, p. 245.

525 Sumner, A History of East Boston, etc., p. 197.

526 Gookin, op. cit., in American Antiquarian Society Collections, 1836, ii, p. 449.

527 Some of the Praying Indians fought on the English side. It was reported among the Indians that these Christian Indians never shot at their Indian opponents, but into the tops of trees, and that they sold to Phipp’s agents the ammunition provided them. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, i, p. 106.

528 It is estimated that there were probably between 30,000 and 40,000 white inhabitants in the United Colonies at the time of King Philip’s War, and that of these, 6,000 to 8,000 were able to bear arms. Mather, A Brief History of the War with the Indians of New England, p. xxix. No estimate of the number of Praying Indians at the time of the war seems available. Palfrey, A Compendious History of New England from the Discovery by Europeans, etc., ii, p. 124, states their number, when at the highest, as 4,000. In 1685, Mr. Hinckley, governor of Plymouth, estimated them at 1,439, not counting children under twelve years of age. Hutchinson, The History of the Colony of Massachusetts, i, p. 349.

529 Plymouth Colony Records, v, pp. 173–174; xii, p. 242; Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 188.

530 Church, op. cit., Dexter edition, i, p. 182, mentions the sale of an old Indian named “Conscience” to a native of Swanzey. Perhaps an exception was made in the case of this Indian, because of age. Another exception appears to have been made by the Plymouth Court, September 1, 1676, when Sergeant Rogers was allowed to keep his Indian man at his own house, provided he should produce the said Indian on demand of the court. Hough, op. cit., p. 186. Still another exception was made by the Plymouth Court at the same session granting Church the right to “some five or six Indians,” who, if their behavior was satisfactory, might remain in the colony and not be sold to foreign parts unless any of them should be proved to have murdered any of the English. One Indian named “Crossman” was especially mentioned, as he had been accused of murdering Mr. Hezekiah Willet. Plymouth Colony Records, xi, p. 242; Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 188.

531 Pamphlet published in Cambridge in 1677, now in possession of the Boston Athenaeum. The full text is as follows:
“At a court held at Boston in New England, the 29th of March, 1677. The council being informed that certain strange Indians, who have been in Hostility against us, or have lived amongst such, are brought into this Jurisdiction, and bought by several persons, which causeth much trouble and fear to the Inhabitants where they reside, and may be of dangerous consequence, not only to the Towns where they live, but to the whole Jurisdiction, if not timely prevented:
“It is therefore Ordered that what person soever within this Jurisdiction shall hereafter buy or keep above ten days after the publication hereof, any such Indian, man or woman already bought, above the age of twelve years, without allowance from authority, shall besides the forfeit of such Indian or Indians, pay the fine of five pounds to the Treasurer of the Country, and the Constables of the several towns are ordered forthwith to publish this Order in their Precincts.

By the Council, Edward Rawson, Secr.”

532 Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 253.

533 Ibid., ix, p. 71.

534 Sylvester, op. cit., ii, p. 259; Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173. This action was opposed by Church, but without result.

535 Sylvester, op. cit., ii, p. 259; Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 174. Church, op. cit., Dexter edition, i, p. 46.

536 Belknap, The History of New Hampshire, i, pp. 143, 245; New Hampshire Provincial Papers, i, p. 357; Williamson, The History of the State of Maine, i, p. 539; Sylvester, op. cit., ii, pp. 339–340; Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 115. Hubbard and Mather barely mention this affair. Hubbard, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 28; Mather, Magnalia, bk. 7, ch. 6. Williamson states that the propriety of the event was a “subject which divided the whole community; some applauded, some doubted, some censured, but the government approved.”

537 Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, p. 287; Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 190. In at least one instance, provision against their being sold as slaves was made by the Indians in the terms of their surrender. When the squaw-sachem, Awanthonks, deserted the cause of Philip and allied herself with the English, she obtained a promise from the Plymouth government “that the life of every man, woman and child shall be spared, and none shall ever be sold as slaves, or transported from their native soil.” Hough, op. cit., p. 20; Drake, The Book of the Indians, ninth edition, p. 252; Freeman, Civilization and Barbarism, p. 129.

538 Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 136; Plymouth Colony Records, v, pp. 207, 223.

539 Connecticut Colonial Records, ii, 1665–1677, pp. 297–298. Indians convicted of having murdered any of the English were to be put to death, as in Massachusetts and Plymouth.

540 Connecticut Colonial Records, ii, 1665–1677, pp. 481–482. At this meeting the council granted liberty to ten Indians who had been captured in a swamp where they had hidden.

541 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England, i, p. 243; Richman, Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning, ii, p. 192.

542 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, p. 534.

543 “Because it is said they were left as hostages to the English force of the United Colonies.” Hough, op. cit., p. 186.

544 Action was taken in accordance with the powers granted in the charter “to exercise the law martial in such cases as occasions shall necessarily require, and upon just cause, to invade and destroy the native Indians and other enemies of the said colony.” Hough, op. cit., p. 173 et seq.

545 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, pp. 549–551.

546 Early Records of the Town of Portsmouth, p. 188. Rhode Island was accustomed to sell both whites and Indians into temporary servitude as punishment for crime. The Indians here mentioned were probably examples of such cases. See Rhode Island Tracts, No. 18, p. 131. The towns appears to have reversed its policy later. See Weeden, Early Rhode Island, etc., p. 178.

It was politic for the colonial governments to oppose the enslavement of Indians who were friendly to the English or in alliance with them. Two such instances are recorded in connection with North Carolina. In 1713, at the request of the governor of New York, the Seneca Indians sent an Indian to the Tuscarora to caution them against going to war with the English. The South Carolina Indians captured this Indian and held him as a slave. The council decided to buy him and send him back to his own nation. North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, pp. 1–2. In the same year the council ordered that a colonist who had sold a friendly Indian as a slave should be held for trial. Ibid., ii, p. 55.

During the intercolonial wars the French Indians were accustomed to take both their white and red captives to Canada, where the latter became slaves. As a part of their protective, diplomatic and military policy, the English sought to regain the freedom of these Indians, and thus retain the friendship of the Six Nations. In 1688, Governor Dongan demanded of the French agents that certain New York Indians who had been sent from Canada to France, be returned to the English consul at Paris or to the authorities in London, so that they might be brought home and be given their freedom. New York Colonial Documents, iii, p. 526. The French authorities agreed, and the Indians were brought back. Ibid., iii, pp. 621, 732, 733. In 1748, Governor Shirley sought to obtain the freedom of a Rhode Island Indian who had been sold as a slave in Canada, and on another occasion sent fourteen French prisoners to South Carolina to redeem certain members of the Six Nations who were held there. Ibid., vi, p. 448. Throughout the French and Indian struggle the governors of New York insisted that the members of the Six Nations, when captured in war, should be treated exactly as other English subjects, or, in other words, that they should not be enslaved.

547 Hakluyt Society Publications, vii, p. 23; Beazley, John and Sebastian Cabot, p. 118.

548 Beazley, op. cit., p. 118.

549 Historians differ regarding the place where these Indians were captured. J. G. Kohl, in A History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North America, reprinted in Maine Historical Society Collections, series 2, i, p. 142, expresses the opinion that Cabot probably obtained them on some shore south of New York harbor. James S. Buckingham, in Canada, Nova Scotia, etc., pp. 168, 337; and Samuel G. Drake, in The History and Antiquities of Boston, i, p. 1, regard Newfoundland as the probable home of the savages.

550 Best, Frobisher’s First Voyage, in Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen to America, Payne’s edition, pp. 65, 66.

551 Ibid., pp. 76–88.

552 Ibid., p. 136.

553 Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, etc., first American edition, (1820), i, p. 52; Prince, A Chronological History of New England in the Form of Annals, edition of 1887, ii, p. 26; Rosier, A True Relation of the most prosperous Voyage made this present year, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, viii, p. 145.

554 Gorges, A True Relation of the late Battell fought in New England, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 51; Williamson, The History of the State of Maine from its first Discovery, i, p. 207; Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of New England, etc., second edition, p. 190.

555 Stith, History of Virginia, bk. i, pp. 33, 34; Drake, The Old Indian Chronicle, edition of 1867, pp. 10–13.

556 Shakespeare’s jeering remark in “The Tempest,” Act II, Scene II, regarding those who refuse to help a lame beggar, but who will pay their money to see a dead Indian, may apply to one of these captives. Out of the common interest in savages the poet doubtless constructed the monster, Caliban.

When the Plymouth colony was founded, two of these captives were placed on board a vessel bound from Bristol to the coast of Maine. A Spanish fleet captured the ship, and the Indians were carried to Spain. Gorges afterward recovered one of these two, who, with at least two others of the original five, was afterward sent to America. Gorges, A Briefe Narration of the Originall Undertakings of the Advancement of Plantations into the parts of America, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 54; Drake, op. cit., edition of 1867, p. 13.

557 Hubbard, A General History of New England, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 2, v, p. 37; Drake, op. cit., edition of 1867, pp. 13–14. No record seems to exist regarding the fate of these Indians. It may have been one of them whom Gorges obtained from the Isle of Wight at the time the Earl of Southampton was in command.

558 Gorges, A Briefe Narration of the Originall Undertakings of the Advancement of Plantations into the parts of America, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 59.

559 Drake, The Book of the Indians, etc., ninth edition, bk. ii, p. 8; Gorges, op. cit., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 58; Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 111–112, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

560 Gorges, op. cit., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 60; Freeman, Civilisation and Barbarism, etc., p. 39; Drake, The Old Indian Chronicle, edition of 1867, pp. 6–7.

561 Smith, A Description of New England, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 132. There is no reason to believe that Smith had ideas regarding the Indians different from those held by the Englishmen of his time who did not rank the savage above the position of the slave, and who generally looked upon the Indians as a “degraded, inferior and faithless race, and no more to be regarded than the Africans.” Drake, op. cit., edition of 1867, p. 7.

562 O’Callaghan, Calendar of Manuscripts, etc., pt. ii, p. 117.

563 Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, p. 294; Drake, The Book of the Indians, etc., ninth edition, bk. iii, p. 104.

564 Williamson, The History of the State of Maine, etc., i, p. 531; Holmes, American Annals, etc., pp. 403–407; Hubbard, A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, etc., pp. 332–344.

565 Records of the Court of Assistants of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, i, p. 86.

566 Futhey and Cope, History of Chester County, Pennsylvania, p. 39.

567 Rupp, History of Lancaster County, etc., p. 89—Based on Gookin’s minutes of a journey in 1711 to the Indians in the vicinity of the Palatines.

568 Brown, The History of Missions, or, of the Propagation of Christianity among the Heathen since the Reformation, i, p. 394.

569 O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts, pt. i, p. 45, records the manumission of Manuel, the Spaniard, from slavery, February 17, 1648, for the sum of 300 carolus guilders.

570 Colonial Laws of New York, edition of 1894, i, p. 279.

571 Ibid., i, p. 389. In 1685, the master of a Carolina brig, in a petition to Governor Dongan of New York, complained of Humphrey Ashley, who chartered the vessel but ruined the voyage by killing an Indian and kidnapping four others near the Cape Fear River, whom he brought to the port of New York. The result shows the colonial government of New York not in favor of kidnapping. The necessity of keeping on good relations with the Iroquois made it policy to discourage the kidnapping custom. So it was ordered that all the effects of Ashley be sold at auction and the proceeds used to defray the cost of transporting Ashley and the four Indians back to Carolina. O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 117.

572 O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 117.

573 Diary of Cotton Mather, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 7, vii, p. 203.

574 Mayhew, Indian Converts, etc., p. 120.

575 Boston News Letter, September 10, 1711; May 2, 1715; January 15, 1719; December 28, 1720; June 18, 1724; March 2, 1732; Pennsylvania Gazette, March 7, 1731; New England Weekly Journal, August 30, 1731; October 14, 1735; August 10, 1736; Boston Gazette or Weekly Advertiser, December 22, 1718; August 1, 1749; New England Courant, June 17, 1723; Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735.

576 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, pp. 112, 120.

577 Spanish Indians are mentioned in the following issues of the colonial newspapers: Boston News Letter, November 13, 1704; April 29, 1706; August 5, 1706; May 2, 1715; January 5, 1719; December 28, 1720; June 18, 1724; March 2, 1732; New England Courant, June 17, 1723; Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, August 1, 1749; Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735; New England Weekly Journal, August 30, 1731; August 10, 1736; Pennsylvania Gazette, March 7, 1731; American Weekly Mercury, April 10, 1739.

578 Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States, i, p. 205.

579 Hening, op. cit., i, p. 482.

580 Archives of Maryland, xv, p. 22.

581 Ibid., xiii, p. 525.

582 Ibid., xxvi, p. 514.

583 Colonial laws of Massachusetts reprinted from the edition of 1660 with the supplements to 1672, containing also the body of Liberties of 1641, p. 53.

584 Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, edition of 1672, p. 15.

585 Vol. XXX, No. 227 A. of the Massachusetts manuscript records contains a petition, dated September 20, 1676, of one John Harton imprisoned for stealing Indians, asking freedom under bail in order to support his wife and family.

586 Felt, The Ecclesiastical History of New England, ii, p. 418.

587 Leaming and Spicer, The Grants, Concessions and Original Constitutions of the Province of New Jersey, etc., p. 105.

588 New Hampshire Historical Society Collections, viii, p. 11.

589 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 126.

590 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 316.

591 Ibid., v, pp. 178, 354, 360, 361; Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 332.

592 South Carolina Historical Society Collections, v, pp. 166, 460–462; Narratives of Early Carolina (Woodward’s relation of his Westo voyage), p. 133, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, vii, p. 634. One of the instruments of supply was the Cherokee. Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 96; Logan, The History of Upper Carolina, i, p. 174.

593 In 1666 Robert Sanford, secretary of the proprietors, made a voyage from Cape Fear to Port Royal and reported to the proprietors that the Indians of that section were anxious for friendship with the whites “notwithstanding we... had killed and sent away many of them.” Robert Sanford’s Relation of his Voyage in 1666, in Charleston Year Book, 1885, p. 292.

594 Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, etc., appendix, p. 353; Journal of the Grand Council of South Carolina, August 25, 1671–June 24, 1680, p. 84.

595 For the character of the Carolina settlers, see McCrady, The History of South Carolina under the Royal Government, pp. 297–298.

596 Rivers, op. cit., p. 126, holds that but little credit can be given to the assertion that the colonists instigated the tribes against each other for the purpose of trading in their captives. Hewat, op. cit., i, pp. 126–127, asserts that the colonists early found out the usefulness to this end of setting one tribe of Indians against another. Lawson, The History of Carolina, etc., p. 325, tells of the Coranine Indians inviting the Machapunga Indians to a feast, taking them prisoners and selling them to the English.

597 Rivers, op. cit., p. 126; Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 127.

598 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 127.

599 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 36.

600 Public Records of South Carolina, 1706–1710, p. 197; B. P. R. O., vol. 620.

601 Winsor, The Mississippi Basin, etc., p. 133. The English in their turn accused the French of pillaging the traders.

602 Margry, op. cit., iv, pp. 406, 507, 516.

603 On June 18, 1718, Robert Johnson, governor of Carolina, reported that he had made peace “with several nations, particularly the great nation of the Creeks who live to the southward near St. Augustine,” and added that “the treaties with them are very precarious so long as the French from Morels and the Spaniards from St. Augustine live and have intercourse amongst them, and do continually by presents and furnishing them with arms and ammunition and buying the slaves and plunder, encourage them to war upon us.” Public Records of South Carolina, 1717–1720, vii, p. 135; B. P. R. O., B. T., x, p. 2157.

604 Margry, op. cit., iv, p. 517.

605 Ibid., iv, p. 578.

606 Ibid., iv, p. 544; Report concerning Canadian Archives, 1905, i, p. 523.

607 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 32.

608 Ibid., new series, i, p. 86.

609 Ibid., new series, i, p. 97; pt. iii, p. 33.

610 Ibid., pt. iii, p. 34.

611 Ibid., new series, p. 123; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 506. The slaves acquired on this special occasion were from the Shawnee nation, and had been taken by a combined force of Chickasaw, Yazoo and Natchez.

612 Rivers, op. cit., p. 132.

613 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78. In their letter to West, telling him of their sanction of his appointment, the proprietors cautioned him against appointing any deputies, including Mathews, Moore and Middleton, who might belong to the opposing party. Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xii, p. 11. West became governor in 1674.

614 Oldmixon, The British Empire in America, i, p. 337; Grahame, op. cit., ii, p. 115. Yeamans prospered so well in the traffic in negroes with Barbadoes that, in 1684, he returned to his plantation and the office of governor was restored to West.

615 Rivers, op. cit., p. 126.

616 West was a member of this commission.

617 Chalmers, Political Annals of the Province of Carolina, in Carroll, op. cit., ii, p. 314.

618 Public Records of South Carolina, i, 1663–1684, p. 141; B. P. R. O., Colonial Entry Book, xx, p. 184.

619 Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, pp. 508–510.

620 The colonial officials persistently denied that they stirred up the tribes to make war upon each other so as to obtain captives for slaves. Such letters and statements of denial are found in North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 252. (A letter of April 5, 1716); Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, 25 R., xvii, p. 175 (Testimony rendered July 16. 1715). The government officials claimed that the Indian outbreaks against the English were caused, not by any action of the officials in stirring them up to obtain slaves, but rather by the abuses practiced upon them by the traders and by the inability of the colonial government to control the traders. Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, 25 R., xvii, pp. 168, 169, 176, 191.

621 Chalmers, op. cit., in Carroll, op. cit., ii, p. 314. This special letter of the proprietors was called forth by Captain Godfrey’s treatment of the Indians, and by the opinions of private individuals expressed in letters to them. The proprietors had already struck a blow at the council by giving the parliament a right to punish members of the council for misbehavior. The council had complained of this to the proprietors, who in turn asserted that the Indian dealers (members of the council) feared lest the parliament have too much power over them. Archdale, A New Description, etc., in Carroll, op. cit., ii. p. 100.

622 Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, pp. 508–510.

623 Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, pp. 508–510.

624 Archdale, op. cit., in Carroll, op. cit., ii, p. 107; Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78; Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, p. 508; Public Records of South Carolina, i, 1663–1684, p 266; B. P. R. O., Colonial Entry Book, xxii, p. 20. The Journal of the English Board of Trade, vol. xi, p. 174, under the date August 19, 1698, and the marginal heading American Indian Slaves, contains the following direction to the governor of Bermudas: “And upon observation made that it is commonly said there are many Americans at Bermuda kept as slaves; ordered, that the governor be required to give an account, what number there are of them, from whence they are bought and by whom imported.” The governor’s reply was a mere tabulation of slaves, with a statement of their sex and the locality in which they resided, without any special reference to Indian slaves. No further reference was made to the matter by the Board of Trade.

625 Rivers, op. cit., appendix, p. 456.

626 O’Gorman, A History of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, p. 39.

627 Rivers, op. cit., appendix, p. 456; North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 904. The complaint read: “ruined trade in skins and furs (whereby we held our chief correspondence with England) and turned it into a trade of Indians or slave making, whereby the Indians to the south and west of us are already involved in blood and confusion, a trade so odious and abominable, that every colony in America (although they have equal temptation) abhor to follow.”

628 Logan, op. cit., i, p. 172.

629 State of the British and French Colonies in North America, p. 25.

630 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1859, xiii, p. 300.

631 Thomas, op. cit., ii, pp. 95–100; Journal of the Board of Trade, British Public Record Office, Co. 391. 25 R., xvii. p. 168.

632 Indian Book, 1710–1718, i, p. 17, in Columbia, South Carolina, Historical Commission Department. The letters of the missionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts stationed in South Carolina contain frequent mention of the traders’ action: Letters of Le Jau, 1708: February and July, 1711 (The letter of February 20, 1711, relates an instance of the traders bringing back one hundred Indian slaves); August 10, 1714; Letters of Johnston, January 27, 1715; December 19, 1715, in Records of the S. P. G. F. P.

[633] Indian Book, 1710–1718, i, p. 29, in Columbia, South Carolina Historical Commission Department, (directions given to traders, July 24, 1716).

634 Ibid., i, p. 156, (directions given to traders, May 14, 1717); i, p. 28, (directions given to traders July 24, 1716); i, p. 40, (directions given to traders, July 27, 1716).

635 Logan, op. cit., i, p. 180.

636 Logan, op. cit., i, p. 187.

637 On being handed over to the board, the Indians were ordered to be sold at auction at a specified time and place to anyone who would promise to export them from the province within a specified time. In the meantime they were fed and sheltered at public expense. Logan, op. cit., i, p. 156.

638 Logan, op. cit., i, p. 171. Johnson became governor in 1703.

639 Ibid., i, p. 182.

640 Logan, op. cit., i, pp. 175, 177, 180, 181, 182, 183 cites such trials. A letter of Steevens, missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, in South Carolina, 1708, tells of the trial and acquittal of traders for the illegal enslavement of Spanish Indians. Records of S. P. G. F. P.

[641] Logan, op. cit., i, p. 180.

642 Ibid., i, p. 182.

643 Ibid., i, pp. 183–186. Case of Alexander Long and Eleazer Wiggon who in revenge stirred up the Cherokee to destroy the Euchee.

644 On July 15, 1715, Mr. Byrd, one of the council of Virginia, appeared before the Board of Trade, and in reply to questions regarding the hostilities lately committed by the Indians on Carolina, declared the action of the Indians to be due to the cupidity of the traders and the custom of encouraging the Indians to wage war on each other that the traders might buy the captives as slaves. Journal of the Board of Trade, B. P. R. O., Co. 391, 25 R., xvii, pp. 167–168. Similar statements were made by Mr. Banister, Ibid., p. 169, Mr. Kettleby, Ibid., p. 175 and Mr. Crawley, Ibid., p. 191.

645 South Carolina Public Records, April to December, 1720, vii, p. 226; British Public Record Office, South Carolina, Board of Trade, Co. 5, 358 A 14 and 15, October 27, 1720.

646 Logan, op. cit., i, p. 189. Though no estimate of the number of Indians enslaved during this long period in the south is possible, it was so large that the decay of the coast Indians has been attributed to it. Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., ii, p. 95.

647 Hening, op. cit., i, p. 482; ii, pp. 143, 155; Lawson, The History of North Carolina, p. 280.

648 Margry, op. cit., iv, pp. lvi, 531, 544, 561.

649 Hening, op. cit., i, p. 455.

650 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 143.

651 Ibid., ii, p. 155; Tucker, A Dissertation on Slavery, p. 32.

652 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 283.

653 Ibid., iii, p. 69.

654 Lawson, The History of North Carolina, p. 280.

655 North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 252.

656 A letter from the governor and council of South Carolina, May 7, 1707, states: “We have also commerce with Boston, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia, to which places we export Indian slaves.” Bancroft Papers relating to Carolina, in New York City Public Library, MSS., vol. i, 1662–1769; Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 95; Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, p. 336; Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, 25 R, xvii, p. 168. The colonial newspapers mention Carolina Indians in the following issues: Boston News Letter, July 31, 1704: October 28, 1706; March 31, 1707; November 15, 1708; August 6, 1711; August 20, 1711; September 10, 1711; December 10, 1711; July 5, 1714; September 17, 1716; March 11, 1717; New England Courant, August 19, 1723.

657 Acts and Resolves, i, p. 698. July 15, 1715, Mr. Bannister of Virginia appeared before the Board of Trade and declared that the selling in New England of Indian slaves taken in war had caused so much injury by arousing the hostility of the neighboring natives, that the legislature of Massachusetts had been obliged to pass a law prohibiting the buying or selling of any Indians as slaves. Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, p. 169.

658 Acts and Resolves, ii, p. 364. The unforeseen exigencies were “death, danger of the seas, captivity or inevitable accident.”

659 Hoadly, Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven from May, 1653, to the Union, etc., p. 177.

660 Connecticut Colonial Records, v, p. 516.

661 Connecticut Colonial Records, v, pp. 534–535.

662 Acts and Laws of the State of Connecticut, in America, edition of 1784, p. 230.

663 Connecticut Colonial Records, xiv, p. 329.

664 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, p. 550.

665 Ibid., iii, p. 483.

666 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, iv, pp. 193–194.

667 Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1771, p. 53; edition of 1726, p. 49; Magazine of American History, xxi, 1889, p. 62.

668 McClintock, History of New Hampshire, p. 151.

669 New York Colonial Documents, xii, p. 414.

670 Pennsylvania Archives, first series, xii, p. 280; Bancroft Papers relating to Carolina, in New York City Public Library, MSS., vol. i, 1662–1769; Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 95.

671 Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania, ii, p. 236; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, p. 213; Bolles, Pennsylvania, Province and State, ii, p. 172.

672 An Indian boy was said to have been imported into the colony in 1708 contrary to the law. The matter was brought before the council, September 14, 1709, but was referred for lack of evidence. Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, p. 490. It was perhaps due to this event that the council, February 21, 1710, decided that a case of infringement of the act of 1706 should be tried before the Court of Common Pleas. Ibid., ii, pp. 508–509.

673 This was the first effort to restrain negro slavery in Pennsylvania. It was introduced into the assembly in the form of a petition by William Southeby, a resident of Maryland and a Roman Catholic. In 1696 he wrote papers against slavery. For a sketch of his life, see the article by Nathan Kite in vol. xxviii of The Friend, pp. 293, 301, 309.

674 Laws of Pennsylvania collected, etc., 1714, p. 165; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, pp. 550, 553; Pennsylvania Statutes at Large, ii, p. 433; Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania, ii, pp. 112, 114; Pennsylvania Historical Society Memoirs, i, p. 389.

675 Burge, Commentaries on Colonial and Foreign Laws, i, p. 737; Gordon, History of Pennsylvania, p. 166.

676 Lawson, The History of North Carolina, p. 351, tells of Indians selling an Indian thief to the governor.

677 Livermore, A History of Block Island, p. 60, mentions an instance of an Indian sold by his brothers for ten gallons of rum; and a second instance when another Indian was sold by his brothers and sisters for a term of thirteen years, for thirty gallons of rum and four cloth coats, the rum to be paid in annual instalments of one gallon each. The Indian was to have his board and clothing and two suits of apparel at the expiration of his bondage. Ibid., p. 60.

678 Green, Springfield, etc., p. 153, quotes a deed for land, 1665, in which an Indian girl is given by her parents as security for payment.

679 Williamson, The History of North Carolina, i, p. 95; Lawson, op. cit., pp. 73, 74; Hawks, History of North Carolina, second edition, ii, p. 73.

680 Williamson, op. cit., p. 95.

681 New York Colonial Documents, v, p. 433.

682 Hening, op. cit., i, p. 410.

683 Ibid., i, p. 396.

684 Ibid., i, p. 455.

685 Virginia Historical Society Collections, new series, i, p. 125. (This probably refers to the act of 1666).

686 Acts and Resolves, i, p. 436.

687 Ibid., ii, p. 104.

688 Ibid., ii, 364. Palfrey, History of New England, ii, p. 30, points out that the expression in the Massachusetts Body of Liberties, “willingly sell themselves,” related to such as contracted to labor for a term of years, though in some cases, such term might have been for life. The engagement, whatever its duration, would be subject to transference to a third party, in which case the original contractor would be “sold.”

689 Acts and Resolves, iv, p. 641.

690 Arnold, History of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, p. 101; Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, vii, p. 232.

691 Early Records of the Town of Providence, xvi, p. 244. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, p. 173, mentions such slaves in 1750.

692 New York Colonial Documents, v, p. 433.

693 Ibid., vi, p. 546.

694 New York Colonial Documents, vi, p. 546.

695 List given in Ross, History of Long Island, i, p. 125.

696 Rivers, Topics in the History of South Carolina, p. 51.

697 Ibid., p. 51. It will be noted that in both the South Carolina cases cited, the sentence of transportation and slavery was passed before the Indians concerned were proved guilty of the charges against them.

698 Winthrop, Journal, Savage edition, i, p. 233 (editor’s note); Hildreth, A History of the United States from the Discovery of the Continent, etc., i, p. 239.

699 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 15.

700 Hening, op. cit., iv, p. 104; Historical Documents from the Old Dominion, No. 3, p. 258. The governor and council, without a jury, were to act as a court for the trial of such offenders.

701 Shurtleff, Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, i, p. 329.

702 Freeman, The History of Cape Cod, ii, p. 72; Thacher, History of the Town of Plymouth, p. 149.

703 Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, ix, p. 307; Cook, Drummond Island, p. 70. To retain their services for a time longer than that specified in the sentence of the court, the whites were accustomed on the ninth day to furnish the Indians with rum and get them drunk so that they must remain ten days longer. The practice was so long continued that at one time there was several hundreds of Indians on the island, “many whereof had been by the practices aforesaid kept about three months.”

704 Plymouth Colony Records, vi, p. 104.

705 Manuscript Council Records of Massachusetts, ii, p. 40; Laws of New Hampshire, Provincial Period, i, p. 116.

706 Manuscript Council Records of Massachusetts, ii, p. 310.

707 Freeman, The History of Cape Cod, i, p. 714.

708 Sewall’s Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, vi, p. 143.

709 Manuscript Council Records of Massachusetts, viii, No. 169.

710 Ibid., ccxxxii, No. 1.

711 Boston Public Library Monthly Bulletin, vii, February, 1902, p. 74. This Indian was stolen from his owner by pirates and carried to South Carolina, but escaped and returned to New England. He was about to return to his master to serve out his term of servitude when he was seized by two white men of Massachusetts and enslaved by them.

712 Manuscript Council Records of Massachusetts, xxxi, No. 148.

713 Acts and Resolves, xii, p. 602.

714 Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, i, p. 271.

715 Durfee, Gleanings from the Judicial History of Rhode Island, p. 131, in Rhode Island Historical Tracts, No. 18.

716 Arnold, op. cit., i, p. 423.

717 The code provided that, in case an Indian should fail to give the satisfaction required in case of conviction, the court might sentence him to serve the injured party as a slave, or to be shipped out of the country in exchange for negroes. Connecticut Colonial Records, i, p. 532.

718 Hildreth, The History of the United States, i, p. 372.

719 Orcutt, The History of the old Town of Derby, Connecticut, p. lvii.

720 Plymouth Colony Records, ix, p. 71; Connecticut Colonial Records, i, p. 532.

721 Moore’s article in Historical Magazine, x, p. 189.

722 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 352.

723 Ibid., vii, p. 371.

724 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 385.

725 Ibid., vii, p. 397. The act decreed that “all negroes and Indians (free Indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes, mustizoes, who are now free, excepted), mulattoes or mustizoes who now are or shall hereafter be, in this Province, and all their issue and offspring, born or to be born, shall be, and they are hereby declared to be, and remain forever hereafter, absolute slaves and shall follow the condition of the mother.”

726 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 460.

727 Ibid., iv, p. 133.

728 Stroud, A Sketch of the Laws relating to Slavery, etc., p. 2.

729 Ibid.

730 Archives of Maryland, xiii, p. 546.

731 Maxcy, The Laws of Maryland, etc., i, p. 115; Bacon, Laws of Maryland.

732 Colonial Laws of New York, edition of 1894, i, p. 598; Trott, Laws of the British Plantations in America, etc., p. 273.

733 Moore, in Historical Magazine, x, p. 189. The Reverend John Davenport, in a letter to the younger Winthrop, June, 1666, spoke of the baptism of slaves “born in the house.” Historical Magazine, x, p. 59. The instance of Mr. Maverick of Noddle’s Island attempting to breed slaves is another example of the general custom of the time of holding the children of slave women as slaves. Littleton v. Tuttle, in Massachusetts Reports, iv, p. 128; Cushing, Reports, x, p. 410. Felt, in Statistical Association Collections, i, p. 586. Palfrey, History of New England, ii, p. 30, states that no person was ever born into legal slavery in Massachusetts. See also Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts, pp. 24–25, and Steiner, op. cit., pp. 18–19.

734 Pirate v. Dalby, 1786 (Pennsylvania), in 1 Dallas, second edition, p. 167; Wilson et al. v. Hinkley et al., 1787 (Connecticut), in Kirby, p. 202; The State v. Van Waggoner, 1797 (New Jersey), in 1 Halstead, p. 374; Jenkins v. Tom, 1792 (Virginia), in 1 Washington, p. 123; Coleman v. Dick, 1793 (Virginia), in 1 Washington, p. 233; Hudgins v. Wright, 1806 (Virginia), in 1 Hening and Munford, second edition, p. 134; Pallas et al. v. Hill et al., 1807 (Virginia), in 2 Hening and Munford, second edition, p. 149; Gregory v. Baugh, 1831 (Virginia), in 2 Leigh, p. 665.

735 Wheeler, op. cit., p. 20; 2 Leigh, p. 665.

736 Ballagh, op. cit., p. 31.

737 Ibid., pp. 31–32.

738 Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States, i, pp. 249, 257, 260, 262, 265, 266, 268, 269, 275, 276, 283, 288, 295–297, 310; Ballagh, op. cit., p. 35.

739 Ballagh, op. cit., p. 35. Indian slavery in Virginia was not, then, actually in existence until so decreed by the laws of 1670, 1676 and 1682. Hening, op. cit., ii, pp. 280, 283, 346, 404.

740 Ballagh, op. cit., pp. 27–37. The status of servitude had distinct recognition in statute law as follows: Virginia, 1619; Massachusetts, 1630–1636; Maryland, 1637; Connecticut, 1643; Rhode Island, 1647; North Carolina, 1665; Pennsylvania, 1682; Georgia, 1732. Ballagh, op. cit., p. 36.

741 Bartram, Retrographs, p. 42.

742 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 352. The act was repeated in 1722. Ibid., vii, p. 371.

743 Hurd, op. cit., i, p. 225. Not until 1772 did the highest English court declare the common law of England incompatible with slavery, and neither recognizing nor permitting its existence in England. The decision had no relation to the colonies.

744 Wheeler, op. cit., p. 15. Had there been any objection raised by the mother country to the enslavement of Indians on the ground of illegality, the colonists could have fallen back on the recognized right of enslaving captives in war. By a legal fiction the Indians could at any time have been considered in a state of war, their lands confiscated and their persons seized and held for disposal at the pleasure of the whites. Such was the legal argument used by England in justification of enslaving the African negroes.

745 For a discussion of the neglect to define the Indians’ rights in the various letters patent and charters, see the Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. ii, p. 550.

746 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, i, p. 27, contains a bill of sale of an Indian man, given by Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts to John Mainford of Barbadoes.

747 As typical examples of this kind of advertisement, see Boston Gazette, December 15, 1718; Pennsylvania Gazette, March 7, 1732; New England Weekly Journal, March 5, 1733; Boston News Letter, August 20, 1711; January 5, 1719; December 28, 1720.

748 Boston News Letter, July 2, 1711; October 11, 1708; October 6, 1737; February 11, 1717; November 22, 1708; May 24, 1714; Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, November 15, 1748; New England Weekly Journal, February 24, 1729.

749 Stiles, A History of the City of Brooklyn, etc., i, p. 233; New York Mercury, June 12, 1758.

750 Early Records of Portsmouth, p. 434; Currier, History of Newbury, p. 254.

751 Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii, p. 252; Winsor, The Memorial History of Boston, i, p. 489.

752 See South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, vii, p. 169, (1691); x, p. 85, (1694); v, p. 98, (1710); v, p. 164, (1730); vi, p. 173, (1732); v, p. 105, (1734); vi, p. 117, (1735); v, p. 218, (1753); v, p. 113, (1765); viii, p. 214, (1769); vi, p. 25, (1802).

753 Charleston Year Book, 1900, p. 42 (appendix), cites a will in New London, Connecticut (1711) disposing of Indian slaves. Schuyler, Colonial New York, ii, p. 293, cites the will of Arient Schuyler, December, 1724, bequeathing to each of his two daughters an Indian slave woman. February 7, 1690, South Carolina passed a law that slaves should descend by inheritance like any other property. The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 343.

754 See Weeden, Economic History of New England, i, p. 292.

755 See Early Records of Providence, Rhode Island, xvi, p. 244.

756 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 343.

757 Bacon, Laws of Maryland, etc. Both these laws related to slaves in general, and did not specify either negro or Indian slaves.

758 Mason, A Brief History of the Pequot War, etc., in Orr, op. cit., p. 39.

759 Mayhew, op. cit., p. 26.

760 Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, etc., p. 153.

761 This was the first newspaper in the colonies.

762 Boston News Letter, August 6; August 13; August 20, 1711.

763 Ibid., August 6, 1711.

764 Ibid., April 7, 1718; May 23, 1745; July 4, 1751; Boston Gazette and Weekly Journal, November 1, 1743; New York Gazette, July 23; August 6; August 20, 1733; February 13, 1739; Boston News Letter, October 30, 1760; November 6, 1760; November 28, 1760.

765 Boston News Letter, March 2, 1732; October 4, 1739; June 28, 1750; New England Weekly Journal, October 16, 1727; New England Courant, August 19, 1723; Pennsylvania Mercury, August 28, 1729; Pennsylvania Journal, June 18, 1767; New York Gazette, June 24; July 8; July 15; July 29; August 12; August 26, 1734; New York Weekly Mercury, October 27, 1740; November 3; November 10, 1740; May 30; June 13, 1757.

766 Boston News Letter, October 7, 1742; August 23, 1744; New York Mercury, June 12, June 19, June 26, July 3, 1758.

767 Boston News Letter, November 10, 1748; Boston Post Boy, July 25, 1743.

768 Boston Post Boy, July 6, 1752; July 18, 1753; Boston Gazette, August 1, 1749.

769 Boston Post Boy, May 2, 1743; July 2, 1750; August 6, 1750; New England Courant, June 17, 1723; Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735; New York Weekly Mercury, August 16, 1756.

770 Boston Post Boy, February 11, 1745; April 15, 1751.

771 Boston Post Boy, December 5, 1748.

772 Pennsylvania Gazette, October 5, 1738.

773 Pennsylvania Mercury, July 30, 1730.

774 Boston News Letter, August 6; August 13; August 20, 1711; American Weekly Mercury, May 24, 1726; New York Weekly Mercury, June 12; June 19; June 26; July 3, 1758. Boston Gazette, April 7, 1718.

775 Boston News Letter, September 10, 1711.

776 Connecticut Colonial Records, iv, p. 40.

777 Nevill, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey, pp. 18, 22.

778 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 343.

779 Messages from the Governors of New York State, i, p. 116.

780 Weise, The History of the City of Albany, etc., p. 209.

781 The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania, iv, p. 62.

782 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 217.

783 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 343.

784 Drake, The Book of the Indians, etc., ninth edition, pp. 60–70; Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 267; ii, p. 8, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

785 Lechford, Note Book kept in Boston, Massachusetts Bay, from 1638 to 1641, p. 434.

786 O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts, pt. ii, p. 433.

787 North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, pp. 315, 534, 536, 570, 674; iii, p. 218; xi, pp. 10, 23.

788 Plymouth Colony Records, ix, pp. 6–7. This was the first fugitive slave law in America.

789 Hazard, Historical Collections, etc., ii, p. 63; Plymouth Colony Records, ix, p. 71. See full text of the resolution, p. 207.

790 Plymouth Colony Records, ix, p. 64; Brodhead, History of the State of New York, revised edition, i, p. 429.

791 Plymouth Colony Records, ix, p. 64.

792 Ibid., x, p. 348; Shurtleff, op. cit., iv, pt. ii, p. 473; Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States, i, p. 269.

793 New York Colonial Documents, v, pp. 793, 796.

794 Pennsylvania Archives, series 1, xii, p. 280.

795 Baylies, An Historical Memoir of the Colony of New Plymouth, ii, pt. iv, p. 39.

796 North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 2.

797 Massachusetts Manuscript Records, vol. xxx.

798 Records of the Court of Assistants of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, i, p. 259.

799 North Carolina Colonial Records, xii, pp. 138–139, 302.

800 Ibid., ii, pp. 95, 97, 113–114.

801 Ballagh, A History of Slavery in Virginia, pp. 39–40.

802 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, pp. 343–344.

803 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 314.

804 McCrady, Slavery in the Province of South Carolina, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1895, p. 645.

805 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 397.

806 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, p. 207. The act of 1704, seeking to correct any misinterpretation of a former tax act, specifies white servants among the property serving as a basis for taxation, but does not mention slaves. Ibid., ii, p. 264.

807 Williamson, The History of North Carolina, i, p. 122.

808 Raper, North Carolina, A Study in English Colonial Government, p. 147.

809 William and Mary College Quarterly, viii, p. 160. At first only free white persons were tithables. The law of 1645 provided for a tax on tithables and tithable persons. Hening, op. cit., i, p. 306.

810 Ballagh, op. cit., p. 35.

811 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 454.

812 Ibid., ii, p. 84.

813 Ibid., ii, p. 170.

814 Ibid., p. 296.

815 Ibid., ii, p. 492.

816 Ibid., ii, p. 283. The act doubtless referred to Indians imported from the West Indies or Spanish South America.

817 Ibid., ii, p. 346.

818 Hening, op. cit., i, pp. 396, 471.

819 Ballagh, op. cit., p. 63.

820 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 133.

821 Ibid., v, p. 432; Ballagh, op. cit., p. 67.

822 Ballagh, op. cit., p. 72. A curious case shows the owner of an Indian slave in Bristol Parish, Virginia, petitioning the vestry of the parish, 1730, to grant that such Indian slave might be exempted from the parish levy as he was sick and unable to work. The petition was granted. Vestry Book and Register of Bristol Parish, Virginia, 1720–1789, p. 49.

823 Acts and Resolves, i, p. 92.

824 Ibid., i, p. 167.

825 Ibid., i, p. 214.

826 Ibid., i, pp. 240, 258.

827 Ibid., i, pp. 278, 302.

828 Ibid., i, pp. 337, 359.

829 Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts, p. 62; Douglas, The Financial History of Massachusetts, etc., p. 31.

830 The laws are given in Acts and Resolves, i, ii, iii, and iv.

831 See laws of 1707 and 1718.

832 See laws of 1695 and 1707.

833 Moore, op. cit., p. 64; Sewall’s Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, vii, p. 87; Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, etc., p. 188.

834 Laws of 1758 and 1777 in The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, iv, pp. 116, 365. These laws serve as examples of the various tax acts.

835 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, iii, p. 77.

836 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, pp. 682–683.

837 Ibid., ii, pp. 877, 881.

838 Baird, History of Rye, p. 202.

839 Ibid., p. 182.

840 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, p. 153.

841 Ibid., iii, p. 196.

842 Ibid., iii, p. 196.

843 South Carolina Public Records, xviii, 1736–1737; B. P. R. O., S. C., B. T., viii, p. 37.

844 The Centennial of Incorporation of Charleston, South Carolina, p. 210.

845 By the terms of the act this duty was to continue three years. Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 193; Virginia Historical Society Collections, new series, vi, p. 10. All enactments which increased the duties were vetoed by the crown.

846 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 482; Letters of Governor Spotswood, in Virginia Historical Society Collections, new series, i, p. 52; Ballagh, op. cit., p. 14.

847 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, iv, p. 134. Exceptions were sometimes made to this law. During the Yamasee War in South Carolina, many of the planters left the colony. Several ladies came to Rhode Island bringing with them their Indian slaves. On their petition, the assembly voted, June 13, 1715, to relieve them from the import duties on their slaves. Arnold, op. cit., ii, p. 55; Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, iv, p. 186. A similar instance occurred in August of the same year. Arnold, op. cit., ii, p. 57; Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, iv, p. 197.

848 Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1711, p. 53. Since New Hampshire did not afford as ready a market for the sale of the southern Indians, because of its small population, the duty was doubtless more nearly prohibitive than in the case of Rhode Island.

849 Pennsylvania Statutes at Large, ii, pp. 433, et seq.; Pennsylvania Historical Society Memoirs, i, p. 389; Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania, ii, pp. 112, 114; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, pp. 550, 553. A special officer was appointed to have charge of this matter of imported Indians and negroes, and given special directions regarding the duties of his office. The act was repealed by the crown, February 20, 1714. Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, p. 546.

850 Allinson, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey, p. 31. By the terms of the act, the duty was to continue seven years, beginning June 1, 1714.

851 New Jersey Archives, first series, xv, p. 30.

852 Ibid., first series, xv, p. 351.

853 Ibid., first series, xv, pp. 384, 385.

854 Allinson, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey, p. 315.

855 Ballagh, op. cit., p. 14.

856 Pennsylvania, January 12, 1706, passed an act for the purpose of meeting government expenses. Negroes were enumerated among the commodities on which duties were laid. No mention was made of Indians. Pennsylvania Statutes at Large, ii, p. 280.

857 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, pp. 484, 487.

858 Ibid., i, p. 588.

859 Ibid., i, p. 1013.

860 Ibid., i, p. 677. On October 11, 1709, the act was amended with regard to its enforcement. Ibid., i, p. 736.

861 Ibid., i, p. 803.

862 Ibid., i, p. 899.

863 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, p. 1012.

864 Ibid., ii, pp. 255, 310.

865 Ibid., ii, p. 772.

866 Ibid., ii, p. 877.

867 Ibid., ii, p. 1048.

868 Ibid., ii, p. 1049.

869 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, ii, p. 1049. The act also provided technical arrangements for settling disputes regarding the ages of the slaves, the exemption from duty if the slave should die within a period of thirty days after arrival, the receipt issued for such duty by the treasurer, and precautions to prevent smuggling.

870 Ibid., iii, p. 2.

871 Ibid., iii, p. 32.

872 Ibid., iii, p. 88.

873 Ibid., iii and iv. New York, like Virginia, sought to avoid the veto of the home government to these laws by giving them a short term of existence, usually one year. And generally New York was more successful than Virginia. But the home government was not always satisfied by such provisions as is witnessed by the Privy Council’s rejection of the act of 1735 levying a duty on negro and Indian slaves, New York Colonial Documents, vi, p. 33.

874 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, p. 201. Duties were also levied by the act upon skins and furs.

875 Indian Book, 1710–1718, in Columbia, South Carolina, Historical Commission Department, i, p. 19.

876 Hawks, History of North Carolina, etc., second edition, ii, p. 229; Brickell, The Natural History of North Carolina, etc., p. 42.

877 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 128; Schaper, Sectionalism in South Carolina, p. 283.

878 Cotton Mather kept an Indian prisoner to serve as a guide. Magnalia, edition of 1820, ii, p. 507.

879 Lyford, History of Concord, New Hampshire, from the Original Grant, etc., ii, p. 1051; Goodwin, The Pilgrim Republic, p. 191.

880 One of these Indians who became a slave in the family of Mr. Richard Calicott of Dorchester, was afterward the tutor of John Eliot when the latter was learning the Indian language in preparation for his missionary work. Winslow, The Glorious Progresse of the Gospel among the Indians of New England, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series, 3, iv, p. 90; Tooker, Cockenoe-de-Long-Island, p. 12.

881 Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, November 15, 1748.

882 New England Weekly Journal, March 5, 1733.

883 Boston News Letter, January 5, 1719.

884 Boston News Letter, November 15, 1708.

885 Pennsylvania Gazette, March 7 and March 16, 1732.

886 American Weekly Mercury, April 10, 1729. In 1715, Massachusetts granted an exception to the law against the importation of Indian slaves to a gentleman from South Carolina, so that his Indian slave attendant might accompany his family to Massachusetts. Acts and Resolves, ix, p. 412.

887 Ewell, The Story of Byfield, p. 88.

888 Channing, The Narragansett Planters, p. 10, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, iv.

889 Boston News Letter, March 11, 1717.

890 Boston News Letter, April 12, 1714.

891 Boston News Letter, May 24, 1714.

892 Boston News Letter, June 18 and June 25, 1724.

893 Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897–1898, p. 233.

894 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 157.

895 Boston News Letter, March 21, 1715.

896 Boston News Letter, July 23, 1716.

897 Boston Post Boy, May 2, 1743.

898 New York Gazette, June 24, 1734.

899 Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, etc., p. 172.

900 Public Records of South Carolina, xxi, 1743–1744, p. 333; B. P. R. O., S. C., B. T., vol. xiii, H., p. 36.

901 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 363.

902 Ibid., vii, p. 393.

903 Ibid., vii, p. 409.

904 Bacon, Laws of Maryland.

905 Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, iv, p. 85.

906 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, iv, p. 188.

907 Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, v, p. 361.

908 Northrup, Slavery in New York, in New York State Library Bulletin, History, 1900, No. 4. The French considered these slaves as spoils of war which became the property of the captors exactly as if they were guns or any other implements. They were sent to “Montinisco” (Martinique) and sold there for the benefit of the planters.

909 Northrup, op. cit., in New York State Library Bulletin, History, May, 1900, No. 4.

910 Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, i, pp. 329, 354.

911 Porter, Historical Notes of Connecticut, No. 2, p. 13.

912 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 347.

913 Ibid., iii, p. 109. South Carolina, however, did not favor the traders using their Indian slaves to wage war without the authority of the colonial government. Among the instructions given the traders was this one: “You shall not permit or allow any of your slaves to go to war on any pretence whatever.” Indian Book, 1710–1718, Columbia, South Carolina Historical Commission Department, i, p. 19.

914 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, viii, pp. 359–361.

915 Bacon, Laws of Maryland.

916 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, p. 636.

917 Usher, History of the Town of Medford, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, etc., p. 352; Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1885–1887, new series, iv, p. 214; Field, Provincial Courts of New Jersey, pp. 130–131; Washburn, Historical Sketches of Leicester, p. 51.

918 It is recorded of the Rev. Peter Thacher of Milton, Massachusetts, in 1679, that he beat his Indian slave severely for letting his daughter, Theodora, fall on her head. Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New England, p. 84; Sheldon, History of Deerfield, ii, p. 888.

919 Boston Gazette, April 7, 1718.

920 Boston News Letter, October 4, 1739.

921 Boston News Letter, May 23, 1745.

922 Boston News Letter, October 30, 1760.

923 Boston Post Boy, July 6, 1752.

924 Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735.

925 American Weekly Mercury, August 28, 1729.

926 American Weekly Mercury, May 24, 1726.

927 Hawks, History of North Carolina, etc., second edition, ii, p. 577.

928 The Rev. Peter Fontaine advocated intermarriage with the Indians as a means of promoting their Christianization and civilization. Colonel Byrd favored the plan also. Meade, Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia, i, pp. 82, 283–285.

929 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 87. The act also forbade the marriage of free whites and mulattoes or negroes bond or free. Banishment was the punishment for such a marriage.

930 Bruce, The Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, ii, p. 38.

931 Trott, Laws of the British Plantations in America, etc., p. 100.

932 Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, i, pp. 45–46.

933 Archives of Maryland, xiii, pp. 546–549.

934 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, vi, p. 143.

935 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, i, p. 403.

936 Bruce, The Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, ii, p. 130, says of the Indian slaves of Virginia: “The regulations established for the management of such slaves were practically the same as those in operation for the control of Africans. They were brought within the scope of every measure adopted for the protection of the negro slaves, and morally as well as materially stood precisely upon the same footing in the view of the law.” McCrady, Slavery in the Province of South Carolina, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association for, p. 642, states: “In South Carolina from 1690 onward, all acts concerning slaves apply to Indians as well as negroes.”

937 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 252.

938 Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, p. 29, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

939 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 357.

940 Ibid., vii, pp. 375–376.

941 Ibid., vii, p. 389.

942 Bassett, op. cit., pp. 29–30, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

943 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 298.

944 Ibid., iv, p. 327.

945 Maxcy, Laws of Maryland, i, p. 140.

946 Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States, p. 281. This act does not specifically mention Indian slaves.

947 Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1771, p. 101.

948 Bruce, The Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, i, p. 673.

949 Drake, The Book of the Indians, ninth edition, bk. iii, p. 16.

950 Chitwood, Justice in Colonial Virginia, p. 99, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xxxiii.

951 Hening, op. cit., viii, pp. 137–138.

952 Aler, History of Martinsberg and Berkeley Counties, West Virginia, pp. 200, 201.

953 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, iv, p. 48. A Spanish Indian slave was tried and acquitted by the Court of Assistants of Massachusetts Bay, in 1676. Records of the Court of Assistants of Massachusetts Bay, i, p. 15. Sewall mentions Indians (probably free Indians) tried, condemned and executed for crimes in Massachusetts in 1709. Sewall’s Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, vi, pp. 264, 265.

954 Hough, Papers relating to the Island of Nantucket, etc., p. 50.

955 Nevill, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey, i, p. 19.

956 Allinson, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey, p. 309. Another act passed in 1768 provided for the trial in specified courts of slaves convicted of certain crimes. Indian slaves were not directly mentioned. Allinson, op. cit., p. 308; New Jersey Archives, series 1, xvii, p. 486; xxvi, p. 163.

957 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, p. 766.

958 Ibid., ii, pp. 684–685.

959 Nevill, op. cit., i, p. 21. The act was repealed, May 10, 1768. Allinson, op. cit., p. 309.

960 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 369. By this act nothing was awarded the owner if the slave was executed for murder.

961 Bacon, Laws of Maryland. Other Maryland acts of 1737, 1740, 1744, 1747, 1751, 1754, 1757, and 1762, required that the full adjudged value be paid the owner of any slave executed by law. Bacon, op. cit.

962 Massachusetts, 1703, Acts and Resolves, i, p 535; Rhode Island, 1704, Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, vii, p. 230; 1750, Records of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, v, p. 320; and 1770. Rhode Island Laws, edition of 1772, pp. 24, 25; Block Island, 1709, Livermore, A History of Block Island from its Discovery, etc., p. 61; New Hampshire, 1714, Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1771, p. 52. Connecticut, in 1750, forbade Indian slaves being abroad after nine o’clock at night without the owner’s permission. Acts and Laws of Connecticut, edition of 1750, p. 230. New York City, in 1713, stated the latest time at which Indian slaves could be away from home without their masters’ permission as one hour after sunset. Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, iii, p. 177; and 1751, Ibid., iv, p. 87. Rhode Island, 1667, forbade any Indian to walk about in the night time. Livermore, op cit., 61. New Jersey, 1713, forbade any negro, Indian or mulatto slave to go five miles from home without his master’s permission. Nevill, op. cit., i, p. 21.

963 Massachusetts, during King Philip’s War, Baylies, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 189; Block Island, 1675, Livermore, op. cit., p. 60; New Hampshire, 1689, Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1904. i, p. 288 (The act referred simply to Indians without specifying bond or free); the city of Albany, 1686, Munsell, Annals of Albany, viii, 296; New York City, 1683, Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, i, 134; Pennsylvania, 1721, The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania, iii, p. 254.

964 Massachusetts, 1693, Acts and Resolves, i, p. 156; New York, 1715, New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, pp. 157, 519; New Jersey, 1682 and 1713, Leaming and Spicer, Grants and Concessions, p. 254; Nevill, op. cit., i, p. 18.

965 Winsor, The Memorial History of Boston, ii, p. 485.

966 Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts, p. 191.

967 Connecticut Colonial Records, i, p. 349; Stiles, The History and Genealogies of Ancient Winsor, i, p. 434.

968 Watson, Annals and Occurrences of New York City and State, p. 158.

969 Weise, The History of the City of Albany, p. 209.

970 Dunlap, History of the New Netherlands, etc., ii, appendix, p. clxiii.

971 The slave code of South Carolina was more elaborate than that of any other colony. But the various laws relating to trial and punishment of slaves make no mention of Indian slaves, though as has been seen, Indian slaves were more numerous in that colony than elsewhere.

972 Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1715–1803, i, p. 50.

973 Nevill, op. cit., i, p. 19.

974 Allinson, op. cit., p. 308. By the terms of the act, the court could, if it thought best, inflict punishment other than death for some of these crimes.

975 Winthrop, Journal, in Original Narratives of Early American History, i, p. 226.

976 New England Courant, June 17, 1723; Pennsylvania Gazette, October 12, 1738; American Weekly Mercury, August 28, 1729, and August 6, 1730; New England Weekly Journal, December 2, 1728. These marks may, in some instances, have been tattooed for decorative purposes. The South Carolina acts of 1712 decreed branding as punishment for specified crimes committed by “slaves.” The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, pp. 359–360, 374, 376, 377.

977 Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1715–1803, i, p. 50.

978 The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania, iii, p. 254.

979 Ibid., v, p. 109.

980 Nevill, op. cit., i, p. 22.

981 Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, i, p. 92.

982 Ibid., i, p. 134.

983 Ibid., iii, p. 30.

984 Ibid., iv, p. 50. The whipping was to be given, if desired, by the master or owner of the slave.

985 Ibid., iii, p. 177.

986 Ibid., iv, p. 87.

987 Ibid., iv, p. 88.

988 Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, iv, p. 89.

989 Ibid., vi, p. 157.

990 Ibid., vi, p. 177. The city ordinances were usually continued one year and were then renewed. In this way the ordinances mentioned were in many cases continued into the Revolutionary period. The records of the early eighteenth century show the frequent punishment of “slaves, negroes and Indians” for being out too late at night, collecting in too large groups, noisy reveling and gambling. On such occasion the owner of the slaves was fined. Watson, Annals and Occurrences of New York City and State, etc., p 162.

991 Acts and Laws of Connecticut, edition of 1750, p. 240.

992 Ibid., p. 230.

993 Acts and Resolves, i, p. 156.

994 The Medford Historical Register, iii, 1900, No. 3, p. 121. The master also was to be fined for his negligence.

995 Livermore, A History of Block Island from its Discovery, etc., p. 61.

996 The South Carolina act of 1690 provided various sorts of mutilation for any slave convicted of specified crimes. The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, pp. 359–360.

997 Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1715–1803, i, p. 50.

998 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, series 2, xiii, p. 252.

999 Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1904, i, p. 117.

1000 Weise, The History of the City of Albany, p. 209.

1001 New York Colonial Manuscripts, Instructions, etc., 1660, quoted in Baird, History of Rye, p. 185.

1002 The instructions to Governor Dongan, 1686; Andros, 1688; Sloughter, 1689; Fletcher, 1691–1699; Bellomont, 1709, of New York; Cornbury of New Jersey, 1702, are cases in point.

1003 Morgan Godwyn, writing to Governor Berkeley of general religious conditions in Virginia, says: “All things concerning the church and religion were left to the mercy of the people. And, last of all, to propagate Christianity among the heathen, whether natives or slaves brought from other ports, although (as must piously be supposed) it were the only end of God’s discovering these countries to us, yet is that lookt upon by our new race of Christians, so idle and ridiculous, so utterly needless and unnecessary, that no man can forfeit his judgment more than by any proposed looking or tending that way.” Tiffany, History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, p. 33.

1004 Incorporated June 16, 1701.

1005 Humphreys, An Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, p. 90.

1006 South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, v, p. 26. The Society ordered the secretary to lay the matter before the Bishop of London and ask his lordship’s advice regarding such abuse.

1007 Ibid., v, p. 37.

1008 Ibid., v, p. 47.

1009 Ibid., v, p. 98. Mr. Thomas was appointed in 1702 the first missionary of the Society in South Carolina.

1010 Hawkins, Historical Notices of the Missions of the Church of England in the North American Colonies, pp. 50, 73.

1011 Letter of Le Jau, February 18, 1708–1709, to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Humphreys, op. cit., pp. 83, 84.

1012 Letter of Le Jau, June 13, 1710, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1013] Letter of Le Jau, February 20–21, 1711, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1014] Letter of Le Jau, September 5 and 18, 1711, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1015] Letter of Le Jau, December 11, 1712, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1016] Letter of Le Jau, October 20, 1709, to the S. P. G[. F. P.

[1017] Letter of Haskell, March 12, 1711, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1018] Letter of Haskell, September 4, 1711, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1019] Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, vol. xxiii, bk. vii.

1020 Letter of Dunn, April 21, 1707, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1021] Letter of Sharpe, June 23, 1712, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1022] Letter of Neau, July 4, 1704, to the S. P. G. F P.

[1023] Letter of Neau, August 29, 1704, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1024] Letter of Chuardens, July 15, 1726, to the S. P. G. F. P.

[1025] Kennet, An Account of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, etc., p. 61.

1026 Ibid., p 61.

1027 Journal of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, vol. i, April 19, 1705–1706.

1028 Perry, Historical Collections relating to the American Colonial Church, i, p. 344; Meade, Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia, i, p. 265.

1029 Poore, The Federal and State Constitutions. Colonial Charters, etc., ii, pp. 1407, 1408.

1030 Trott, Laws of the British Plantations in America, etc., p. 17.

1031 Ramage, Local Government and Free Schools in South Carolina, p. 12, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, i.

1032 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, pp. 364–365.

1033 Hening, op. cit., i, p. 410.

1034 William and Mary College Quarterly, vi, p. 215; Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 155.

1035 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 260.

1036 Ibid., ii, p. 283.

1037 Ibid., ii, p. 491. The testimony of the Reverend Hugh Jones, chaplain of the Virginia assembly, shows that the colonists, even after such legislative action, did not approve of the baptizing of Indians and negroes as they thought it made them proud and not so good servants. Jones, however, declared that these objections could be easily refuted “if the persons be sensible, good and understand English, and have been taught (or are willing to learn) the principles of Christianity and if they be kept to the observance of it afterward, for Christianizing encourages and orders them to become more humble and better servants and not worse than when they were heathen.” Jones, The Present State of Virginia, in Sabin’s Reprints, No. 5, p. 70.

1038 Trott, Laws of the British Plantations in America, etc., p. 142.

1039 The parish register of St. Peters, New Kent County, Virginia, 1680–1787. pp. 53 and 64, mentions the deaths of two Indian slaves in 1722 and 1723, but records no births or marriages.

1040 Archives of Maryland, xiii, p. 505.

1041 Ibid., xix, p. 32.

1042 Bacon, Laws of Maryland.

1043 Ibid.

1044 Trott, op. cit., p. 257.

1045 Morgan, Slavery in New York, in Historic New York, i, p. 8.

1046 New York Colonial Documents, iii, p. 415.

1047 Brodhead, op. cit., first edition, ii, p. 486. This act merely confirmed previous legislation in 1680.

1048 Ibid., first edition, ii, p. 509. This confirmed the legislation of the previous year.

1049 Ibid., first edition, ii, p. 510.

1050 New York Colonial Documents, iv, p. 510.

1051 Morgan, op. cit., in Historic New York, ii, p. 20; Laws of New York, edition of 1752, p. 69.

1052 Morgan, op. cit., in Historic New York, ii, p. 20.

1053 Bolton, History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the County of Westchester, p. 228.

1054 Ibid., p. 250.

1055 Ibid., p. 264. The slaves in New York, as in other colonies, did not favor giving up their Sundays to religious instruction and observances, for they preferred to hunt and fish on this, the only day which they had to themselves. Ibid., pp. 62–63.

1056 Shurtleff, Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, v, p. 136.

1057 Mayhew, Indian Converts, p. 194.

1058 Ibid., pp. 202, 222, 257.

1059 Plymouth Colony Records, ii, pp. 103–104; Medford Historical Register, iii, No. 3, p. 121.

1060 Ewell, The Story of Byfield, p. 88.

1061 Perry, Historical Collections relating to the American Episcopal Church, ii, p. 231.

1062 Journal of the American Irish Historical Society, iii, p. 57.

1063 Johnston, Slavery in Rhode Island, in Rhode Island Historical Society Publications, 1894, ii, p. 120.

1064 Hurd, op. cit., i, p. 272; Steiner, op. cit., p. 16, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xvi.

1065 Cobb, An Historical Sketch of Slavery from the Earliest Periods, p. clii.

1066 Coffin, History of Newbury, p. 336, cites instances in Newbury in 1687 and 1702. Orcutt, The History of the old Town of Derby, Connecticut, p. lvii, mentions a deed of manumission in Connecticut in 1688, given to Tobie, an Indian captive of King Philip’s War. Smith, History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, p. 219, refers to the conditional manumission of an Indian slave, three years old, born in the family. Cotton Mather, also, promised to free an Indian slave at the close of four years of service. Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 7, vii, p. 203.

1067 A Virginia act of 1782 provided for the freeing of a slave by an instrument in writing submitted by the owner. A copy of this instrument attested by the clerk of the county court was to be given to the manumitted slave. Any master neglecting to give such a copy to the slave in question was liable to a fine of £10. Hening, op. cit., xi, p. 39. Maryland by an act of 1752 declared that owners under ordinary circumstances had the right to free slaves. Two witnesses were required for the act, which must be in writing. Bacon, Laws of Maryland. These acts were intended primarily to apply to negro slaves.

1068 Indian Book, 1710–1718, Columbia, South Carolina, Historical Commission Department, i, p. 19.

1069 Plymouth Colony Records, iv, p. 173. By the terms of the order, the value of the land was to be expended for defraying the charges of printing the book “New England’s Memorial.”

1070 Baker, History of Montville, Connecticut, p. 77. This woman was given by the colonial government to Captain James Avery who sold her to Mr. Charles Hill who in turn traded her to Uncas.

1071 Mayhew, Indian Converts, p. 120.

1072 Orcutt, The History of the old Town of Derby, Connecticut, p. vii.

1073 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 352.

1074 Ibid., vii, p. 371.

1075 Ibid., vii, p. 385.

1076 Ibid., vii, pp. 397–398.

1077 Hening, op. cit., iv, p. 132.

1078 Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, i, p. 66; Dillon, Oddities in Colonial Legislation, p. 233.

1079 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 155.

1080 Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iv, p. 4; Freeman, The History of Cape Cod, ii, p. 72.

1081 Massachusetts Manuscript Records, vol. xxx.

1082 Plymouth Colony Records, vi, p. 15.

1083 Ibid., vi, p. 15.

1084 Acts and Resolves, ix, p. 376.

1085 Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iv, p. 109.

1086 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 280.

1087 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, p. 764.

1088 Nevill, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey, i, p. 23.

1089 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 384.

1090 Ibid., vii, p. 396.

1091 Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, i, p. 66; Dillon, op. cit., p. 233.

1092 Connecticut Colonial Records, iii, pp. 375–376.

1093 Ibid., iii, p. 408.

1094 Ibid., v, p. 233.

1095 Connecticut Colonial Records, xvi, p. 415.

1096 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, p. 765.

1097 Ibid., i, p. 922.

1098 Nevill, op. cit., i, p. 25.

1099 Allinson, op. cit., p. 316.

1100 Brain, The Redemption of the Red Man, p. 2, believes that the entire Indian population of the territory now occupied by the United States never exceeded 300,000 souls. Bancroft, History of the United States of America from the Discovery of the Continent, edition of 1878, ii, p. 408, estimates the number east of the Mississippi River and south of the St. Lawrence River and Great Lakes at not far from 180,000 at the time of the discovery. To the various tribes of the Algonquin race he assigns 90,000; the eastern Sioux, 3000; the Iroquois including their southern kindred, 17,000; the Catawba, 3,000; the Cherokee, 12,000; the Chickasaw, Choctaw and Muskohgee, 50,000; the Uchee, 1000, and the Natchez, 4,000.

1101 Sylvester, op. cit., ii, p. 54.

1102 Palfrey, op. cit., iii, p. 137.

1103 Thomas, The Indians of North America in Historic Times, p. 60.

1104 Parkman, A Half Century of Conflict, ii, p. 286.

1105 Year Book of the Society of Colonial Wars in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 1898, p. 110.

1106 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantations, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, iii, p. 325.

1107 Winthrop, Journal, i, pt. iii, p. 119, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

1108 Denton, A Brief Description of New York, etc., in Gowan, Bibliotheca Americana, p. 7.

1109 Oldmixon, The British Empire in America, etc., i, p. 125.

1110 Oldmixon, op. cit., i, p. 141.

1111 Arnold, History of Rhode Island, i, pp. 421–422.

1112 Ferris, A History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware from its Discovery by Hudson to the Colonization under William Penn, etc., p. 83.

1113 Archdale, op. cit., in Carroll, op. cit., ii, p. 89.

1114 Ibid., ii, pp. 89, 519.

1115 Ibid., ii, p. 89.

1116 Letter of Mr. Thomas, missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1706, in South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, v, p. 42.

1117 Douglass, A Summary, Historical and Political, etc., i, p. 175.

1118 Updike, History of the Episcopal Church in Narragansett, Rhode Island, p. 177.

1119 Oldmixon, op. cit., i, pp. 187, 189.

1120 Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, edition of 1787, p. 153.

1121 Ibid., edition of 1787, pp. 154, 155.

1122 Letter of Samuel Thomas, missionary in South Carolina of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1706, in South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, 1904, v, p. 42; Letter of Henry Laurens, 1780, in Moore, Materials for History printed from Original Manuscripts with Notes and Illustrations, p. 187.

1123 Archdale, op. cit., in Carroll, op. cit., ii, pp. 88–89.

1124 Ibid., ii, p. 89.

1125 It is perhaps true that the Indians of the territory occupied by the English colonists of America possessed certain inherent characteristics which made them less desirable as servants or slaves than those used by the Spaniards in Mexico and South America, and that they had less fear and dread of the whites than the Indians farther south.

1126 Mason, A Brief History of the Pequot War, etc., in Orr, op. cit., p. 39.

1127 Mayhew, Indian Converts, p. 26.

1128 Daniels, History of the Town of Oxford, Massachusetts, p. 44.

1129 Dorr, The Narragansetts, in Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, vii, p. 210; Wood, New England’s Prospect, Prince Society edition, p. 73.

1130 Dorr, op. cit., in Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, vii, p. 233.

1131 Force, Tracts and other Papers relating principally to the Origin, Settlement and Progress of the Colonies in North America, etc., i, p. 10.

1132 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 343. Other acts were passed by South Carolina in 1712, 1735, 1740, 1743, and 1783, relating to slave conspiracies and uprisings. The omission in these acts of direct reference to Indian slaves is probably due to the fact that negro slaves were in the majority.

1133 Ibid., iii, p. 196.

1134 Acts and Resolves, i, p. 535.

1135 Acts and Laws of Connecticut, edition of 1769, p. 185; Dillon, Oddities in Colonial Legislation, p. 242.

1136 New York Colonial Laws, edition of 1894, i, p. 631. New York passed other laws in 1712 and 1730 relating to the uprisings and conspiracy of slaves.

1137 Watson, Annals of Philadelphia, i, p. 62.

1138 See above, pp. 233–240.

1139 Acts and Resolves, i. p. 698.

1140 Connecticut Colonial Records, v, p. 233.

1141 Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1771, p. 53.

1142 Records of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, iv, pp. 193–194.

1143 Report of a French Protestant Refugee in Boston, 1687, Fisher’s translation, p. 20.

1144 Winsor, The Memorial History of Boston, i, p. 489.

1145 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 143. For a petition, October 25, 1711, to Governor Spotswood for such a permit to employ an Indian man and woman, see Calendar of Virginia State Papers, i, p. 150.

1146 Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 260, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

1147 Hazard, Historical Collections, etc., ii, p. 188.

1148 Morton, The New English Canaan, in Force’s Tracts, ii, p. 48.

1149 Peabody, Life of Cotton Mather, p. 223.

1150 Sewall’s Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, vii, p. 30.

1151 Drake, The Book of the Indians, ninth edition, ii, p. 111.

1152 Winsor, The Memorial History of Boston, i, p. 489.

1153 Plymouth Colony Records, xi, p. 59.

1154 Gookin, op. cit., in American Antiquarian Society Collections, 1836, ii, p. 434.

1155 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, i, p. 433, 435, 443, 447.

1156 Professional and Industrial History of Suffolk County, Massachusetts, iii, p. 398.

1157 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, first series, ix, p. 201. We are told that only by being “flagellated” were these Indians made to perform their labor according to their contracts.

1158 Steiner, History of the Plantation of Menunkatuck, p. 72.

1159 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 1, ix, p. 78.

1160 Updike, History of the Episcopal Church in Narragansett, etc., p. 177.

1161 Records of the Town of Southampton, Long Island, bk. ii, pp. 56–59, 72.

1162 Love, Samson Occom and the Christian Indians of New England, p. 5; New England’s First Fruits, in Sabin’s Reprints, quarto edition, No. vii, p. 6.

1163 Bruce, Institutional History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, i, p. 5.

1164 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 1, ix, p. 78.

1165 Updike, op. cit., p. 177.

1166 Plymouth Colony Records, xi, p. 237.

1167 Southold Town Records, p. 154.

1168 Weeden, op. cit., i, p. 292.

1169 The inventory of the estate of Samuel Gorton of Providence shows that he possessed apprenticed Indian servants. The Early Records of the Town of Providence, xvi, pp. 243, 244.

1170 Walker, History of the First Church in Hartford, p. 255.

1171 New Jersey Archives, series 1, xx, p. 111; xxvi, p. 458.

1172 Baird, History of Rye, p. 192.

1173 Hening, op. cit., i, p. 410.

1174 The so called “redemptioners.”

1175 Several hundred Scotchmen taken prisoners by Cromwell were sent to Boston. Morton, New England’s Memorial, p. 86.

1176 In New Netherland many girls from the almshouses of Holland served as indentured servants. Van Rensselaer, History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century, i, p. 466.

1177 Such a request was sent to the Virginia Company in 1620. Abstracts of the Proceedings of the Virginia Company of London, i, p. 92.

1178 Penn offered on certain conditions fifty acres of land to every servant who came with the first adventurers, and made adequate provisions in the Charter of Laws for the servants’ protection against being cheated or abused in any way by dishonest masters. For a discussion of indentured servants in Pennsylvania, see Bolles, Pennsylvania, Province and State, ii, pp. 173–182; Diffenderffer, German Immigration into Pennsylvania, pt. iii; Pennsylvania Magazine of History, xxx, p. 436; xxxi, p. 83; Historical Addresses and Papers of Lancaster Historical Society, x, p. 331; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, i, iii, iv, vi, vii, ix, x, xi. In 1676, the Duke of York provided for the government, protection, and final dismissal of bond servants in Delaware. Pennsylvania German Society Proceedings, x, pp. 223–224.

1179 In 1671, Governor Berkeley estimated that 1500 white servants were arriving annually, and at that time out of a total population of 40,000, six thousand were indentured servants. Tucker, Life of Jefferson, i, p. 14; Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 515. In the time of Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, it was estimated that there were 60,000 imported white servants in the province. Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, i, p. 190. The German immigrants more than met the demand for servants in Pennsylvania. Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania were the three great servant importing colonies.

1180 For Connecticut, see Steiner, History of Slavery in Connecticut, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xi; for New Hampshire, Sanborn, New Hampshire; for New Jersey, New Jersey Archives, series 2, i, p. 436; for Maryland, McCormac, White Servitude in Maryland, 1634–1820, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xxii; for Virginia, Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiii; for North Carolina, Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in North Carolina, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv; for South Carolina, McCrady, Slavery in the Province of South Carolina, 1670–1770, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1895, and Schaper, Sectionalism in South Carolina; for Georgia, Colonial Records of Georgia, i, pp. 54, 259.

1181 Weeden, op. cit., i, p. 153; Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, etc., p. 337.

1182 Sewall’s Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, v, p. 14.

1183 Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts, p. 65.

1184 Publications of the Ipswich Historical Society, x, p. 29; Waters, Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, p. 217.

1185 Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War, p. 480; Waters, op. cit., p. 217.

1186 Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New England, p. 84.

1187 Essex Institute Historical Collections, i. p. 14.

1188 Felt, Annals of Salem, second edition, ii, p. 416.

1189 Currier, History of Newbury, p. 254; Coffin, op. cit., p. 188.

1190 Coffin, op. cit., p. 336.

1191 Coffin, op. cit., p. 336.

1192 Currier, op. cit., p. 255.

1193 Essex Institute Historical Collections, x, p. 79.

1194 Ibid., i, p. 14.

1195 Ibid., x, p. 79.

1196 Ibid., xxxiv, p. 64.

1197 Ewell, The Story of Byfield, p. 65.

1198 Mather’s Diary in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 7, vii, p. 579.

1199 Bliss, Side Glimpses from the Old Meeting House, p. 16.

1200 Staples, Annals of Providence, second edition, p. 171; Rhode Island Historical Society Publications, i, p. 235; Richman, op. cit., ii, p. 192.

1201 The Early Records of the Town of Portsmouth, p. 433.

1202 Dorr, The Narragansetts, in Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, vii, p. 233.

1203 Weeden, Early Rhode Island, p. 143.

1204 Dorr, op. cit., in Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, vii, p. 233.

1205 Weeden, op. cit., p. 144.

1206 The Early Records of the Town of Providence, xvi, p. 244.

1207 It should be noted that the Connecticut bondmen or slaves were often called “servants” down to about 1700. Adams and Stiles, History of Ancient Wethersfield, i, p. 700; Caulkins, History of New London, p. 271; Charleston Year Book, 1900, p. 42. (Appendix.)

1208 Adams and Stiles, op. cit., i, p. 700.

1209 Orcutt, op. cit., p. lvii.

1210 New Jersey Archives, series 1, xxiii, p. 20.

1211 Ibid., series 1, xxiii, p. 29.

1212 Ibid., series 1, xxiii, p. 37.

1213 Ibid., series 1, xxiii, p. 62.

1214 New Jersey Archives, series i, xxiii, p. 65.

1215 Ibid., series 1, xxiii, p. 67.

1216 Ibid., series 1, xxiii, 472. In these New Jersey inventories, the Indian slaves were regarded as personal estate.

1217 William and Mary College Quarterly, vi, p. 214. The “lbs.” refer to tobacco, the medium of purchase in early Virginia.

1218 William and Mary College Quarterly, vi, p. 214. This is the deed which has already been referred to as having been set aside by the House of Burgesses. Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 155. Cf. above, p. 270.

1219 Hawks, History of North Carolina, ii, p. 577.

1220 North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, iii, p. 270.

1221 Williamson, History of North Carolina, i, p. 289.

1222 North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 52.

1223 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, iii, p. 77.

1224 Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, v, 1710–1715.

1225 Report on Canadian Archives, 1905, i, p. 523; Margry, op. cit., iv, p. 544.

1226 It is doubtful whether any definite knowledge of the enslavement of Indians existed in England. The public criticism of the play and opera “Incle and Yarico,” which dealt with the capture of two Indian girls in America and their subsequent sale in Barbadoes, because the first scene was laid in America, tends to show a general ignorance on the subject. This play written by Coleman and told in story by Steele in “The Spectator,” No. 11, March 13, 1710, is supposed to have been founded on fact. The event is described in Ligon, History of Barbadoes, p. 55. The play is given in Inchbald, British Theatre.

1227 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, vi, p. 214.

1228 Massachusetts Manuscript Records, xxx, No. 173; Plymouth Colony Records, x, pp. 451–453; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vi, p. 297 and xxxii, p. 299; Winsor, The Memorial History of Boston, i, p. 322.

1229 Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts, p. 90. In 1700, Sewall had published a protest against slavery in general in the form of a tract: The Selling of Joseph, a Memorial. The tract did not mention Indian slavery. Moore, op. cit., pp. 83–87; Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 1863–1864, pp. 161–165.

1230 Sandiford, The Mystery of Iniquity, etc., p. 19.

1231 Ibid., p. 96.

1232 Sharp, Extract from a Representation of the Injustice, etc., p. 15.

1233 Ibid., p. 13.

1234 Benezet, Some Observations on the Situation, Disposition, etc., p. 9. In a footnote he refers to Hunt’s kidnapping act.

1235 Records of the Friends’ Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jersies, p. 211; Michener, A Retrospect of Early Quakerism, etc., pp. 260, 341. According to custom the action of the Yearly Meeting was at once made known to the various Quarterly Meetings within its jurisdiction by extracts from its minutes. Such extracts recorded in the minutes of the various Quarterly Meetings for the year 1719 contain exactly the same expression: “And to avoid giving them occasion of discontent, it is desired that Friends do not buy or sell Indian slaves.”

1236 After 1719 the records show the opposition of the Yearly Meeting to have been expressed against slavery in general, and no mention is made of Indian slaves, though the records sometimes read: “negroes and other slaves.” For the action of the Yearly Meeting at various times up to the time of the abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania in 1780, see Pennsylvania Historical Society Memoirs, i, p. 392 et seq.; Sharpless, A History of Quaker Government in Pennsylvania, ii, p. 224 et seq.; American Society of Church Publications, v. ii, (article by Allen C. Thomas); Michener, A Retrospect of Early Quakerism, etc.; Pennsylvania Magazine of History, xiii, pp. 265 et seq.

1237 Williamson, The History of the State of Maine, etc., i, p. 539.

1238 Cf. above, pp. 173–174.

1239 Cotton Mather, Magnalia, edition of 1820, ii, p. 507; Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 7, vii, pp. 22, 203; Increase Mather, Ibid., series 7, viii, p. 232; The Reverend Mr. Brown of Haverhill (1723), Chase, History of Haverhill, pp. 239, 248; The Reverend Mr. Thacher of Milton (1674), Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New England, p. 84; the Reverend Mr. Callicott of Dorchester, Tooker, Cockenoe-de-Long Island, p. 12; John Winthrop, Records of the Court of Assistants, Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1630–1692, ii, p. 91; Daniel Gookin, New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii, p. 272; Governor Berkeley of Virginia, William and Mary College Quarterly, vi, p. 214; Colonel Pollock, acting governor of North Carolina, North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 52; Governor West of South Carolina, Hewat, op cit., i, p. 74; and Governor Moore of South Carolina, Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 140, are important cases in point.

1240 Sylvester, op. cit., i, p. 293; Drake, Book of the Indians, ninth edition, bk. ii, p. 107.

1241 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, vi, p. 95.

1242 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, vi, pp. 195–196.

1243 Ibid., series 4, vi, p. 65.

1244 Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 267.

1245 Ballagh, A History of Slavery in Virginia, p. 50.

1246 Hening, op. cit., iii, p. 468.

1247 Tucker, A Dissertation on Slavery, p. 35; Wheeler, A Practical Treatise of the Law of Slavery, p. 19.

1248 See Ballagh, op. cit., p. 50, for a discussion of the disappearance of this act. Not until 1806 was it discovered that the act of 1705 was a repetition of that of 1691.

1249 Ballagh, op. cit., p. 51; 1 Washington, pp. 123 (Jenkins v. Tom), 233 (Coleman v. Dick.)

1250 Wheeler, op. cit., p. 19, (Hudgins v. Wright).

1251 2 Hening and Munford, p. 149 (Pallas v. Hill); James, English Institutions and the American Indians, p. 47, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xii.

1252 Wheeler, op. cit., p. 18.

1253 If this interpretation of the acts of 1691 and 1705 be the true one, then they belong in the same class with the acts of the northern colonies which were passed at the time of the Tuscarora War for the purpose of putting an end to the importation of Indians, but which did not aim to put an end to the status of slavery as applied to Indians.

1254 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vii, p. 397. By previous acts of 1712, 1722 and 1735; South Carolina had specified who were to be slaves. Ibid., vii, p. 352; vii, p. 371; vii, p. 385.

1255 3 Spears, p. 128 (The State v. Harden, 1832): 1 Richardson, p. 324 (Nelson v. Whetmore, 1844).

1256 O’Neall, The Negro Law of South Carolina, p. 5.

1257 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, i, p. 243.

1258 Laws and Acts made from the First Settlement of Her Majesties Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations by the General Assembly of said Colony, etc., edition of 1705, p. 54; Updike, History of the Narragansett Church, p. 171; Staples, Annals of the Town of Providence, second edition, p. 171.

1259 New York Colonial Documents, xiii, p. 537; Brodhead, op. cit., first edition, ii, p. 331.

1260 Brodhead, op. cit., first edition, ii, p. 331; Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, i, p. 80.

1261 Brodhead, op. cit., first edition, ii, p. 486.

1262 Ibid., first edition, ii, p. 509.

1263 Ibid., first edition, ii, p. 510.

1264 O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts, etc., pt. ii, p. 279.

1265 Ibid., pt. ii, p. 314. July 20, 1703, Thomas Newton, mariner, made deposition that he purchased this slave at Jamaica. Ibid., ii, p. 314.

1266 New York Colonial Documents, v, p. 342.

1267 New York Colonial Documents, v, pp. 342, 357. The Lords of Trade regarded Hunter’s action favorably, and on August 27, 1712, recommended to her majesty to grant a pardon to the Spanish Indians then in prison for engaging in the conspiracy.

1268 Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, v, p. 176.

1269 Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, etc., p. 337, contains a receipt for the sale of a Spanish Indian boy in 1718.

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