Appendix
Extracts From Peter Langtoft’s Chronicle
Edward the First’s War With Scotland in 1294
[From a MS. in the Public Library of the University of Cambridge, Gg. I. 1, fol. 337, written early in the reign of Edw. II.—The Collations are from MS. Cotton. Julius, A. V. fol. 137, vo. (C.), of about the same age; and MSS. Reg. 20, A. II. fol. 123, ro. (R. 1), and 20, A. XI. fol. 105, ro. (R. 2), both of the fourteenth century.]
* * * * *
Gales soit maldit de Deus e de Saint Symoun!
Car tuz jours ad esté pleins de tresoun.
Escoce soit maldit de la Mere Dé!
E parfount à diable Gales enfoundré!
Various Readings.—The two first lines are wanting in C.—1. Dieu, R. 1 and 2.—2. plein, R. 1 and 2.—3. maudite, C.
En l’un ne en li autre fust unkes verité.
Car si toust en Gales guere est comencé,
Et de Aquitaine le covenaunt taillé
Fu par le rai de Fraunce rumpu e refusé,
E Edward e Philippe comencent medlé,
Li fol rai de Escoce, Jon Baliol nomé, 10
Qe par le ray Edward al regne est aproché,
Par l’enticement de sun faus barné,
Encuntre sun homage e encuntre sa fealté,
Ad la court de Rome ad messagers maundé,
A Celestine la pape, ke al houre tint le sé,
Par suggestioun ad fausement demustré
Qe le regne d’Escoce ouf la dignité
Dait de li tenir par antiquité,
Et li rais Edward par poer e posté
Li fist fere homage encuntre volonté; 20
Various Readings.—5. ne l’autre fu, C.—9. Et Sir Eduuard, C. comenscait, R. 1.—10. Bayllolf, C. Baylliolf, R. 1. Johan Baillol, R. 2.—12. Par le consail... fol b., C.—15. que cel h., R. 2.—16. ount... moustré, C. ad... moustré, R. 1 and 2.—19. le rei, R. 2.
E prie q’il seit assolz e devolupé
De la fay le ray, à ki il fu joré.
La pape Celestine, trop desayvisé,
Assolt le rai d’Escoce par lettre enbullé.
Si toust cum en Escoce [la] chose est nuncié,
Les barnez unt fest ad lour hounteté
Duze peres d’Escoce, et sunt counsaillé
Desheriter Edward de la souverainté.
Pour le graunt honur ke Edward le sené
Fist à Johan Bailloil, tele est la bounté 30
Dunt le rays Edward
Du ray Johan musard
est regwerdoné.
De Escoce sait cum pot,
Parfornir nus estoet
la geste avaunt parlé.
Quant Morgan est renduz, e Madok est pris,
Le ray revient à Loundres, par cunsail des amys.
Various Readings.—22. la fay ly roys, R. 1.—23. fu trop, R. 2.—25. la chose, C., R. 1.—27. en Escoce, C.—28. Sire Edward à la s., R. 1.—30. Bayllof, C., R. 1.—32. mosard, R. 1.—37. Morgar, R. 2.
Deus chardinals de Rome la pape i ad transmys,
Ke ouf le ray de Fraunce parleint à Parys; 40
Del amur entre eus la pape est entremys.
Les chardinals al rai ount dist lur avis;
Edward e Philippe ount durement requis
Reposer une pesce chascoun en son pais,
Issint qe bone gent de poer e de pris,
Qe ad nule parte se facent enemys;
Ou la pape meissme sait par là justis,
Ad parfere l’acorde de quant qe sait mespris.
Taunt cum les cardinales de la pes parlaint,
Les gens de Normendie suz Dover arivaint, 50
En la compaignie les Kauleys estaint.
En la vile de Dover sodainement entraint,
E parti du burge arder comensaynt;
Various Readings.—40. plaint, R. 1.—41. ad entremys, R. 1. s’est entremis, R. 2.—42. al rays, C. le reis, R. 1.—43. Sir Eduuard, C. E Edward, R. 2.—45. Issi ke, C., R. 1. This line is omitted in R. 2.—47, 48. soit, R. 2.—50. suth Dover, C.—51. les Kalays, C. Calays, R. 1 and 2.
Des joevenes e des vels.xiii. homes tuaynt.
Quant vindrent à la cunte.x. pur un lessaint.
Li gardain du chastel e cels qe manaynt,
En meismes de la celle, ke bien se gwiaint,
Se pristrent à defense, e les escriaint;
Normaunz e Picards, ke forfet avaint,
Furent degagés; les chapels demorraint 60
Ouf le chef des uns, le[s] autres s’en alaint.
Un moygne i fu pur veir, à ki.xx. enclinaint,
E si les assoit, mot plus ne savaint.
Les cardinals après ad Paris repeiraint;
Ne sai leqel respouns du ray enportaint.
Noun pur ceo plusurs entre els disaint,
Qe toutes les parlaunces à drein descendaint,
Ke Edward e Philippe lur gent sustrarraint,
Various Readings.—54. i tuaynt, C.—55. .xx. pur un, R. 1.—56. del chastel et cel ke la m., C.—57. Et moynes de la c., C. E moignes, R. 1 and 2.—59. Pikard, C. forfez, R. 1.—61. Of les chefs, C., R. 1 and 2.—62. Un moyne de la celle à ky, C.—63. Et cyl les... sonaynt, C., R. 1 and 2.—65. Ne sai quels respouns, C., R. 2. Ne say quel respons, R. 1. reportaient, R. 2. 67. Qe totes... descendraint, R. 1.—68. lur genz suthrayeraynt, C., R. 2. gentz, R. 1.
Issi qe genz par mer et par tere irraint
En soffraunce de pesse, ke amys purraint; 70
Parfournir l’acorde les Englais volaint,
Et les Alemaunz ad sei se assentiraint.
Taunt cum les cardinals se sunt entremis
De reformer la pes, e fere les rays amis,
Thomas de Turbevile, ke ad Rouns fu pris,
Taunt ad parlé al provost de Parys,
Ke fet l’ad soun homage, et hostages mys
Ses deuz fiz en garde, e seurement promis
Aler en Engletere espier le pais,
E dire al ray Edward k’il vent futifs, 80
Eschapé de prisoun par mi ses amys.
Le provost l’ad graunté, e fet en ses escris
Cent lievre de tere par autel devis;
Various Readings.—69. ou par tere, R. 1. Issint que gent, R. 2.—71. le volaynt, C. la volaint, R. 1.—72. à ço se as., C. Si les A.... à ceo, R. 1.—74. De perfornir, R. 1.—75. Tourbevyle... à Ryouns, C. à Riouns, R. 1 and 2.—76. en taunt... of le p., C. En taunt, R. 1.—77. hostage, C., R. 2.—80. al rays... ke il vynt, C.—81. Eschapa de p. par my ses enemys, C. enemys, R. 1 and 2.—83. liverez, C. liveres, R. 2.
Et Thomas l’affiaunce sur les evangelis,
Ke tut Engletere e Walays e Marchis,
E du regne d’Escoce quanke sunt de pris,
Serrunt enclinaunz à Philippe fiz Lowis.
Escotez ore coment la grace Jhesu Crist
Li gentil rays Edward de la traisoun garnist. 90
Thomas en Engletere vint ad rais e dist,
Ke hors de la prisoun nutauntre issist,
E pur amur Sire Edward à tel peril se prist.
Curtaise assez li ray li countrefist;
Et Turbevile après de jour en jour enquist
L’estate de la tere, et sun aler purvist
De leu en leu enqueir de graunt e de petist,
Coment as Englais peut fere tel despit,
Ke li rais Edward sa tere perdisist.
Various Readings.—86. kant ke, C.—87. enclynaunt, C., R. 1 and 2.—89. Ly gentiz ray Ed., C. rei, R. 2.—90. al ray, C. au rei, R. 2.—91. nuyt auntre issist, C. nutaunte, R. 2.—92. This line is omitted in C. l’amur Edward à tielle se p., R. 1 and 2.—93. Curtaisye... li rays, C., R. 1. Curtaisie, R. 2.
L’estate de tote part, tel cum entendist,
Of les cardinals par un de sons tramist 100
Al provost de Paris, ke joie assez en fist.
Li cleirs ke la lettre ad Turbevile escrit,
Ad plus privé le rais l’entente descoverist.
Li lers l’aparcust, ad fust tost se mist,
Un serjaunt as armes, ke plus près suist,
Le tierz jour après le Turbevile surprist.
Le traitour est pris, e à Lundres remené,
Ouf mult grant fausine ke sur lui fust trové.
Chose[s] que sunt dites, quels il ad graunté,
Par volunté le rai sunt mis desuz pié, 110
Jeskes seo sècle seit autrement turné.
Turbeville en curt cum traitur est jugé;
Par my la vile de Lundres primes fu trainé,
Various Readings.—99. Les estat de tote parz, C. L’estat de totes partz, R. 2.—102. Li clerk, C.—103. le rei, R. 2.—104. Ly leers tost l’ap., R. 1.—106. Le tierce jour après le traytour soupryst, C.—109. Choses, C., R. 1 and 2.—110. le rays, C., R. 1. mis suth pé, R. 2.—111. Jekes à ço... chaungé, C., R. 1. chaungé, R. 2.—113. This line is omitted in C.
E puis pendu cum lers, pur sa malfeté.
Pur nostre rais Edward mult ad Deus overé
Ore et autre fiez ad sa sauveté.
Quant de Turbeville fet est la vengaunce,
Les cardinales de Rome repeirez en Fraunce
Ont ouf le rei Phelippe sovent eu parlaunce,
Et sovent requis li rais des Alemaunce, 120
E par clers e leys ount fet demoustraunce
Ad gentil rais Edward, ke dure est les destaunce
Dunt li e Philippe sunt en descordaunce;
Par ount il unt fet une tele ordinaunce,
Ke li e les deus rais enverrount sanz tarjaunce
A Kaumbré clers e lays de grant conyssaunce,
Ad trere de la pees, e juger la grevance,
Various Readings.—114. E pendu... malveté, R. 1. maveisté, R. 2.—115. rei, R. 2.—118. repairent, C.—120. ly ray, C. del Almaunz, R. 1. le rei, R. 2.—122. rey, R. 1 and 2.—125. Ke ly e ly altre env., R. 1 and 2.—126. à Kaumbray, C. Kambrai, R. 1. Kaunbrai, R. 2.—127. à treter, C., R. 1 and 2.
E fere les amendes de la contrariaunce.
Ly rays Edward s’assent en bone affiaunce;
A Kaumbray ad maundé saunz nule delaiaunce 130
Eveskes e barouns de graunt apparaunce:
Les garde de tresoun Dieu par sa puissaunce!
Taunt cum cels seignurs sunt alez cel message,
Sire Edmund frere le rai de gentil corage,
Le counte de Nincole ouf toute sun menage,
Sir Willeam de Vescy, chivaler prus e sage,
Barouns e vavasours de gentil linnage,
Chivalers e serjaunce ouf lur cosynage,
Genz à pié saunz noumbre de more e de boscage,
E Galais qe sevent combatir par usage, 140
Sunt alez en Gascoyn, e entrés en passage,
Ouf.xxx. et.vi. baners de meillur escuage
Ke feust en Engletere, salve le vacellage
Various Readings.—134. le rays, C. ly roys, R. 1.—135. Nicole of tote ses menages, C.—139. gent, R. 2.—142. Of.xxvj. baneresce del m., C. Ouf.xx. et.vj., R. 1. od vint e sis, R. 2.—143. vassellage, R. 1 and 2.
De cels qe ore ne faillent ad lour seignurage.
Car cels qe sunt remis garder lur heritage.
Ad le rei requis e pris en sun veiage
Sur le ray d’Escoce e sur sun fals barnage,
Ke ad ray Edward dedient lur homage.
Le primer jour de Marce, en tot le graunt orage,
Vint le ray Edward à trop grant costage 150
A Novechastel-sur-Tyne, pur le graunt utrage
Ke les fels mastins ount bracé par folage.
Nostre rays Edward ait la male rage!
Et ne les prenge e tiènge si estrait en kage,
Ke rien lour demourge après sun taliage,
Fors soul les rivelins et la nue nage.
Robert de Ros de Werke des Englais s’en fuist,
E ouf les genz d’Escoce à la gwere se mist.
Li rais Sire Edward sun chastel seisist,
Various Readings.—146. en son menage, R. 1.—147. et sun fol barnage, C.—148. ke al rays, C.—150. ly rois, R. 1.—151. Newechaustel, R. 1.—152. ke les fols, C. bracez, R. 1.—153. rays Sir Eduuard, C.—154. Si il ne les, R. 1. S’il ne les, R. 2.—156. rivelinges, C. à la nue n., R. 1.—158. od le rei se mist, R. 2.—159. le rei, R. 2.
La feste de pasche y tint, après s’en partist 160
Devers Berwike-sur-Twede, e la vile assist.
Le people maluré al primour surprist
Deus navez des Englais, e tuer le fist.
Li rays Edward l’oit dire, les portes assailist;
Les fossés passait li Englais sanz respit.
Le vendredi de pasche ad truele conquist
La vile de Berwike; li Englais lo occist
Quatre mile de Escoce, e autres plus perdist.
Chivaler un saunz plus Sire Edward i perdist,
Richard de Cornewalle, un Fleming li ferist 170
Hors de [la] sale rouge d’u[n] quarel qu’il tendist.
Tost fu la sale pris, le fu en fist tut quist.
Li gardein du chasteil quant la force vist,
Le chastel saunz assalt al rais Edward rendist.
Various Readings.—160. de la paske, C. departist, R. 1.—161. Vers B., R. 1.—163. les fist, C.—165. les Englais, C.—166. al releve conquyst, C. al revele, R. 1. au relevée, R. 2.—167. i occyst, C. Les Englais oc., R. 2.—168. e ankes plus, C., R. 1 and 2.—171. du sale, C. de la sale, R. 1 and 2. d’un, R. 2.
Willeam de Douglasse dedens esteit elist,
E Ricard Fresel, pur fere al ray despit;
Le ray les ad prisoune, merci Jhesu Crist!
Li quens de la Merche, Patrik li renomé,
Ad la pes le rays se rendist de gré;
Gilbert de Umfravile avaunt fust demoré 180
Ouf le rais Edward, à ki il fu joré;
Sire Robert de Brus of toute sa mesné
Vers le rais Edward tint tuz jours sa fealté,
Encuntre les Escotes amurs li ad mustré.
Quant Berwike fu pris, [de]denz estait trové
Or e argent saunz noumbre, des altres metals plenté,
E toute la nobley ke apendait à cité.
Ly Bailloill ad perdu li issu e l’entré
De la plus noble vile qe fust en sa poesté.
Le rais Edward la tent conquis par l’espé, 190
Various Readings.—176. Richard Fres’, C. Simoun Fresel, R. 1. Simon Fresele, R. 2.—177. prisouns, C., R. 1 and 2. merciez, R. 2.—179. le rei.—181. al rays, C. od le rei, R. 2.—183. vers le roy, R. 1 and 2.—185. dedenz estayt, C., R. 1 and 2.—186. or, argent assez, des, C.—187. la noblye, C.—188. Balliolf, C.
La fet environner de fossé large e lé,
En restrovant l’Escote k’ad de li chaunté,
E par mokerie en Englais rymaié.
Piket hym and diket him,
On scorne saiden he,
hu best hit mai be.
He pikes and he dikes,
On lengthe alle him likes,
als by mowe best y-se.
Scatered heir the Scotes, 200
Hodred in the hottes,
never thai ne the:
Ritht if y rede,
Thay toumble in Twede
that woned bi the se.
Various Readings.—191. This line is omitted in C.—192. reprovant, C., R. 1 and 2.—193. rymeyé, C., R. 1 and 2.—194. Pykit, C. Pikit... dikit, R. 2.—195. scoren sayd, C. in scoren, R. 1. in scorn, R. 2.—196. best may, C. Where this line is given in place of line 199, which is omitted. It is the same in R. 1 and 2.—197. He dikes, he pikes, C., R. 1 and 2.—198. On lenche als hym, C. On leghe als hym, R. 1. als, R. 2.—200. Skaterd he the, C. Scatird er, R. 1. are the Scottis, R. 2.—201. Hoderd in thar, C. Hodird in thaire, R. 1. Hodered in their, R. 2.—202. nevere, R. 2.—203. ȝif, R. 2.—204. tumbed, C., R. 2. toumbe, R. 1.—205. be, R. 2.
Taunt cum Sire Edward ouf cuntes e barouns
Fist Berwiche enclore de fossez envirrouns,
Issuz sunt d’Escoce trais countes, par nouns
De Mar, de Ros, de Montesce, [of].xl. mile felouns;
Estaint en la rute alaunt en tapisouns, 210
Tyndale unt destruite en cendres e carbouns,
La vile de Corbridge e deuz religiouns
De Exillesham e Lanercost en unt destruite par arcouns,
Du people du pais ount fet occisiouns,
Enporté les biens, en chacé les chanouns.
Après la ravine cum foles e bricouns
Sunt alez de Dunbar à lur confusiouns.
Le chastel unt pris, estendent pavillouns,
Ad Counte de la Marche esteint les mesouns.
Various Readings.—209. De Mare, de Rosse, de Menethet, of.xl., C. De Ros, Assetle, de Menetz, R. 1. De Ros, Ascetel, de Menetest, R. 2.—210. alaunz, C.—211. En passan unt d., R. 1. En passaunt, R. 2.—213. De Hexhilesham et Lanercost ennentiz par arsouns, C. De Exilsham e Lanertoft enenty, R. 1. De Exilham... anenti, R. 2.—215. Emportez, R. 1. emportez... enchacez, R. 2.—216. ravye cum fols, C.—217. à Dunbar, C., R. 1 and 2.—218. estendi, R. 1.—219. al counte, C.
Le rais Edward l’oit dire, fet fere les somouns 220
Dunbar pur recovre, e prendre les larouns,
Ke de seint eglise unt fet destrucciouns.
Poy avaunt cel houre parmis les regiouns
Revint le cardinal de Kaumbrai ouf respouns,
E du ray de Fraunce, cum après orrums;
Sire Amy de Sauvaye, quens de graunt renouns,
Vint en la compagnie, e Otes de Graunt-souns.
Cil vint hors de Cypre e ses compaignouns,
Ke quant Acres fu pris, la mer as [a]virrouns
En passaunt eschapaint, sanz autres acheisouns. 230
Avaunt vus ai cunté quels mals e quels tresouns
Sunt fet à seinte eglise à tort e saunz reisouns;
E oy avez sovent en les sainz sermouns
Ke Deus est dreitureles en tuz sels werdouns:
Various Readings.—220. This line is omitted in C. Le rei, R. 2.—225. en orroums, R. 2.—226. Sir Emery de Sauvay, C.—227. Othes, R. 1. Sire Otes, R. 2.—228. de ses, R. 1 and 2.—229. avyrouns, C., R. 1 and 2.—232. Sont feez, R. 1. fez, R. 2.—234. This line is omitted in R. 2.
Ore oiez de Dunbar où saunz evasaiouns
Les enemys Deus sunt pris en faude cum motouns.
An le meis de May, le mardi primer,
Ad Berwike-sur-Twede ouf le ray parler,
Coment les foles felouns, ke feseint arder
Exillisham e Lanercost, n’esparnaynt muster, 240
Pris avaint Dunbar, chastel sur la mer,
Ouf li quens Patrik tint sa mulier.
Li rais Sire Edward par taunt i fist maunder
Le counte de Garenne ouf tute sun poer,
Le counte de Warwik e Huge le [De]spencer,
Barouns e vavasours, chivaler, esquier;
Sorrais e Norrais i alaint de bon quer;
Assez de gent à pié i menent al mester,
E venent à Dunbar li chastel asseger.
Various Readings.—236. Deu, C., R. 1 and 2.—237. En le mays de May, C., R. 1 and 2.—238. oyst le ray, C. oit, R. 2.—240. Hexlesham, C. Exilsham e Lanertoft, R. 1. Exilham, R. 2.—245. le Despenser, C. W. Sire Hughe le Despenser, R. 1. e is also omitted in R. 2.—247. Surays et Norays, C. Sorais e Norais il a., R. 1. Surrais, R. 2.—248. de genz... et menent, C. gentz... il m., R. 1.
Se atirent al saut, ne volent demorer. 250
Les foles felouns dedenz espairent ayde aver;
Se sotillent coment les Englais enginner.
Sire Richard Syward, ke solait demorer
Ouf nostre rays Edward ad robe e à dener,
Maundent par descayt ouf nos Englais treiter;
Si les vent, e dist, ke mult tres volenter
Les fra le chastel rendre, si il volent graunter
Treis jours de respit, ke il puissent consailler
Li ray de Ballioll, e lur estate maunder.
E si il cel houre ne venge le sege remover, 260
Le chastel renderunt sanz plus par là targer.
Hostage par taunt i mette, e fet nuncier
Al hoste de Escoce en meisme la maner,
Cum vus orrez après, le fet recorder.
Various Readings.—250. al assaut... esparnyer, C.—254. rei, R. 2.—255. à nos, C.—256. Cyl les vynt, C.—259. Le rays de Bayllof et lur maunder, C.—260. E si cel h., R. 1 and 2.
Li messager s’en va, e tost aprochait
Al ray Johan e al hoste ke ouf li estait,
Lur dist cum li Siward enfourmez l’avait.
“Sire rais, vos barouns demourent en dure plait
En la chastel de Dunbar, en chaunce les chascait;
Car quant li rais Edward lur estre là saveit, 270
Parti de sun hoste illeukes maunder fesait.
Li Englais quant là vint le chastel assegait.
Sire Richard Siward, ke tuz les conussait,
Issist du chastel e taunt bien parlait,
Qe treve pur treis jours li Englais li otrait.
Pour quai la compaignie, ke illoek par vus alait,
Ad vus cum à seignur aler me commandait,
E dire veraiment ke home ne set ne vait
Dunt vus les porrez vendre, si non par descait,
Various Readings.—266. Al ray Jon Bayllof là ou il estayt, C.—267. enfourmé, R. 1.—268. dur esplayt, C., R. 1. sire rei, R. 2.—269. en chauns, C.—272. quant vynt, C.—274. taunt cum il porrait, C. taunt beel parlait, R. 1.—275. Pur trewe de.iij.... grauntait, C.—276. par quai, C.—279. Omitted in R. 2.
Dedenz le terme de treve ke l’Englais nus grauntait. 280
A demayn cele hour k’em manghehust e bait,
Alez de ceste part hastivement l’andrait;
Les nos du chastel vous verrunt par agait;
Istrunt sur li Englais ke lour venir ne creit;
Happés-les entre vous, si tenés-les si estreit,
Ke mès en champ ne venent fere à les voz surfait.
Vous ne avez autre vaie qe valer vous dait.
Ore armez-vous, si aloums, nul alme ne se trait
Qe nos enemis quant serrunt pris merci nul en ayt.
Ferrez du braund; 290
Northumberlaund
le vostre ert de drait;
Tote Engletere
Par ceste guere
volez qe perdu sait:
Unkes Albanie
Par coup d’espeie
Various Readings.—280. All which follows, to line 354, is omitted in R. 1.—281. k’em mangeust, C.—284. sur les, C.—286. pur fere les voz, C.—288. ne se retrayt, C.—289. qe serrunt... n’eit, R. 2.—295. voyliez, C.
fist si bon esplait.”
On grene,
That kindrede kene 300
gaderid als gait;
Y wene
On sum it is sene,
ware the bit bait.
Al dit le messager la route de rascaylle
Arenger se comence al foer de bataille.
Sir Richard Siward, qe dona ceste counsaille,
Vent à nos Englais, dis[t], “Si Dieu me vaille!
Jeo voy gent venir de mult grant apparaille,
Cum batailler vousissent, saunz numbre de pittaille. 310
Je vois, si vous [loez], feir.i. desturbaille,
Ke plus [près] ne venent.” Les nos dient, “nun kaille,”
E pernent li Siward, ke plus avaunt n’i aille;
Various Readings.—299. on the g., R. 2.—300. kynered, C. kinred, R. 2.—301. als the gait, R. 2.—303. summe it es, C. summe is it, R. 2.—304. whar, C. whare, R. 2.—305. al route, C.—308. et dist si, C.—309. genz, C.—311. vus loez fere.i. d., C.—312. plus près, R. 2. noun kaylle, C., R. 2.
Establient gardayns al porte e al muraille;
Umfray de Boune le jovene tent le garde en baille,
Ke aide du chastel lur rergarde ne assaille;
E mountent les destrers, les brouchent al mountaille,
Ke plus tost peust coure avaunt li altre saille.
L’Escote les vait venir, la cowe les turne cum quaille,
En enfuaunt se vole al vent cum fet la paille. 320
Les Englais après les chacent cum owaille,
Cum feust quant veit le lowe venir de boscaille.
Li surquider Escote quide ke countrevaille
Le duk sire Corynée, qe conquist Cornwaille.
De taunt des genz as armes mult ai grant mervaille
Ke nes un de tuz al fet vaut un maille,
Fors Patrick de Graham, ke demourt e daille
Del espé furbie, mes tuez est saunz faille.
Dis mil.l. et.iiij. sunt tuez al travaille;
Various Readings.—316. lur’ ne regard ne, C. rereward, R. 2.—320. S’en vole, C.—322. Ke fuist, C.—323. surquiders, C.—325. De taunz de gens armez, C., R. 2.
Trestuz sunt d’Escoce, le noumbre ai par taille. 330
Cels furent les cheitifs [qe] demaglaynt le aumaille
Par mi Northumberlaund, as chiens lessaint le[n]traille;
Escomegez estaint al livre e kaundaille,
Pur ceo ke saint eglise, ne prestre, ne clerjaille,
Nent plus esparnent ke four ou toraille.
Pecché les ad chacé à tele arivaille,
Ke perduz unt al champ le chief oufveke l’oraille.
The fote folke
Puth the Scotes in the polke,
and nakned their nages: 340
By waie
Herd i never saie
of prestre pages,
To pike
The robes of the riche
Various Readings.—331. les cheftayns ke demaglerent, C. qe de., R. 2.—332. l’entraylle, C., R. 2.—337. les chefs of le oraylle, C.—338. fotfolk, R. 2.—339. That the, R. 2.—340. nackened thair nages, C. nakid their nages, R. 2.—341. By wai | her I nevere sai | of prestere p., R. 2.—343. prester, C.—345. rike, C., R. 2.
that in the felde felle.
Thai token ath tulke;
The roglre raggi sculke
rug ham in helle!
De bataille ne puingce feust unkes recordez, 350
Ke taunt de genz si tost estaient outraiez,
N’ensint saunz defence lez renes rethornez.
Corfs ayent les cors, les almes les malfez
De trestuz k’esint gweres ount gwiez!
Car de cele part fut unkes une fez,
Deinz vile ne dehors, un bon fet esprovez,
Mès for gopiller e robber les vilez,
Arder seint eglise, tuer les ordinez,
Cil Dieu sait loé k’ad Dunbar l’ad vengez!
Les countes qe avaint fet les malvestez, 360
Si toust cum savoint e furent avisez
Various Readings.—346. For this line and the three following, R. 2 has—And in the dik souue | Thou wiffin | Scot of Abrenityn, | cloutid is thi houue.—348. roghe raggy sculke, C.—351. Ke taunz, C.—352. Ne issynt, C.—353. seient sauvez, R. 2.—354. ke issint, C.
De la desconfiture sur lur parentez,
As Englais quant repairent le chastel ount liverez,
E saunz condiciouns els memes obligez
Al ray Sire Edward, dunt fere ses voluntez.
Li rais lendemayn i vint à ses barnez,
Le[s] prisouns ke sunt pris li unt presentez,
Treis countes, treis barouns, treis banerés nomez,
E saunz eus.xxviij. chivalers adubbez,
Ouf.v. vinz gentilles homes ke illeukes sunt trovez; 370
Deus clers e deus Pikards par entre sunt numbrez.
A la Tour de Loundres les countes sunt maundez.
Les uns de[s] baro[uns] les sunt associez;
A diverse chasteles les autres ad envoiez,
Par deus e deus ensemble une hakenai muntez,
Les uns en charrettes enfirgez les peez;
En tel pleit de carole lour jue est terminez!
Par my Engletere en toutes les countrez,
Various Readings.—362. de lur, R. 1.—365. Al reis, R. 1.—366. e ses b., R. 1.—367. les prisouns... li sunt p., C., R. 1 and 2.—373. Les uns des barons, R. 1 and 2.—375. sur hakenays, R. 1.—378. This line is omitted in C.
De lur surquideri ert tuz jours parlés
Taunt cum le siècle dure, lour fet les ad mokés. 380
For S[c]ottes
Telle I for sottes,
and wirches unwarre;
Unsele
Dintes to dele
thaim drohg to Dunbarre.
Des ore est tens à dire du compassement
Les.xii. peres d’Escoce, qe quidaint seurement
Engletere destrure, bien vous dirrai coment.
Quant le ray de Fraunce, après le dayllement 390
De cele mariage dunt fu parlé sovent,
Volait tenir Gascoyn par abatement;
E le rays Edward illok maunda sa gent,
E partie par gwere de su Frauncays reprent;
Li rai Johan d’Escoce, par l’enticement
Various Readings.—380. fet ad mokez, R. 2.—381. For Scottes, C., R. 1. For the Scottis, R. 2.—383. And wrecches unwar, C. wreches, R. 1. wecchis unwar, R. 2.—386. tham drohu to Dunbar, C. droght, R. 1. drouh to Dunbar, R. 2.—390. le dallyement, C. daliement, R. 1.—394. guere sur Fr., C. sur Français, R. 1 and 2.
De countes e barouns, de clers ensement,
Ad maundez en Fraunce par commune assent
L’eveske de Seint Andreu, par ki procurement
Frere le rai de Fraunce, Charles nomément,
Pur fiz le ray d’Escoce ad fet aliement, 400
Dount marier sa fille, e après par serment
Fraunsays e les Escoce irraint uniement
En Engletere destrure de Twede jekes en Kent;
E ke le rai de Fraunce prendrait arivement
Qe l’houre q’il vousist, en Twede prestement,
Parunt Northumberlaund prendrait sodainement,
E peus la tere toute sanz desturbement;
Ne larrait home en vie, ne pere ne parent.
La faus purparlauns saunz espleit attent;
Le seneschall d’Escoce est venu bonement 410
Al rays sire Edward, auf quanke à li apent,
Various Readings.—397. maundé, R. 1.—400. Pur le fiz, C.—402. les Escoz, R. 1.—403. En, at the beginning of this line, is omitted in C., and R. 1 and 2.—406. prendraynt, C.—408. ne frere, R. 2.—410. venu fayntement, C. venuz b., R. 1.
Countes e barouns e esveskes pleinement,
Sunt venuz à sa pes tut à sun talent.
Le ray Johan e sun fiz, saunz tere e tenement,
Sunt menez à Lundres à tenir jugement.
Ore ad li rays Edward Escoce enterement,
Cum Albanak l’avait al comencement.
Galays, Yrays,
Ad nos Englais
aident durement. 420
Dunt les Escoz
Ount par les noz
emprisounement;
Et cele tere
Par ceste gwere
est perdu finablement.
Les Galais sunt repairés,
E les Irrays retournez
al sigle e al vent.
Various Readings.—413. encountre lur talent, C.—415. attender jugement, C.—416. le rei, R. 2.—417. Omitted in R. 2.—425. par cel gwere, R. 1.—426. finablement, C. finalment, R. 1 and 2.—427. Les Walays, C. qe sont, R. 1.
Vous Englais i demorrez; 430
Devoutement prier devez
ke Dampne-Deu defent,
Aman recosilier,
E Mardocheum exiler
en regal parlement.
Edward, par my tuz vos reisuns,
Volez penser des arsouns
du temple Deu omnipotent,
Ad Exlysham, où cel hoste
De la croiz fesait roste, 440
figure de humaine salvement.
Herodes i fert, l’emphle mourt,
En ceste anguisse Rachel plourt;
Edward, or fa le vengement.
Tu averas jugé, jugez à dreit;
Soffrez qu’il pent ke pendre deit,
Various Readings.—431. Doucement, C.—432. Dampne Deu omnipotent, C.—434. E Marche, R. 2.—436. vos respons, R. 2.—437. Voilliez, C.—438. En temple, R. 1.—439. Hexelesham, C. Exilsham, R. 1.—440. de la croice fesaint, C. croice fesaunt, R. 1.—442. emphele, R. 1. Herodes fert, l’enfant murt, R. 2.—445. avera, R. 1.—446. suffrez pendre, R. 2.
la ley le vol[t] certeinement.
La peine est dure e cruele,
Car ele est perpetuele,
à tuz qe jugent autrement. 450
Vos enemys ore chastiez,
K’il ne se movent altre fez,
en un novele torment.
Home dait mercy aver;
Mès à traitour ne dait valer,
ilokes la ley la suspent.
Pur amy ne pur dener
Ray ne dait esparnier,
k’il ne juge owelement.
Si li ray volt Dieu servir, 460
La lei le convient maintenir;
si noun, il pecche e mult mesprent.
Pur veir quant Johan Balliolle
Leissa sun livre e l’escole,
Various Readings.—448. molt cruele, C.—453. turnayment, R. 1. un novel turnement, R. 2.—456. la lei les, R. 2.—460. Si li rays, C.—463. J. de Bailliole, R. 1.—464. sun liver à l’escol, C.
desceu fut trop malement.
¶ For boule bred in his boke,
Whenne he tint that he toke
with the kinge-dome;
For he haves ovirhipped,
Hise typeth is typped, 470
hise tabard es tome.
He loghe wil him liked,
His paclir es thurck piked,
he wende e were liale;
Begkot an bride,
Rede him at ride
in the dismale.
Orgoyl en pays est urtille en herber,
Ke surcrest la rose e la boute arer;
Einsint est du Baliol, ke par li [li].xii. per 480
Sunt chay aval pur lur vil mister,
Various Readings.—466. bredde, R. 1. his book, R. 2.—467. Wen, R. 1. Whan... took, R. 2.—468. kyngdome, R. 1. kingdom, R. 2.—469. over-hippede, R. 1. has, R. 2.—470. tipet, C., R. 1 and 2. typpede, R. 1.—472-477. These six lines are omitted in C., and R. 1 and 2.—478. urtiz, R. 2.—479. suztret, C. reboute, R. 2.—480. This line is omitted in R. 1 and 2.—481. This line is omitted in C.
Perduz ait realme, e va sojorner
A la Tour de Loundres sur autri dener.
Li reis Sire Edward eces fet garder;
Li quens Jon de Gwarenne est chief justicer,
E Henri de Perci aid Galwei à gwier;
A Berwick-sur-Twede a la cheker,
Et Huge de Cressingham illokes est tresorer;
Et li Amundisham Walter est chanceler.
Li reis puis pes norir baunc i fet crier, 490
Et justis.v. le rei à guverner.
Viscuntes e baillifs sunt mis al mester
Des Engleis qe sevent e voleint dreit juger.
La garde est establi si bon e si enter,
Ne Flemyng ne Fraunceis de quer avera poer
Entrer en Escoce, si non pur marchaunder.
De tuz les mels vanez ke deivent demorer
Various Readings.—484. Escoce fet g., C., R. 1. Le rei... Escoce, R. 2.—485. quens de G. i est, C. q. Johan de G. i est j., R. 1.—487. Twede assise est le escheker, C. assise ad l’esc., R. 1 and 2.—489. Hamundesham, C. Aymundesham, R. 2.—490. pur pes... baunk, C., R. 1 and 2.—491. la lay à g., C., R. 1 and 2.—495. dès ore n’avera, C. dès or av., R. 1.
Pris sunt les homages, li reis le[s] fist jurer,
Ke leals li seront par tere e par mer.
Ki comensaint la gwere e li consailler 500
Sunt maundés delà la Trent en sew à repoter,
Taunt cum en Gascoyne la gwer deit durer.
Issint deit li sires ses homes chacer.
Le eveske de Duram, ke mout fet à loer,
En conquerant la tere fu tuz jours li primer;
Ne fussent ses enprises e hardiment de quouer,
Choses or chyviaus serraint à comencer.
Les duze peres
S’en vount as freres
els confesser; 510
Le jugement
Ke les attent
purrount doter.
Kambynoy
Se tent tut coy,
Various Readings.—498. les fist, C., R. 1. pris unt, R. 2.—501. reposer, C., R. 1. delà Tr. en southe reposer, R. 2.—503. li sire,... chastier, R. 2.—506. quer, R. 1.—507. ore chevyes, C., R. 1 and 2.—510. pur els, C., R. 2.—513. il doter, C.
ne volt aider.
La sorcerye
De Albanye
ne pout valer.
Andreu se dort, 520
Ou il est mort
al mouster.
L’Escos ke fra,
Quant il orra
le rei parler,
A seint Edmon,
Et de tresoun
apeler
Count e baroun,
Ke par arsoun 530
destruit l’a[u]ter?
Plus loins ne pout,
Illokes l’estoet
ester cum ler;
E par agard
Li rais Edward
determiner.
Various Readings.—520, 521. Andreu est mort, ou il se dort, C.—528. le appeller, R. 2.—531. destrut l’autr’er, R. 1. l’auter, R. 2.—536. le rey, R. 1 and 2.
And swa mai man kenne
The Scottes to renne,
and wer biginne. 540
Sum es left na thing
Boute his rivyn riveling,
to hippe thar-hinne.
Thair kinges scet of Scone
Es driven ovir doune,
to Londen i-led.
In toun herd I telle,
The baghel and the belle
ben filched and fled.
Deus! cum Merlins dist sovent veritez 550
En ses propheciez! si cum vous lisez,
Ore sunt le deus ewes en un arivez,
Ke par graunt mountaignes ount esté severez;
Various Readings.—538. men, R. 2.—540. werre, C. were, R. 1 and 2.—541. somme, C. is lest, R. 2.—542. bot his rough, C. bot his riven, R. 1. but the riven r., R. 2.—543. thar ynne, C. inne, R. 1 and 2.—544. sette, C. thar king set ous Sc., R. 1. The kinges sete, R. 2.—545. over done, C., R. 1 and 2.—546. i-ledde, C., R. 1.—547. In toune, C., R. 2.—548. Thair b. and thair, C.—549. fledde, C. fliched and fledde, R. 1. bien, R. 2.—550. Ha Deus ke Merlyn, C. E! Deus com Merlyn, R. 1. A! Dieu cum Merlin, R. 2.—552. les.ij., C., R. 1.
Et un realme est fet [de] deus diverse regnez,
Ke solaint par deus rays estre governez.
Ore sunt les insulanes trestuz assemblez,
Et Albanye rejoynte à les regaltez,
Des quels li rais Edward est seignur clamez;
Cornewale e Galez sunt en ses poestez,
E Irlaunde la graunte à sez voluntez. 560
Reis n’i ad nent plus de tut les cuntrez
Fors li rais Edward k’ensi les ad visitez.
Arthur n’i avait unkes si plainement les fez.
Dès ore n’ait ke fere for porver ses alez,
Sur le ray de Fraunce conquer sez heritez,
E puis porter la croiz où Jhesu Crist fu nez.
Ses enemys,
Deu mercis!
sunt châtiez;
Various Readings.—554. Et une r. fet de diverse regnez, C. E un r., de d., R. 1 and 2.—561. ad ne prince de tuz les, C. a. n. p. de totes, R. 1. Rei n’i ad ne p., R. 2.—562. fors le ray... joustez, C. li ad justicez, R. 1 and 2.—568. Deus mercys, C.
Trestuz sunt maz, 570
Et pris cum raz,
enlachés.
Il ad corouns
E combatons
bien assez,
Od deuz rays
Ad un fays,
et utraés;
Celi de sà
Ore aille de là, 580
od ses barnés.
Jon e Thomas
Li lerount pas
desaydés;
Cuthbert li vent,
Ke od li tent
en les medlez.
En Deu vous die,
Merlin de li
ad prophetez; 590
Various Readings.—572. enlacez, C., R. 1 and 2.—573, 574. coruz | Et combatuz, C., R. 1. coru | e cumbatu, R. 2.—582. Johan e Thomas, R. 1 and 2.—587. ses medlez, C.
Trais regiouns
En ses baundouns
Serrount waynez;
Ne sait blemy
La prophecie
par pecchez;
Sire Deus omnipotent
Ad seint Edmound al parlement
li consaillé,
E sur li faus Phelippe de Fraunce, 600
Par ta vertu aver vengeaunce,
K’il jamès ne seit avaunce
pur sa pure fauseté.
Al burk de Seint Edmond le jour est establie,
Sunt venuz les eveskes, ouf la compaignie
De lais e clers, ad quels li ray prie
Des biens de seint eglise ayde e curtaysie,
Einsint cum els pramistrent auntane en l’abie
Various Readings.—597. Sire Deu, R. 1 and 2.—599. consaillez, R. 1 and 2.—602. This line is omitted in C., and R. 1 and 2.—603. Ly grantez, R. 1 and 2.—604. jour establye, C., R. 1 and 2.—606. Des ercedenes et clers... li rays, C., R. 1. Des ercediakenes, R. 2.
De Westmoster, par quai li rais de ceo s’affye
En socour de sa guere, ke n’est pas finie. 610
Countes e barouns à la chivalerie
Pur eus e pur le people grauntent en aie
[Le disime dener, et pur la marchaundye]
Le setim par my aide sa tresorie.
E li erceveske, ke tent la primacie
Deu sé de Canturbirs, sur respouns estudie,
E par deus eveskes al ray signefie
L’estat de seint eglise, ke mult est empoverie.
Le erceveske après al rais va e die,
“Sire, pur Deu! là sus ne te greves mie, 620
Pur tut seint eglise [je te certefye,
Desuz Deus en terre est nul alme en vye
Ke ad sur saint eglise] por ne mestrie,
For la pape de Rome, qe tent la vicarie
Various Readings.—610. This line is omitted in R. 1 and 2.—611. e la chiv., C., R. 2. ly grant en aye, R. 1.—612. The following line is not found in the Cambridge MS.—613. parmye à sa tresorye, C., R. 1 and 2.—616. sur respouns estodye, C., R. 1 and 2.—617. al reis, R. 1.—619. al ray, C.—620. eglise je te certefye, C.—622. Qe south Dieu, R. 2.—623. poesté et mestrye, C.
Qe seint Pere li apostoille avoit en baillie.
La pape est nostre chef, il nous garde e guye,
E estatute ad fet qe durement nous lie,
Sur privaciune de rent e de prelacie,
Ke disme, ne.v.time, ne moité, ne partie
A tei ne à nul autre nul de nous otrie 630
Saunz sun maundement en avowerie,
Sur le sollempnement escomege e maldie
Trestuz le fiz de mere qe par seignurie
Aserveint seint eglise, ke Deus aide en fraunchie.”
“Sire cler,” dit li rais, “tu as parlé folie;
Promis est dette due, si fay ne seit oublie;
Mès ke joe te vais de boule saysie
Einsint tuz li autre, par le fiz Marie!
Ne puriez de ceste ayde estre desublie.”
Various Readings.—627. Estatute ad, C.—629. vintime, C., R. 1 and 2.—630. à ly altre, C., R. 1.—632. Sur co, C., R. 1.—633. les fiz, C., R. 1.—634. Deus ad f., C. ad enf., R. 1 and 2.—635. Sire clers, R. 1 and 2.—636. promesse, R. 1 and 2.—637. jeo te vaise de la bulle s., R. 1. jeo vei de la bulle s., R. 2.—638. Ansint tuz les altres, C.—639. ne purrai, R. 2.
“Sire,” dit le erceveske, “mout trevolunter 640
Ad tei cum al seignur volums tuz aider
Par geongé de la pape, si tu le volez maunder
Par un de tes clers ouf nostre messager,
Ke toun estate e nostre li purroit cunter;
E sur ceo qe la pape nous fra remaunder,
Volum solum nos aises curtaisement ayder.”
“Sire clers,” redit li rais, “jeo n’ai pas mester
De ceo qe tu me dais la pape consailler;
Mès si tu vols respit en ceo kas aver,
Fa quant tu vodras tes clers assembler, 650
Enparlés du promesse, e tretez ent du quer;
Après la Seint Hillari venez à Westmouster,
E fras la respouns sanz plus à parler.”
“Sire,” dist le erceveske, “pur Deu e Seint Richer!
Volez si e là tes gens comander,
Various Readings.—642. congé, C., R. 1.—644. porrount moustrer, C., R. 1 and 2.—645. Et soulom ço ke, C.—646. Voloums souloum, C. Volums nus de nostre aider e prester, R. 1 and 2.—651. Perfournir la pr.... enparler, C.—653. fetez,... en parler, R. 1 and 2.—655. Voylliez, C.
Ke sunt tes ministres ad.xii. dener,
Ke nous ne nos tenaunz facent molester,
Ne nos temperaltez ouf les lays taxer.”
“Sire,” respount li rays, “ceo n’estut doter;
Car ben ne mal ne frunt ad nule de ton poer. 660
Noun pur ceo, bel sire, jeo prie e requer,
Par my ta deocise comandez prier
Pur moy e pur le[s] menz, e Deu mercier,
Ke largement pur nous fet ad cea en arer.”
Le erceveske otrie, e fet sun dever.
Poi avaunt cel houre revint le tresorer
Water de Langetoune, ke fu passé la mer
Ouf le cardinale de la pes treter.
Respouns qu’els i port ne pot nule home saver,
Fors cels du consaille qe ne l’osent reveler. 670
Messagers après vindrent nuncier
Al rays Sire Edward forme de amourer
Various Readings.—657. ne facent, C.—659. ço dist le rais, C.—661. li rays li prie, C.—663. les mens, R. 2.—664. fet sla, C. fet ad ça, R. 1. fet de scea, R. 2.—665. l’ottrye, e fet, R. 1 and 2.—668. les chardinals, C.
Contek de Gascoyne, e fet acorder
Li ouf le Rey Phellipp sanz plus guerrer,
Si cum les cardinals ount fet ordiner.
Li Rays Edward par taunt ad fet retorner
Water de Langetoun, e Hugue le Despenser,
E Jon de Beruik, clerk avertik ber.
Counduire les face Dieus, e bien remener!
Les barouns d’Escoce à cel parlement 680
Ne fu resoun rendu, ne doné jugement,
Ly rais est si corteis, de si pitouse talent,
E de si graunt merci, jeo crei certeinement
Ke sa misericorde serra sauvement
A cels ke ount la mort deservi plainement,
E des fez attainz felonousement.
La grant pité du quer q’il ad eu sovent
Des felons de Gales, en parlent tote gent,
Various Readings.—672. de amourer, C. de amurer, R. 1. au rei... de amourer, R. 2.—673. du contek du... fere, C., R. 1. du c.... fere, R. 2.—674. guerrayer, C., R. 1. guerreier, R. 2.—678. anerty, C. Johan de Berwike... avertiz, R. 1. Johan... clerk e averti, R. 2.—680. Des barouns, C.—681. renduz, C.—686. de fez, C.
Quan[t] plus ad eu affer pur son avancement,
Meuz li ount la gwere, e fet desturbement, 690
Dunt ses alez aillours laisser li covient.
Apres le Seint Hillori, quant le rays quidait
Parlement à Loundres, cum ordinez aveit,
Noveles li vindrent par cil ke les estayt
Venuz de Kaumbray, e li nunciait
Ke la parlance de pez se fist pur nul esplait.
Par quey le rais Edward demourt e se purvait
Par mer e par tere ke trahi ne sait;
En Westmouster de ses gens equait
Treter de sour quel ayde la clergie li frait. 700
Ly Sire de Canturbir sur ceo se tint etrahit,
Pur luy e sa paroche à Seint Thomas vouait
Ke nul de sa eglise taillé plus ne serrait,
Various Readings.—691. ses alers, R. 1.—693. tenir à L., C.—694. lors estait, C., R. 1 and 2.—697. le rei, R. 2.—698. Par tere et par mer, C. mer ne par t., R. 2.—699. en vait, C., R. 1 and 2. E à W., R. 1.—700. Treter sur quele aide, C., R. 1.—702. et pur sa p., C.
Ne mis en servage taunt cum il viverait,
Saunz maundement la pape, ke governer le deit.
Li sire de Nichole ataunt se [a]cordait;
Oliver li eveske, ke flecher ne solait.
Li rais vers la clergie par taunt se corucait,
E hors de sa pese juguer la comaundait.
Mès meintenaunt après cele fet repellait. 710
Co feceint les eveskes ki volunté chascait
Aider à lur seignur dunt recoverir soun drait,
A seinte eglise defendre de hounte e de fourfait.
L’elyt de Everwyke, ke pes desirrait,
Dit ke volunters pur quanke li tuchait,
Dount saint eglise defendre le quint dener mettrait.
Des Escoz chaitifs nule aime i parlait:
Demorez sunt suz garde en autel plait,
Cum avaunt estaient, Dunbar les achascait.
Various Readings.—705. les dait, C., R. 1.—713. Et sainte, C., R. 1. surfait, R. 1.—718. sunt uncore suz g. en a. esplait, C. sont en garde mult à lour deshait, R. 1. tut à lour desheit, R. 2.—719. This line ends in C., and R. 1 and 2, with the words escotez ke ço dayt, and the English lines following are omitted.
For thar wer thai bal brend, 720
He kauged ham thidre kend,
aut dreved to dote.
For Scottes at Dunbar
Haved at thayre gau char
schame of thar note.
Wer never dogges there
Hurled out of herre
fro coylthe ne cotte.
Translation.—May Wales be accursed of God and of St. Simon!—for it has always been full of treason.
May Scotland be accursed of the mother of God!—and may Wales be sunk down deep to the devil!—In neither of them was there ever truth.—For as soon as war was commenced in Wales,—and the covenant which had been cut out in Aquitaine—was broken and refused by the King of France,—and Edward and Philip began hostilities,—the foolish King of Scotland, named John Baliol,—who was brought to the kingdom by King Edward,—by the seductions of his false baronage,—against his homage and against his fealty,—sent messengers to the court of Rome—to pope Celestin, who at the time held the see,—by a trick falsely showed—that the kingdom of Scotland with the dignity—ought to hold of him by testimony of ancient times,—and that King Edward by force and might—made him do homage against his will;—and prays that he may be absolved and delivered—from his faith to the king, to whom he was sworn.—Pope Celestin, too unadvised,—absolves the King of Scotland by his bull.—As soon as the thing is announced in Scotland,—the barons have made to their disgrace—twelve peers of Scotland, and have taken counsel—to disinherit Edward of the sovereignty.—For the great honour which Edward the prudent—did to John Baliol, such is the goodness—with which King Edward—by King John the sleeveless—is rewarded.—With Scotland let it be as it may,—it is needful for us to complete—the history before mentioned.
When Morgan has submitted, and Madoc is taken,—the king returns to London by the advice of his friends.—Two cardinals of Rome the pope has sent there,—who had talked with the King of France at Paris;—the pope has interfered to establish love between them.—The cardinals have stated their object to the king;—pressingly they have requested Edward and Philip—to remain in peace each in his country,—like good people of power and value,—who on no side make themselves enemies;—or that the pope himself should be their judge,—to effect the reconciliation wherever might be the trespass.
Whilst the cardinals were talking of the peace,—the people of Normandy came to Dover,—along with them were those of Calais.—They entered suddenly into the town of Dover,—and began to burn a part of the town;—of young and old they killed thirteen men.—When they came to the reckoning, they left ten for one.—The keeper of the castle and those who remained,—and the monks of the cell, who bare themselves well,—took to their defence and cried out upon them;—Normans and Picards who had put themselves in debt,—were let out of pledge; the hats remained—with the heads of some, the others went away.—There was a monk in truth, to whom twenty bowed down,—and he absolved them all, they knew not a word more.—The cardinals afterwards repaired to Paris;—I do not know what answer they carried from the king.—Nevertheless divers among them said,—that all the conversations would come to this at last,—that Edward and Philip should withdraw their people,—so that people should go by sea and by land,—in sufferance of peace, as friends could;—the English would perform the agreement,—if the Germans would agree with them.
Whilst the cardinals are interfering—to re-establish the peace, and to make the kings friends,—Thomas de Turbevile, who was taken at Rion,—has talked so much to the Provost of Paris,—that he has done his homage to him, and given as hostages—his two sons in keeping, and solemnly promised—to go to England to spy the country,—and to say to King Edward that he came a fugitive—escaped from prison among his enemies.—The Provost agreed to it, and put in his writing—a hundred pounds of land on such a devise;—and Thomas pledges on the Gospels,—that all England, and Wales and the Marches,—and all who are of value in the kingdom of Scotland,—shall bow to Philip the son of Louis.
Hear now how the grace of Jesus Christ—warned the gentle King Edward of the treason.—Thomas came to England and said to the king,—that he had escaped out of prison by night,—and that he had run so great a risk out of love to Sir Edward.—The king showed him in return courtesy enough;—and afterwards Turbeville inquired day by day—the state of the land, and provided for his going—from place to place to seek of great and of little,—how he could do such injury to the English,—that King Edward should lose his land.—The condition of every part, as he understood it,—he sent over with the cardinals by one of his own servants—to the Provost of Paris, who made joy enough about it.—The clerk who wrote the letter for Turbeville,—made known its contents to the king’s most secret counsellor.—The thief got to know this, and immediately took to flight;—a serjeant at arms, who followed him very closely,—surprised Turbeville the third day after.
The traitor is taken, and brought to London,—with very great wickedness which was found upon him.—The things which are aforesaid, which he had agreed to do,—by the king’s will are put under foot,—until the world is otherwise turned.—Turbeville is judged in the court as a traitor;—he was first drawn through the town of London,—and then hanged like a thief, for his malpractices.—For our King Edward God has interfered much—now and at other times for his safety.
When vengeance is done upon Turbeville,—the cardinals of Rome, who had repaired to France—have had frequent conversation with King Philip,—and have often besought the King of Germany,—and have demonstrated by clerks and laymen—to the gentle King Edward, that the variance is hard—about which he and King Philip are at discord;—whereby they have so ordained the matter,—that he and the two kings shall send without delay—to Cambrai clerks and laymen of great knowledge,—to treat of the peace, and to judge the grievances,—and to make the amends for the war.—King Edward agrees to it with good faith;—to Cambrai he has sent without any delay—bishops and barons of great account.—May God by his power guard them from treason!
While these lords are gone upon this message,—Sir Edward the brother of the King of gentle spirit,—the Earl of Lincoln with all his retainers,—Sir William de Vescy, a good and prudent knight,—barons and vavasors of gentle lineage,—knights and sergeants with their cousinage,—footmen without number from moor and wood,—and Welshmen who know how to fight from frequent practice,—are gone into Gascony, and entered on the passage,—with thirty-six banners of the best escuage—that was in England, except the vassalage—of those who now perform their seignorage.—For those who are left to guard their inheritance,—the king has required and taken into his expedition—against the King of Scotland and his false baronage,—who have withdrawn their homage from King Edward.—The first day of March, in all the great storm,—comes King Edward with very great purveyance,—to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, for the great outrage—which the wicked dogs have effected in their folly.—May our King Edward suffer the “male rage,”—if he does not take them and hold them so fast in cage,—that nothing shall remain after his taillage,—except only their rivelings and their bare backsides.
Robert de Ros of Wark fled from the English,—and entered into the war with the people of Scotland.—The King Sir Edward seized his castle,—held the festival of Easter there, and afterwards went—towards Berwick-on-Tweed, and besieged the town.—The ill-fated people at first surprised—two ships of English, and put them to death.—King Edward heard of it, and attacked the gates;—the English passed the ditches without respite.—On Easter Friday in the afternoon he conquered—the town of Berwick; the English slew there—four thousand Scotchmen, and many others perished.—Sir Edward lost there one knight and no more,—Richard de Cornwall [was he], a Fleming struck him—with an arrow which he shot out of the red hall.—Soon was the hall taken, the fire cleared the way.—The keeper of the castle when he saw the necessity,—delivered the castle to King Edward before it was assaulted.—William Douglas was chosen in it,—and Richard Fraser, to do injury to the king;—the king has them prisoners. Jesus Christ be thanked!
The Earl of the March, the famous Patrick,—of his own free will came in to the king’s peace;—Gilbert de Umfraville before remained—with King Edward, to whom he was sworn;—Sir Robert de Bruce with all his household—holds always his fealty to King Edward,—and has shown him love in his wars against the Scots.—When Berwick was taken, there was found within it—gold and silver without measure, and plenty of the other metals,—and all the nobility which belonged to a city.—The Baliol has lost the issue and entry—of the noblest town that was in his power.—King Edward holds it conquered by the sword,—causes it to be surrounded with a ditch large and broad,—in reproof of the Scot who had sung of him,—and made rhymes in English for mockery.—Let him pike and let him dike,—they said in scorn,—how it may best be.—He pikes and he dikes,—in length as he likes,—as they may best see.—Scattered are the Scots,—huddled in their huts,—they never thrive:—Right if I read,—they tumble in Tweed—who dwelt by the sea.
Whilst Sir Edward with earls and barons—caused Berwick to be surrounded with ditches,—there are issued from Scotland three earls, by name—Mar, Ross, and Menteith, with forty thousand rascals;—they were going in the route in parties,—they reduced Tindale to ashes and cinders,—the town of Corbridge and the two monasteries—of Hexham and Lanercost they have destroyed by fire,—they have made slaughter of the people of the country,—carried off their goods, driven away the canons.—After the ravage like fools and miserable wretches—they are gone to Dunbar to their confusion.—They have taken the castle, and erect their tents,—the houses belonged to the Earl of the March.—King Edward heard tell of it, and issued summonses—to recover Dunbar, and take the thieves—who had made destruction of holy church.—A little before this time, through the regions,—the cardinal returned from Cambrai with an answer—of the King of France, as we shall hear afterwards;—Sire Amy de Savoy, a count of great renown,—came in his company, and Otho de Grauntsoun.—The latter came with his companions from Cyprus,—who, when Acres was taken, escaped—by passing the neighbouring sea, without other accidents.—I have told you before what evil and what destruction—were done to holy church wrongfully and without reason;—and you have often heard in the holy sermons—that God is just in all his dealings:—Now hear of Dunbar, where without evasions—the enemies of God are caught in a fold like sheep.
On the first Monday in the month of May,—at Berwick-upon-Tweed the king heard say,—how the foolish rascals, who had burnt—Hexham and Lanercost, nor spared the monasteries,—had taken Dunbar, the castle by the sea,—where the Earl Patrick kept his wife.—The King Sir Edward forthwith caused to be sent there—the Earl of Warenne with all his power,—the Earl of Warwick and Hugh le Despenser,—barons and vavasours, knights, squires;—Southerns and Northerns went there right courageously;—they take there footmen enough for their need,—and come to Dunbar to besiege the castle.—They prepared for the attack, and would not delay.—The foolish felons within hoped to have aid;—they plotted together how to trick the English.—Sir Richard Syward, who used to dwell—with our King Edward, at robe and pay,—they send deceitfully to treat with our English;—so he comes to them, and says, that very willingly—he will cause the castle to be delivered to them, if they will grant—three days’ respite, that they may consult—the King Baliol, and tell him their condition.—And if he at that time do not come to raise the siege,—they will deliver the castle without further delay.—Forthwith he gives hostages, and causes to be announced—to the host of Scotland in the same manner,—as you will hear after, he caused it to be recorded.
The messenger goes, and soon came to—King John and to the host which was with him,—he said to them as Siward had instructed him:—“Sir King, your barons remain in hard strait—in the castle of Dunbar, in danger of being driven out.—For when King Edward knew of their being there,—he caused part of his host to be sent thither.—The Englishman, when he came there, besieged the castle.—Sir Richard Siward, who knew them all,—issued from the castle, and talked them over so well,—that the English gave him a truce for three days.—Wherefore the company, who were there on your part,—commanded me to go to you as to their lord,—and to say truly, that the man neither sits nor goes,—who can hinder your coming, unless by some deceit,—within the term of truce which the English has granted us.—To-morrow at the hour when people eat and drink,—go hence hastily straight there;—ours in the castle will watch for you;—they will issue upon the English who do not expect their coming,—entrap them between you and hold them so tight,—that they shall no more come in the field to do annoyance to yours.—You have no other way that will avail you.—Now arm, and let us go, and may no soul survive—who shall have any mercy on our enemies when they are taken!—Strike with the sword—Northumberland—will be yours by right;—All England—by this war—you will that it be lost:—Never did Albania—by stroke of the sword—do so great an exploit.”—On the green—that keen generation—gathered like goats;—I reckon—on some it is seen,—where the bit bit.
At the saying of the messenger the rout of vagabonds—begin to arrange themselves in order of battle.—Sir Richard Siward, who gave this counsel,—comes to the English, and says, “God help me!—I see people coming in very great apparel,—as though they would give battle, without number of footmen.—I go, if you think well, to hinder them,—that they may not come nearer.”—Our people say, “Do not trouble yourself!”—And they take Siward, that he may proceed no further;—they place guards at the gate and at the wall;—Humphrey de Bohun the younger is keeper of the guard,—to hinder aid from the castle from attacking their rear;—and they mount their steeds, and spur to the hill;—he who can run fastest springs before the others.—The Scot sees them come, and turns his tail like a quail,—he flies away as straw does before the wind.—The English pursue them like a sheep—when it flies at the sight of the wolf issuing from the wood.—The proud Scot imagines that he is as good as—the Duke Sir Corineus, who conquered Cornwall.—Of so many men at arms I marvel very much—that there is not one of them all worth a farthing in action,—except Patrick de Graham, who remains and strikes—with the burnished sword, but he is slain without fail.—Ten thousand and fifty-four are slain in the engagement;—they are all Scots, I have the number by reckoning.—These were the caitiffs who butchered the cattle—in Northumberland, and left the entrails to the dogs.—They were excommunicated by book and candle,—because neither holy church nor priest or clergy—they spared no more than bake-house or barn.—Sin has driven them to such a hap—that they have lost in the field the head with the ears.—The foot-people—put the Scots in the poke,—and made bare their backsides:—By way—heard I never tell—of readier pages,—to pick—the robes off the men,—who in the field fell.—They took of each man;—the rough ragged devil—tear them in hell!
In battle or encounter it was never recorded—that so many people were destroyed so soon,—or thus turned their backs without making any defence.—May the crows have the bodies, and the devils the souls—of all that thus have conducted the wars!—For of this part there was never once,—within town or without, a good action proved,—but only prowling and robbing the towns,—burning holy church, killing the clergy,—may God be praised who has revenged it at Dunbar!—The earls who had done the wicked deeds,—as soon as they knew and were aware—of the defeat of their kindred,—have delivered the castle to the English on their return,—and without conditions obliged themselves—to the King Sir Edward, to do his will.—The king next day came there to his baronage,—the prisoners who are taken they have presented to him,—three earls, three barons, three bannerets,—and besides them twenty-eight dubbed knights,—with five score gentlemen who were found there;—two clerks and two Picards are counted among them.—The Earls are sent to the Tower of London.—Some of the barons are associated with them;—the others are sent to different castles,—two by two mounted together on a hackney;—some with their feet fettered in carts;—in such kind of dance their game ended!—Throughout England in every country—people will always talk of their pride—as long as the world lasts, people have scoffed at their action.—For the Scots—I reckon for sots,—and wretches unwary;—ill luck—to give blows—drew them to Dunbar.
Now it is time to tell the plot—of the twelve peers of Scotland, who thought surely—to destroy England, I will just tell you how.—When the King of France, after the breaking off—of that marriage which was often talked of,—would retain Gascony by abatement,—and King Edward sent thither his people,—and re-took a part by war from the French;—King John of Scotland, by the enticement—of earls and barons, and of clerks also,—sent to France by common agreement—the bishop of St. Andrew’s, by whose procurement—the brother of the King of France, namely, Charles,—made an alliance for the son of the King of Scotland,—who was to marry his daughter, and afterwards by oath—the French and Scots should go conjointly—into England to destroy from the Tweed to Kent;—and that the King of France should land,—when he would, suddenly in the Tweed,—forthwith he should suddenly take all Northumberland,—and then all the land without hindrance;—that he should not leave a man alive, neither father nor kindred.—The traitorous negotiation being entered upon without completion,—the seneschal of Scotland is come in without more ado—to the King Sir Edward, with all that belongs to him,—earls and barons and bishops fully,—are come to his peace all at his desire.—King John and his son, without land or tenement,—are led to London to support judgment.—Now King Edward possesses Scotland entirely,—like Albanac had it at the beginning.—The Welsh and Irish—to our English—aid doughtily.—Whereby the Scots—have through ours—imprisonment;—and that land—by this war—is lost for ever.—The Welsh are gone home,—and the Irish returned—with sail and with wind.—You English remain there;—you ought to pray devoutly—that the Lord God forbid,—to take Aman into favour again,—and exile Mardocheus,—in royal parliament.—Edward, amid all your accusations,—please to remember the burnings,—of the temple of God Almighty,—at Hexham, where that host—of the cross made roast,—the figure of human salvation.—Herod strikes there, the child dies,—in this anguish Rachael weeps;—Edward, wreak vengeance for it.—Thou wilt be judge, judge according to right;—let him hang who ought to hang,—the law wills it certainly.—The punishment is hard and cruel,—for it is everlasting,—for all who give judgment otherwise.—Now chastise your enemies,—that they may not stir again—in a new mischief.—We ought to have mercy;—but that ought not to avail a traitor,—there the law suspends it.—For love nor for pence,—a king ought not to spare,—so as not to judge equally.—If the king will serve God,—it is right he should maintain the law;—if he does not, he sins and errs very much.—In truth when John Baliol—left his book at school,—he was too ill deceived.—¶ For bale bred in his book,—when he lost what he took—with the kingdom;—for he has over-hopped,—his tippet is tipped,—his tabard is empty.—He laughed while it pleased him,—his pack (?) is pierced through,—he thought he was loyal;—....
Pride in a country, is like a nettle in the garden,—which overgrows the rose and pushes it back;—so it is with Baliol, that, by him the twelve peers—are fallen down for their wicked proceeding,—he has lost his realm, and is gone to lodge—in the Tower of London, at another’s expense.—The King Sir Edward makes guard enough;—the Earl John de Warenne is chief justice,—and Henry de Percy has Galway to rule;—at Berwick-upon-Tweed is established the exchequer,—and Hugh de Cressingham is treasurer there;—and Walter de Amundisham is chancellor.—The King to nourish the peace causes his bench to be proclaimed there,—and five judges to govern the law.—Sheriffs and bailiffs are established for the need—of the English who could and would judge according to right.—The guard is established so good and so perfect,—neither Fleming nor Frenchman henceforth shall have the power,—to enter into Scotland, unless it be for commerce.—Of all those of most account who were to remain—the homages are taken, the King makes them swear—that they will be loyal by land and by sea.—They who began the war and the advisers of it—are sent beyond the Trent to repose in the south,—so long as the war lasts in Gascony.—Thus ought the lord to chastise his men.—The bishop of Durham, who did much worthy of praise,—in conquering the land was always the first,—were it not for his activity and boldness of heart,—things now finished would be to begin.—The twelve peers—go away to the friars—to confess them,—the judgment—which awaits them—they may fear.—Kambynoy—holds himself all coy,—he will not help.—The sorcery—of Albania—cannot avail.—Andrew sleeps,—or he is dead—at the monastery.—What will the Scot do,—when he will hear—the King talk,—at St. Edmund’s,—and of treason—accuse—earl and baron,—who by burning—destroys the altar?—He can go no further,—there he must—stand like a thief;—and by judgment—King Edward—determine.—And so may man teach—the Scots to run,—and begin war.—To some is left nothing—but his torn riveling—to hop therein.—Their King’s seat of Scone—is driven over down,—and led to London.—In town I heard tell,—the... and the bell—are stolen and fled.
O God! how often Merlin said truth—in his prophecies! As you read,—now are the two waters come into one,—which have been separated by great mountains; and one realm is made out of two different kingdoms,—which used to be governed by two kings.—Now are the islanders all brought together,—and Albania is rejoined to its regalities,—of which King Edward is proclaimed lord;—Cornwall and Wales are in his power,—and Ireland the great is at his will.—There is no longer any king of all the countries—except King Edward who has thus visited them.—Arthur had never so fully the feudalities.—Henceforth he has nothing to do but to look after his goings,—to conquer his inheritance from the King of France,—and then to carry the cross where Jesus Christ was born.—His enemies,—thank God!—are chastised;—they are all vanquished,—and taken like rats,—and bound.—He has run about—and fought—quite enough,—with two kings—at one time,—and overthrown them;—the one on this side—now goes to that side—with his baronage.—John and Thomas—will not leave him—unassisted;—Cuthbert comes to him,—who holds with him—in the combats.—In God, I tell you,—Merlin of him—prophesied;—three regions—in his possession—shall be gained.—Let not be blamed—the prophecy—sinfully;—Lord God Almighty,—at St. Edmund’s at the parliament—give him counsel.—And on false Philip of France—by thy virtue to have vengeance,—that he may never be advanced—for his mere falseness.
To the borough of St. Edmund, on the day which was fixed,—are come the bishops, with the company—of laymen and clerks, of whom the king prays—aid and courtesy of the goods of holy church,—as they had promised before in the abbey—of Westminster, whereby the king trusts to it—for the help of his war which is not finished.—Earls and barons, with the knights,—for themselves and for the people grant in aid—the tenth penny, and for the merchants—the seventh part for the aid of his treasury.—And the archbishop, who holds the primacy—of the see of Canterbury, studies for an answer,—and explains to the king by two bishops—the condition of holy church, which is much impoverished.—The bishop afterwards goes to the king and says,—“Sire, for God’s sake, do not grieve yourself at all about that,—for all holy church, I certify thee,—under God there is no soul alive in the world—who has over holy church power or mastery,—except the pope of Rome, who holds the vicary—which St. Peter the apostle had in keeping.—The pope is our head, he keeps and rules us,—and he has made a statute which binds us closely,—on privation of rent and of prelacy,—that neither tenth, nor twentieth, nor half, nor part—none of us give to thee or to any other,—without his commandment and allowance,—upon it he solemnly excommunicates and curses—every son of a mother that by lordship—injures holy church, which may God help in its freedom!”—“Sir clerk,” said the King, “thou hast talked folly;—promise is debt due, if faith be not forgotten;—but if I saw thee here in possession of the bull—as well as all the others, by the son of Mary!—you should not be relieved of this aid.”
“Sire,” said the Archbishop, “very willingly—thee as our lord we will all aid—with the leave of the pope, if thou wilt send to him—by one of thy clerks with our messenger,—who could relate to him thy condition and ours;—and according to the message which the pope shall send us back,—we will as far as our abilities go courteously aid thee.”—“Sir clerk,” says the King again, “I have no need—for thee to advise me to consult the pope;—but if thou wilt have respite in this case,—cause thy clerks to assemble when thou wilt,—talk to them of the promise, and treat heartily of it;—after St. Hilary’s day come to Westminster,—and make the answer without more talk!”—“Sire,” said the Archbishop, “for the sake of God and St. Richard!—please to command here and there thy people,—who are thy agents for the twelfth penny,—that they cause to be molested neither us nor our tenants,—nor tax our temporalities along with the layman.”—“Sir,” answers the King, “you need not fear it,—for they shall do neither well nor ill to none of thy power.—Nevertheless, fair Sir, I pray and require,—that throughout thy diocese thou commandest to pray—for me and mine, and to thank God,—who has done largely for us in our recent affairs.”—The Archbishop grants it, and does his duty.—A little before this time returned the treasurer—Walter de Langton, who had passed the sea—with the cardinal, to treat of the peace.—The answer which they bring no man can know,—except those of the council who dare not reveal it.—Messengers afterwards came to announce—to the King Sir Edward a form of arranging—the strife of Gascony, and to cause him to agree—with King Philip, without further war,—as the cardinals had caused it to be ordained.—King Edward forthwith sent back—Walter de Langton and Hugh le Despenser,—and John de Berwick, a clerk and a valiant knight.—May God conduct them there, and bring them well back again!
Of the barons of Scotland, at this parliament—reason was not rendered, nor judgment given.—The King is so courteous, so full of pity,—and of so great mercy, I believe certainly—that his mercy will be the saving—of those who have fully deserved death,—by their deeds attainted of felony.—The great pity of heart which he has often had—upon the felons of Wales, every body talks of it;—when he was most occupied for his advancement,—they made war upon him, and cause a diversion,—whereby he was obliged to leave his goings elsewhere.
After the day of St. Hilary, when the King thought (to hold)—parliament at London, as he had ordained,—news came to him by him who was then—come from Cambrai, and announced to him—that the talk of peace was made with no intention of coming to an end.—Wherefore King Edward remained and prepared—by sea and by land that he might not be betrayed;—at Westminster he collected his people—to treat about what aid the clergy should give him.—The Lord of Canterbury held himself very rigid on this matter,—he vowed to St. Thomas for him and his parish,—that no one of his church should be any more taxed,—nor placed in servage as long as he lived,—without command of the pope, who ought to govern them.—The Lord of Lincoln agreed to this,—Bishop Oliver, who was not used to bend.—The King was so enraged against the clergy,—that he commanded them to be judged out of his peace.—But now afterwards he repealed that decree.—This did those bishops who willingly consented—to aid their lord whereby to recover his right,—to defend holy church from shame and loss.—The elect of York, who desired peace,—said that willingly as far as concerned him—he would give the fifth penny wherewith to defend holy church.—Not a soul spoke there of the caitiff Scots:—they remained in keeping in the same care,—as they were before, Dunbar caused them vexation.—For there were they burnt...—he... them thither,—and drove to dote.—For Scots at Dunbar—had at their...—shame of their note.—Never were dogs there—hurled out of....
The Trailebastons, and Execution of Wallace
[From MS. Cotton. Julius A. V. fol. 162, vo. collated with MS. Reg. 20, A. II. fol. 144, ro. (R. 1.); and with MS. Reg. 20, A. XI. fol. 125, ro. (R. 2.)]
En Septembre après Estrivelyn est rendu;
Ly reys Sire Edwarde ses travayls ad sentu,
Vers Brustewik sur Humbre son chemyn ad tenu,
Various Readings.—2. au rei, R. 2.—3. est meu, R. 1. en son ch. est meu, R. 2.
Sugiour une pece i prist pur sa salu.
Sire Jon de Warenne, count been conu,
Mortz fu lors et prest à mette en sarcu.
Ly reys, ke Deu garde! en alaunt vers le su,
Par my Lendesey enquist de lu en lu,
Taunt com en Escoz en sa guere fu,
Ky out sa pees enfraynt, ki out sa pees tenu; 10
Pur taunt com il volait, remede fu purveu
Sur cil ke fust ataynt de sa pees rumpu.
Respouns ount fet au reys gentz de been voyllance,
Coment parmy la tere fet est grant grevaunce
Par comune contekours, ke sunt par fiaunce
Obligez ensemble à une purviaunce;
Traylbastouns sunt nomez de cel retenaunce,
En fayres et marchez se proferent fere covenaunce,
Various Readings.—5. Johan... counte, R. 1 and 2.—6. mort, R. 2.—7. le rei, le sieu, R. 2.—8. Lyndesey, R. 1.—10. qi l’ount tenu, R. 2.—11. volait, R. 1. cum avolait, R. 2.—13. au rei, R. 2.—15. comuns, R. 2.
Pur treys souz ou.iiii., ou pur la valiaunce,
Batre un prodomme ke unk fist nosaunce 20
A cors Cristiene, par nuli temoygnaunce.
Si homme countredye à nul de l’aliaunce,
Ou marchaund de ses merz li vee fere creaunce,
En sa mesoun demené, sauntz altre daliaunce,
Batuz serrait been, ou pur l’acordaunce
Dora de ses deners et prendre aquitaunce.
Si en la riot ne seit fet desturbaunce,
Une commune guere se levera par chaunce.
Entendu ad ly reys la plaint et la parlaunce,
Escutez ore coment purveu est la vengaunce. 30
Parmy Engletere gentz de graunz resouns
Assignez sunt justizes sur les traylbastouns;
Les uns par enquest sunt jugez à prisouns;
Various Readings.—19. voillaunce, R. 1.—20. ne fist, R. 2.—23. vee de er., R. 2.—26. prendra, R. 2.—31. grant resons, R. 1. gent de grant, R. 2.
Li altre alez à fourches à pendre envirouns;
Plusours sunt privez de [lour] possessiouns;
Ke meyns mesfesaynt sunt passez par raunsouns.
Si chastiment ne fust de ribaldes et bricouns,
Osé ne serrait homme vivre en mesouns.
O! cum Deus est bons de drayturels guerdouns,
Ke taunt sovent nous ad vengé de felouns! 40
Novel avoms oy entre compaygnouns
De William le Walays, mestre de larouns;
Sire Jon de Meneteft li suist à talouns,
Enprès de sa puteyne li prist en tapisouns;
A Loundres le menait en ferges et laceouns,
Où jugez esteit sur cels condiciouns;
En primer à fourches fust trayné pur tresouns,
Pendu pur roberyes et pur occisiouns,
Various Readings.—34. altres, R. 1 and 2.—36. passé, R. 2.—39. est draiturels e de bone, R. 1.—40. vengés, R. 2.—41. Novels, R. 1.—42. des barouns, R. 1.—43. Johan de Menetest, R. 1. Mentest, R. 2.—44. Semprès de sa, R. 2.
Et pur ceo k’il avait ennenty par arsouns.
Viles et eglises et religiouns, 50
Avalez est de fourches, et overt les ventrouns,
Le quoer et la bowel brullez en carbouns,
Et copé la teste par tels mesprisiouns,
Pur ceo ke il avait par ces havyllouns
Maintenuz la guere, doné protecciouns,
Seysye seygnurye en ses subjecciouns
De altri realme par ses entrusiouns.
Copé li fust le cors en quatre porciouns,
Chescun pende par say en memor de ses nouns,
En lu de sa banere cels sunt ces gunfanouns. 60
Pur finir sa geste,
A Loundres est sa teste,
du cors est fet partye
En.iiii. bones viles,
Dount honurer les ylles
Various Readings.—55. meintenu, R. 2.—56. en sa, R. 1.
ke sunt en Albanye.
And tus may you here,
A ladde to lere
to bigken in pais.
It falles in his eghe, 70
That hackes ovre heghe,
wit at Walays.
Various Readings.—67. thus, R. 1 and 2. mai men, R. 2.—68. te lere, R. 2.—69. biggen, R. 1. biggin, R. 2.—70. fallis... iȝe, R. 2.—71. hagges, R. 1. hakkis... hie, R. 2.—72. with that Waleis, R. 2.
Translation.—In September after Stirling was delivered;—the King Sir Edward was fatigued with his labours,—he held his way towards Burstwick on Humber,—he remained there a while for his health.—Sir John de Warenne, an Earl well known,—was then dead and ready to be put in his coffin.—The King, whom God keep! in going towards his own,—through Lindsey inquired from place to place,—whilst he had been in Scotland in his war,—who had broken his peace, and who had held it;—straight at his will, remedy was provided—for him who was attainted of having broken his peace.
People of good will have made answer to the King,—how a great grievance is made in the land—by common squabblers, who are by oath—obliged together to a purveyance;—this company are called Trailebastons,—they offer to make conventions at fairs and markets,—for three or four shillings, or merely to show their courage,—to beat a good man, who never did hurt—to any Christian body, by the testimony of no one.—If a man contradict any one of the alliance,—or a merchant will not trust them for his merchandise,—taken in his own house, without other interference,—he shall be well beaten, or by agreement—he shall give of his money and take acquittance.—If there were no hindrance made to their riot,—a war among the commons would by chance arise.—The King has heard the complaint and the talk,—now hear how the punishment is provided.
Throughout England men of great account—are assigned as judges on the Trailebastons;—some by inquest are judged to prisons;—others to go to the gallows, to hang there about;—many are deprived of their possessions;—those who had done least ill are obliged to pay fines. If there was not chastisement of ribalds and rascals,—people would not dare to live in their houses.—O! how God is good in his just dealings,—who has so often revenged us of felons!—We have heard news among companions—of William Wallace, the master of the thieves;—Sir John de Menteith followed him close at his heels,—and took him in bed beside his strumpet;—he brought him to London in fetters and bonds,—where he was judged on the following conditions:—first to be drawn to the gallows for his treasons,—to be hung for robbery and for slaughter,—and because he had destroyed by burning—towns and churches and monasteries,—he is taken down from the gallows, and his belly opened,—the heart and bowels burnt to ashes,—and his head cut off for such faults,—because he had by these...,—maintained war, given protections,—seized lordship into his subjection—of the realm of another by his intrusions.—His body was cut into four parts,—each hung by itself in memory of his name,—instead of his banner these are his standards.—To finish his history,—at London is his head,—his body is divided—in four good towns,—whereby to honour the isles—that are in Albania.—And thus may you hear,—a lad to learn—to build in peace.—It falls in his eye,—who hacks too high,—with the Wallace.
Poem on the Evil Times of Edward II
[From the Auchinleck MS. fol. 328, ro. written in the beginning of the reign of Edw. III. in the Advocates Library, at Edinburgh.]
The Simonie.
Whii werre and wrake in londe and manslauht is i-come,
Whii hungger and derthe on eorthe the pore hath undernome,
Whii bestes ben thus storve, whii corn hath ben so dere,
Glossary.—1. werre and wrake, war and mischief.—2. undernome, undertaken, seized upon.—3. storve, starved, perished.
Ȝe that wolen abide, listneth and ȝe muwen here
the skile.
I nelle liȝen for no man, herkne who so wile.
God greteth wel the clergie, and seith theih don amis,
And doth hem to understonde that litel treuthe ther is;
For at the court of Rome, ther treuthe sholde biginne,
Him is forboden the paleis, dar he noht com therinne 10
for doute;
And thouh the pope clepe him in, ȝit shal he stonde theroute.
Alle the popes clerkes ban taken hem to red,
If treuthe come amonges hem, that he shal be ded.
There dar he noht shewen him for doute to be slain,
Among none of the cardinaus dar he noht be sein,
for feerd,
If Symonie may mete wid him he wole shaken his berd.
Voiz of clerk is sielde i-herd at the court of Rome;
Ne were he nevere swich a clerk, silverles if he come, 20
Thouh he were the wiseste that evere was i-born,
But if he swete ar he go, al his weye is lorn
i-souht,
Or he shal singe si dedero, or al geineth him noht.
For if there be in countre an horeling, a shrewe,
Lat him come to the court hise nedes for to shewe,
Glossary.—4. wolen, will (pl.). muwen, may.—5. skile, cause, reason.—6. nelle liȝen, will not lie.—7. theih, they.—10. paleis, palace.—11. doute, fear.—12. clepe, call.—13. han, have (pl.). red, counsel.—19. voiz, voice. sielde i-herd, seldom heard.—20. swich, such.—22. ar, before.
And bringe wid him silver and non other wed,
Be he nevere so muchel a wrecche, hise nedes sholen be spede
ful stille,
For Coveytise and Symonie han the world to wille. 30
And erchebishop and bishop, that ouhte for to enquere
Off alle men of holi churche of what lif theih were,
Summe beth foles hemself, and leden a sory lif,
Therfore doren hii noht speke for rising of strif
thurw clerkes,
And that everich biwreied other of here wrecchede werkes.
But certes holi churche is muchel i-brouht ther doune,
Siththen Seint Thomas was slain and smiten of his croune.
He was a piler ariht to holden up holi churche,
Thise othere ben to slouwe, and feinteliche kunnen worche, 40
i-wis;
Therfore in holi churche hit fareth the more amis.
But everi man may wel i-wite, who so take ȝeme,
That no man may wel serve tweie lordes to queme.
Summe beth in ofice wid the king, and gaderen tresor to hepe,
And the fraunchise of holi churche hii laten ligge slepe
ful stille;
Al to manye ther beth swiche, if hit were Godes wille.
Glossary.—27. wed, pledge.—28. muchel a wrecche, great a wretch. sholen be, shall be.—29. stille, quietly.—34. doren hii, dare they.—35. thurw, through.—36. everich, every one. biwreied, accused.—38. Siththen, since.—39. piler, pillar.—40. slouwe, slothful. kunnen, know how.—41. i-wis, truely, in truth.—43. i-wite, know. ȝeme, care (take ȝeme, pay attention).—44. queme, pleasure.—45. gaderen, gather. to hepe, in a heap.
And thise ersedeknes that ben set to visite holi churche,
Everich fondeth hu he may shrewedelichest worche; 50
He wole take mede of that on and that other,
And late the parsoun have a wyf, and the prest another,
at wille;
Coveytise shal stoppen here mouth, and maken hem al stille.
For sone so a parsoun is ded and in eorthe i-don,
Thanne shal the patroun have ȝiftes anon;
The clerkes of the cuntré wolen him faste wowe,
And senden him faire ȝiftes and presentes i-nowe,
and the bishop;
And there shal Symonye ben taken bi the cop. 60
Coveytise upon his hors he wole be sone there,
And bringe the bishop silver, and rounen in his ere,
That alle the pore that ther comen, on ydel sholen theih worche,
For he that allermost may ȝive, he shal have the churche;
i-wis,
Everich man nu bi dawe may sen that thus hit is.
And whan this newe parsoun is institut in his churche,
He bithenketh him hu he may shrewedelichest worche;
Ne shal the corn in his berne ben eten wid no muis,
Glossary.—49. ersedeknes, archdeacons.—50. fondeth, seeketh, endeavours. shrewedelichest worche, work most cursedly.—51. mede, bribe.—52. late, let.—54. stoppen, stop.—55. sone so, as soon as.—57. wowe, woo, court.—58. i-nowe, enough.—60. cop, head.—62. rounen, whisper. ere, ear.—63. on ydel, fruitlessly, to no avail.—64. allermost, most of all.—66. nu bi dawe, now-a-days.—68. hu, how.—69. muis, mouse.
But hit shal ben i-spended in a shrewede huis; 70
if he may,
Al shal ben i-beten out or Cristemesse-day.
And whan he hath i-gadered markes and poundes,
He priketh out of toune wid haukes and wid houndes
Into a straunge contré, and halt a wenche in cracche;
And wel is hire that first may swich a parsoun kacche
in londe.
And thus theih serven the chapele, and laten the churche stonde.
He taketh al that he may, and maketh the churche pore,
And leveth thare behinde a theef and an hore, 80
A serjaunt and a deie that leden a sory lif;
Al so faire hii gon to bedde as housebonde and wif;
wid sorwe
Shal there no pore lif fare the bet nouther on even ne on morwe.
And whan he hath the silver of wolle and of lomb,
He put in his pautener an honne and a komb,
A myrour and a koeverchef to binde wid his crok,
And rat on the rouwe bible and on other bok
no mo;
But unthank have the bishop that lat hit so go. 90
For thouh the bishop hit wite, that hit bename kouth,
He may wid a litel silver stoppen his mouth;
Glossary.—70. huis, house.—74. priketh, rideth.—75. cracche, properly a manger, perhaps here, a cradle.—76. wel is hire, it is well for her.—81. deie, dairymaid.—85. lomb, lamb.—86. pautener... honne,....—87. koeverchef, kerchief. crok, crook.—88. rat, reads. rouwe, rough.—89. mo, more.—91. bename kouth, could take in hand. (?)
He medeth wid the clerkes, and halt forth the wenche,
And lat the parish for-worthe; the devel him adrenche
for his werk!
And sory may his fader ben, that evere made him clerk.
And if the parsoun have a prest of a clene lyf,
That be a god consailler to maiden and to wif,
Shal comen a daffe and putte him out for a litel lasse,
That can noht a ferthing worth of god, unnethe singe a masse 100
but ille.
And thus shal al the parish for lac of lore spille.
For riht me thinketh hit fareth bi a prest that is lewed,
As bi a jay in a kage, that himself hath bishrewed;
God Engelish he speketh, ac he wot nevere what;
No more wot a lewed prest in boke what he rat
bi day.
Thanne is a lewed prest no betir than a jay.
But everi man may wel i-wite, bi the swete rode!
Ther heth so manye prestes, hii ne muwe noht alle be gode. 110
And natheles thise gode men fallen oft in fame,
For thise wantoune prestes that pleien here nice game,
bi nihte,
Hii gon wid swerd and bokeler as men that wolde fihte.
Glossary.—93. medeth, takes bribe.—94. for-worthe, go to nought. adrenche, drown.—96. ben, be.—97. prest, priest.—99. daffe, fool. lasse, less.—100. unnethe, hardly.—102. for lac of lore spille, be ruined for want of teaching.—104. bishrewed, cursed.—105. wot, knows.—106. rat, reads.—109. rode, cross, rood.—110. muwe, may.
Summe bereth croune of acolite for the crumponde crok,
And ben ashamed of the merke the bishop hem bitok;
At even he set upon a koife, and kembeth the croket,
Adihteth him a gay wenche of the newe jet,
sanz doute;
And there hii clateren cumpelin whan the candel is oute. 120
And thise abbotes and priours don aȝein here rihtes;
Hii riden wid hauk and hound, and contrefeten knihtes.
Hii sholde leve swich pride, and ben religious;
And nu is pride maister in everich ordred hous;
i-wis,
Religioun is evele i-holde and fareth the more [amis.]
For if there come to an abey to pore men or thre,
And aske of hem helpe par seinte charité,
Unnethe wole any don his ernde other ȝong or old,
But late him coure ther al day in hunger and in cold, 130
and sterve.
Loke what love ther is to God, whom theih seien that hii serve!
But there come another and bringe a litel lettre,
In a box upon his hepe, he shal spede the betre;
And if he be wid eny man that may don the abot harm,
He shal be lad into the halle, and ben i-mad full warm
aboute the mawe.
And Godes man stant ther oute; sory is that lawe.
Glossary.—115. crumponde crok, crumpled crook(?).—116. bitok, gave, delivered to.—117. kembeth, combs. croket, curl or lock of hair.—118. Adihteth him, fits himself with.—121. don aȝein, do against.—126. evele i-holde, evil held, in ill repute.—127. to, two.—129. ernde, errand. ȝong, young.—130. coure, cower.—134. hepe, pack (?).
Thus is God nu served thurwout religioun;
There is he al to sielde i-sein in eny devocioun; 140
His meyné is unwelcome, comen hii erliche or late;
The porter hath comaundement to holde hem widoute the gate,
in the fen.
Hu mihte theih loven that loverd, that serven thus his men?
This is the penaunce that monekes don for ure lordes love:
Hii weren sockes in here shon, and felted botes above;
He hath forsake for Godes love bothe hunger and cold;
But if he have hod and cappe fured, he nis noht i-told
in covent;
Ac certes wlaunknesse of wele hem hath al ablent. 150
Religioun was first founded duresce for to drie;
And nu is the moste del i-went to eise and glotonie.
Where shal men nu finde fattere or raddere of leres?
Or betre farende folk than monekes, chanons, and freres?
In uch toun
I wot non eysiere lyf than is religioun.
Religioun wot red I uch day what he shal don?
He ne carez noht to muche for his mete at non;
For hous-hire ne for clothes he ne carez noht;
Glossary.—140. to sielde i-sein, too seldom seen.—141. meyné (maisné, Fr.), household, people. erliche, early.—145. ure, our.—146. Hii weren, they wear. shon, shoes. botes, boots.—148. But if, unless. hod, hood. fured, furred. he nis noht i-told, he is not reckoned, or esteemed.—150. wlaunknesse, pride. wele, weal. ablent, blinded.—151. duresce, hardness. drie, bear, suffer.—152. nu, now. moste del, greatest part.—153. raddere of leres, redder of complexion.—155. uch, each.—156. wot, know. eysiere, more easy.
But whan he cometh to the mete, he maketh his mawe touht 160
off the beste;
And anon therafter he fondeth to kacche reste.
And ȝit ther is another ordre, Menour and Jacobin,
And freres of the Carme, and of Seint Austin,
That wolde preche more for a busshel of whete,
Than for to bringe a soule from helle out of the hete
to rest.
And thus is coveytise loverd bothe est and west.
If a pore man come to a frere for to aske shrifte,
And ther come a ricchere and bringe him a ȝifte; 170
He shal into the freitur and ben i-mad ful glad;
And that other stant theroute, as a man that were mad
in sorwe;
Ȝit shal his ernde ben undon til that other morwe.
And if there be a riche man that evel hath undernome,
Thanne wolen thise freres al day thider come;
And if hit be a pore lyf in poverte and in care,
Sorwe on that o frere that kepeth come thare
ful loth;
Alle wite ȝe, gode men, hu the gamen goth. 180
And if the riche man deie that was of eny mihte,
Thanne wolen the freres for the cors fihte.
Glossary.—160. touht, full.—162. fondeth to kacche, seeketh to take.—163. ȝit, yet.—168. loverd, lord.—169. shrifte, confession.—170. ȝifte, gift.—171. freitur, refectory. i-mad, made.—172. stant, stands.—173. sorwe, sorrow.—174. ernde, errand. morwe, morrow.—175. undernome, undertaken.—178. o, one. that kepeth, that cares.—180. wite ȝe, know ye. gamen, game.
Hit nis noht al for the calf that kow louweth,
Ac hit is for the grene gras that in the medewe grouweth
so god.
Alle wite ȝe what I mene, that kunnen eny god.
For als ich evere brouke min hod under min hat,
The frere wole to the direge, if the cors is fat;
Ac bi the feith I owe to God, if the cors is lene,
He wole wagge aboute the cloistre and kepen hise fet clene 190
in house.
Hu mihte theih faire forsake that hii ne ben coveytouse?
And officials and denes that chapitles sholden holde,
Theih sholde chastise the folk, and theih maken hem bolde.
Mak a present to the den ther thu thenkest to dwelle,
And have leve longe i-nouh to serve the fend of helle
to queme;
For have he silver, of sinne taketh he nevere ȝeme.
If a man have a wif, and he ne love hire noht,
Bringe hire to the constorie ther treuthe sholde be souht, 200
And bringge tweye false wid him and him self the thridde,
And he shal ben to-parted so faire as he wole bidde
from his wif;
He shal ben holpen wel i-nouh to lede a shrewede lyf.
Glossary.—183. Hit nis, it is not. louweth, lows.—184. Ac, but.—186. kunnen, know.—187. als, as. brouke, use, hold.—192. theih, they.—193. chapitles, chapters.—195. ther, where.—196. i-nouh, enough. fend, fiend.—197. queme, pleasure.—198. ȝeme, care.—200. constorie, consistory. souht, sought.—202. to-parted, separated. bidde, ask.
And whan he is thus i-deled from his rihte spouse,
He taketh his neiheboures wif and bringeth hire to his house;
And whiles he hath eny silver the clerkes to sende,
He may holde hire at his wille to his lives ende
wid unskile;
And but that be wel i-loked, curs in here bile. 210
And ȝit ther is another craft that toucheth the clergie,
That ben thise false fisiciens that helpen men to die;
He wole wagge his urine in a vessel of glaz,
And swereth that he is sekere than evere ȝit he was,
and sein,
“Dame, for faute of helpe, thin housebonde is neih slain.”
Thus he wole afraien al that ther is inne,
And make many a lesing silver for to winne.
Ac afterward he fondeth to comforte the wif,
And seith, “Dame, for of thin I wole holde his lyf,” 220
a[n]d liȝe;
Thouh he wite no more than a gos wheither he wole live or die.
Anon he wole biginne to blere the wives eiȝe;
He wole aske half a pound to bien spicerie;
The.viij. shillinges sholen up to the win and the ale;
And bringe rotes and rindes bret ful a male
off noht;
Hit shal be dere on a lek, whan hit is al i-wrouht.
Glossary.—205. i-deled, parted.—209. wid unskile, with wrong.—210. here, their.—215. sein, say.—218. lesing, falsehood.—219. he fondeth, he tries.—221. liȝe, lie.—222. gos, goose.—223. eiȝe, eyes.—224. bien, buy.—226. bret ful, broad full, filled up. male, chest, pannier.—228. on a lek, for a leek. (?)
He wole preisen hit i-nohw, and sweren, as he were wod,
For the king of the lond the drink is riche and god; 230
And ȝeve the gode man drinke a god quantité,
And make him worsse than he was; evele mote he the!
that clerk,
That so geteth the silver, and can noht don his werk.
He doth the wif sethe a chapoun and piece beof,
Ne tit the gode man noht therof, he him nevere so leof;
The best he piketh up himself, and maketh his mawe touht;
And ȝeveth the gode man soupe, the lene broth that nis noht
for seke;
That so serveth eny man, Godes curs in his cheke! 240
And thilke that han al the wele in freth and in feld,
Bothen eorl and baroun and kniht of o sheld,
Alle theih beth i-sworne holi churche holde to rihte;
Therfore was the ordre mad for holi churche to fihte,
sanz faille;
And nu ben theih the ferste that hit sholen assaille.
Hii brewen strut and stuntise there as sholde be pes;
Hii sholde gon to the Holi Lond and maken there her res,
And fihte there for the croiz, and shewe the ordre of knihte,
And awreke Jhesu Crist wid launce and speir to fihte 250
and sheld;
And nu ben theih liouns in halle, and hares in the feld.
Glossary.—229. wod, mad.—231. ȝeve, if.—232. evele mote he the! ill may he thrive!—234. don, do.—235. doth, causeth. sethe, to boil.—236. tit, touches. leof, dear (i. e. have he ever so much desire).—238. nis noht, is nothing.—241. freth, wood.—247. strut and stuntise, strife and debate(?).—248. her res, their assault, onset.—249. croiz, cross.—250. awreke, revenge.
Knihtes sholde weren weden in here manere,
After that the ordre asketh also wel as a frere;
Nu ben theih so degysed and diverseliche i-diht,
Unnethe may men knowe a gleman from a kniht,
wel neih;
So is mieknesse driven adoun, and pride is risen on heih.
Thus is the ordre of kniht turned up-so-doun,
Also wel can a kniht chide as any skolde of a toun. 260
Hii sholde ben also hende as any levedi in londe,
And for to speke alle vilanie nel nu no kniht wonde
for shame;
And thus knihtshipe [is] acloied and waxen al fot lame.
Knihtshipe is acloied and deolfulliche i-diht;
Kunne a boy nu breke a spere, he shal be mad a kniht.
And thus ben knihtes gadered of unkinde blod,
And envenimeth that ordre that shold be so god
and hende;
Ac o shrewe in a court many man may shende. 270
And nu nis no squier of pris in this middel erd,
But if that he bere a babel and a long berd,
And swere Godes soule, and vuwe to God and hote;
But sholde he for everi fals uth lese kirtel or kote,
Glossary.—253. weden, garments.—255. degysed, arrayed. i-diht, arranged, clothed.—256. unnethe, scarcely.—258. mieknesse, meekness.—261. hende, gentle. levedi, lady.—262. nel, will not. wonde, stay.—264. acloied, debased. fot lame, lame of foot.—265. deolfulliche i-diht, lamentably arrayed.—270. o, one. shende, ruin.—271. middel erd, world, middle earth.—272. bere, carry. babel, fool’s bauble(?).—273. vuwe, vow. hote, promise.—274. uth, oath.
I leve,
He sholde stonde starc naked twye o day or eve.
Godes soule is al day sworn, the knif stant a-strout,
And thouh the botes be torn, ȝit wole he maken hit stout;
The hod hangeth on his brest, as he wolde spewe therinne,
Ac shortliche al his contrefaiture is colour of sinne, 280
and bost,
To wraththe God and paien the fend hit serveth allermost.
A newe taille of squierie is nu in everi toun;
The raye is turned overthuert that sholde stonde adoun;
Hii ben degised as turmentours that comen from clerkes plei;
Hii ben i-laft wid pride, and cast nurture awey
in diche;
Gentille men that sholde ben, ne beth hii none i-liche.
And justises, shirreves, meires, baillifs, if I shal rede aricht,
Hii kunnen of the faire day make the derke niht; 290
Hii gon out of the heie wey, ne leven hii for no sklaundre,
And maken the mot-halle at hom in here chaumbre,
wid wouh;
For be the hond i-whited, it shal go god i-nouh.
If the king in his werre sent after mihti men,
To helpe him in his nede, of sum toun.ix. or.x.,
Glossary.—275. I leve, I believe.—276. twye, twice.—277. a-strout, sticking out (?).—282. allermost, most of all.—283. newe taille, new cut.—284. raye, cloth, garment. overthuert, crosswise.—286. ben i-laft wid, have separated from, or have sent away.—289. shirreves, sheriffs.—290. kunnen, know how, they can.—292. mot-halle, hall of meeting, the justice-hall.—293. wouh, wrong.—294. i-whited, whitened.
The stiffeste sholen bileve at hom for.x. shillinges or.xii.,
And sende forth a wrecche that may noht helpe himselve
at nede.
Thus is the king deceyved, and pore men shent for mede. 300
And if the king in his lond maketh a taxacioun,
And everi man is i-set to a certein raunczoun,
Hit shal be so for-pinched, to-toilled, and to-twiht,
That halvendel shal gon in the fendes fliht
off helle;
Ther beth so manye parteners may no tunge telle.
A man of.xl. poundes-worth god is leid to.xii. pans rounde;
And also much paieth another that poverte hath brouht to grounde,
And hath an hep of girles sittende aboute the flet.
Godes curs moten hii have! but that be wel set 310
and sworn,
That the pore is thus i-piled, and the riche forborn.
Ac if the king hit wiste, I trowe he wolde be wroth,
Hou the pore beth i-piled, and hu the silver goth;
Hit is so deskatered bothe hider and thidere,
That halvendel shal ben stole ar hit come togidere,
and acounted;
An if a pore man speke a word, he shal be foule afrounted.
Glossary.—297. bileve, remain.—300. shent, ruined. mede, reward, bribery.—303. for-pinched, pinched to pieces. to-toilled, laboured away. to-twiht, twitted away.—304. halvendel, one half.—307. god, goods. pans, pence.—309. flet, floor.—312. i-piled, robbed.—315. deskatered, scattered about.—318. afrounted, accosted (French, affronter).
Ac were the king wel avised, and wolde worche bi skile,
Litel nede sholde he have swiche pore to pile; 320
Thurfte him noht seke tresor so fer, he mihte finde ner,
At justices, at shirreves, cheiturs, and chaunceler,
and at les;
Swiche mihte finde him i-nouh, and late pore men have pes.
For who so is in swich ofice, come he nevere so pore,
He fareth in a while as thouh he hadde silver ore;
Theih bien londes and ledes, ne may hem non astonde.
What sholde pore men [ben] i-piled, when swiche men beth in londe
so fele?
Theih pleien wid the kinges silver, and breden wod for wele. 330
Ac shrewedeliche for sothe hii don the kinges heste;
Whan everi man hath his part, the king hath the leste.
Everi man is aboute to fille his owen purs;
And the king hath the leste part, and he hath al the curs,
wid wronge.
God sende treuthe into this lond, for tricherie dureth to longe.
And baillifs and bedeles under the shirreve,
Everich fondeth hu he may pore men most greve.
The pore men beth over al somouned on assise;
And the riche sholen sitte at hom, and ther wole silver rise 340
to shon.
Godes curs moten hii have, but that be wel don!
Glossary.—319. skile, reason, right.—320. swiche, such.—321. thurfte him, need he. ner, near.—322. cheiturs, escheators.—324. pes, peace.—327. bien, buy. ledes, possessions. astonde, withstand.—329. fele, many.—330. wod, wood.—331. heste, command.—332. leste, least.—338. fondeth, tries, endeavours.—341. shon, to be shewn, to be seen.—342. moten, may.
And countours in benche that stondeth at the barre,
Theih wolen bigile the in thin hond, but if thu be the warre.
He wole take.xl. pans for to do doun his hod,
And speke for the a word or to, and don the litel god,
I trouwe.
And have he turned the bak, he makketh the a mouwe.
Attourneis in cuntré theih geten silver for noht;
Theih maken men biginne that they nevere hadden thouht; 350
And whan theih comen to the ring, hoppe if hii kunne.
Al that theih muwen so gete, al thinketh hem i-wonne
wid skile.
Ne triste no man to hem, so false theih beth in the bile.
And sumtime were chapmen that treweliche bouhten and solde;
And nu is thilke assise broke, and nas noht ȝore holde.
Chaffare was woned to be meintened wid treuthe,
And nu is al turned to treccherie, and that is muchel reuthe
to wite,
That alle manere godnesse is thus adoun i-smite. 360
Unnethe is nu eny man that can eny craft,
That he nis a party los in the haft;
For falsnesse is so fer forth over al the londe i-sprunge,
Glossary.—345. pans, pence.—348. mouwe, mow, contemptuous gesture.—352. muwen, may. i-wonne, won.—353. skile, reason.—354. triste, trust. beth, are.—355. chapmen, merchants. treweliche, truly.—356. nas noht ȝore holde, has not been held a long time.—357. Chaffare, traffic.—358. muchel reuthe, great pity.—361. can, knows.—362. party los in the haft,....
That wel neih nis no treuthe in hond, ne in tunge,
ne in herte;
And tharfore nis no wonder thouh al the world it smerte.
Ther was a gamen in Engelond that durede ȝer and other;
Erliche upon the Monenday uch man bishrewed other;
So longe lastede that gamen among lered and lewed, 369
That nolde theih nevere stinten, or al the world were bishrewed,
i-wis;
And therfore al that helpe sholde, fareth the more amis.
So that for that shrewedom that regneth in the lond,
I drede me that God us hath for-laft out of his hond,
Thurw wederes that he hath i-sent cold and unkinde;
And ȝit ne haveth no man of him the more minde
ariht;
Unnethe is any man aferd of Godes muchele miht.
God hath ben wroth wid the world, and that is wel i-sene;
For al that whilom was murthe, is turned to treie and tene. 380
He sente us plenté i-nouh, suffre whiles we wolde,
Off alle manere sustenaunce grouwende upon molde
so thicke;
And evere aȝeines his godnesse we weren i-liche wicke.
Glossary.—367. gamen, game. ȝer and other, a year and an other, i. e. two years.—369. lered and lewed, learned and unlearned, clergy and laity.—370. nolde theih, they would not. stinten, desist. or, before. bishrewed, accursed.—373. shrewedom, cursedness.—374. for-laft, dismissed.—375. Thurw, through. wederes, weathers.—380. treie and tene, vexation and sorrow.—382. grouwende, growing. molde, earth.—384. i-liche wicke, equally wicked.
Men sholde noht sumtime finde a boy for to bere a lettre,
That wolde eten eny mete, but it were the betre.
For beof ne for bakoun, ne for swich stor of house,
Unnethe wolde eny don a char, so were theih daungerouse
for wlaunke;
And siththen bicom ful reulich, that thanne weren so ranke. 390
For tho God seih that the world was so over gart,
He sente a derthe on eorthe, and made hit ful smart.
A busshel of whete was at foure shillinges or more,
And so men mihte han i-had a quarter noht ȝore
i-gon;
So can God make wane, ther rathere was won.
And thanne gan bleiken here ble, that arst lowen so loude,
And to waxen al hand-tame that rathere weren so proude.
A mannes herte mihte blede for to here the crie
Off pore men that gradden, “Allas! for hungger I die 400
up rihte!”
This auhte make men aferd of Godes muchele miht.
And after that ilke wante com eft wele i-nouh,
And plenté of alle gode grouwende on uch a bouh.
Tho god ȝer was aȝein i-come, and god chep of corn,
Tho were we also muchele shrewes as we were beforn,
Glossary.—388. don a char, do a turn, or task.—389. wlaunke, pride.—390. siththen, since. reulich, pitiful.—391. tho, when. over gart, over proud.—394-95. noht ȝore i-gon, not long ago.—397. gan bleiken here ble, their complexion turned pale. arst lowen, formerly laughed.—398. rathere, earlier, before.—400. gradden, said lamentingly.—403. eft, again.—405-6. Tho... tho, when... then.
or more;
Also swithe we forȝeten his wreche and his lore.
Tho com ther another sorwe that spradde over al the lond;
A thusent winter ther bifore com nevere non so strong. 410
To binde alle the mene men in mourning and in care,
The orf deiede al bidene, and maden the lond al bare,
so faste,
Com nevere wrecche into Engelond that made men more agaste.
And tho that qualm was astin[t] of beste that bar horn,
Tho sente God on eorthe another derthe of corn,
That spradde over al Engelond bothe north and south,
And made seli pore men afingred in here mouth
ful sore;
And ȝit unnethe any man dredeth God the more. 420
And wid that laste derthe com ther another shame,
That ouhte be god skile maken us alle tame.
The fend kidde his maistri, and arerede a strif,
That everi lording was bisi to sauve his owen lyf,
and his god.
God do bote theron, for his blessede blod!
Gret nede hit were to bidde that the pes were brouht,
For the lordinges of the lond, that swich wo han i-wrouht,
Glossary.—408. wreche, punishment. lore, teaching.—409. sorwe, sorrow.—412. orf deiede al bidene, cattle died all forthwith.—414. wrecche, punishment.—415. qualm, mortality. astint, stopped.—418. seli, simple. afingred, hungry.—422. god skile, good reason.—423. fend, fiend, devil. kidde, showed. arerede, raised.—424. bisi, busy.—426. do bote, make a remedy.—427. bidde, pray.
That nolde spare for kin that o kosin that other;
So the fend hem prokede uch man to mourdren other 430
wid wille,
That al Engelond i-wis was in point to spille.
Pride prikede hem so faste, that nolde theih nevere have pes
Ar theih hadden in this lond maked swich a res,
That the beste blod of the lond shamliche was brouht to grounde,
If hit betre mihte a ben, allas! the harde stounde
bitid,
That of so gentille blod i-born swich wreche was i-kid.
Allas! that evere sholde hit bifalle that in so litel a throwe,
Swiche men sholde swich deth thole, and ben i-leid so lowe. 440
Off eorles ant of barouns baldest hii were;
And nu hit is of hem bicome riht as theih nevere ne were
i-born.
God loke to the soules, that hii ne be noht lorn!
Ac whiles thise grete lordinges thus han i-hurled to hepe,
Thise prelatz of holi churche to longe theih han i-slepe;
Al to late theih wakeden, and that was muchel reuthe;
Theih weren ablent wid coveytise, and mihte noht se the treuthe
for mist. 449
Theih dradden more here lond to lese, than love of Jhesu Crist.
Glossary.—430. prokede, urged.—432. spille, to be ruined, spoilt.—434. Ar, before. swich a res, such a rage.—438. wreche, destruction. i-kid, shown.—440. thole, undergo, bear. i-leid, laid.—444. lorn, lost.—445. i-hurled to hepe, thrown on a heap.—448. ablent, blinded.—450. dradden, dreaded. lese, lose.
For hadde the clergie harde holden to-gidere,
And noht flecched aboute nother hider ne thidere,
But loked where the treuthe was, and there have bileved,
Thanne were the barnage hol, that nu is al to-dreved
so wide;
Ac certes Engelond is shent thurw falsnesse and thurw pride.
Pride hath in his paunter kauht the heie and the lowe,
So that unnethe can eny man God Almihti knowe.
Pride priketh aboute, wid nithe and wid onde;
Pes and love and charité hien hem out of londe 460
so faste,
That God wole for-don the world we muwe be sore agaste.
Alle wite we wel it is oure gilt, the wo that we beth inne;
But no man knoweth that hit is for his owen sinne.
Uch man put on other the wreche of the wouh;
But wolde uch man ranczake himself, thanne were al wel i-nouh
i-wrouht.
But nu can uch man demen other, and himselve nouht.
And thise assisours, that comen to shire and to hundred,
Damneth men for silver, and that nis no wonder. 470
For whan the riche justise wol do wrong for mede,
Thanne thinketh hem theih muwen the bet, for theih han more nede
Glossary.—451. to-gidere, together.—452. flecched, wavered.—453. bileved, remained.—454. barnage, baronage. hol, whole, entire. to-dreved, separated, driven to pieces.—456. shent, ruined. thurw, through.—457. paunter, pantry. heie, high.—459. priketh, rideth. nithe, strife. onde, envy.—460. hien, hie, haste.—462. for-don, destroy. muwe, may. agaste, afraid.—463. wite, know. wo, woe.—465. Uch, each. wreche, blame. wouh, wrong.—468. demen, judge.—471. mede, bribe.—472. bet, better.
to winne.
Ac so is al this world ablent, that no man douteth sinne.
But bi seint Jame of Galice, that many man hath souht!
The pilory and the cucking-stol beth i-mad for noht,
* * * * *
Glossary.—474. douteth, feareth.
Notes
Page 1, line 10, Savory of Mauleon.—For an interesting article on this Baron and his poems, see the eighteenth volume of the Histoire Littéraire de France, pp. 671-682. His name is of frequent occurrence in the English rolls and charters of the reigns of John and Henry III.
—— l. 20, laxait Bordelois.—Alphonso VIII. King of Castille, married Alianor, daughter of Henry II. of England, and in her right he claimed Gascony, in opposition to King John, and invaded it. In 1206, he laid siege to Bourdeaux. See Dom. Bouquet, Collect. des Historiens de France, tom. xviii. p. 245.
P. 3, l. 2, lois is the Latin laudes.
—— l. 19, par presen.—It has been suggested that this may mean as though he were present; but I think the translation adopted is preferable.
P. 4, l. 6, Lo rei Richard.—Richard I. was in Aquitaine when he received the wound which caused his death.
—— l. 17, Lozoics... Guillelme... ad Aurenga.—The allusion, I suppose, is to the inedited romance of Guillaume d’Orange.
P. 5, l. 20, Cadoing.—Perhaps Cadomum, or Caen, as here translated. But there was also a place called Cadoing near Périgueux, which had a celebrated abbey.
It may be observed, as a peculiar characteristic of the Provençal songs of this class, that the poet generally introduces an address to a lady, although she has nothing to do with the subject.
P. 6, l. 11. Song on the Bishops.—Since this part of the volume was printed, I have found among the manuscripts of the British Museum (MS. Reg. 7 F, V, fol. 1, ro, written in a contemporary hand) a copy of this song, containing important variations, which would have enabled me to give the text more correctly. In this manuscript the lines are arranged thus in each stanza:—
Complange tuum, Anglia, melos suspendens organi;
Et maxime tu, Cantia, de mora tui Stephani.
Thomam habes sed alterum, secundum habes iterum
Stephanum, qui trans hominem induens fortitudinem signa facit in populo.
Dolos doles metropolis quos subdoli parturiunt,
Orbata tuis incolis, dolose quos ejiciunt,
Largos emittis gemitus, patre privata penitus.
Sed cum habebis Stephanum, assumes tibi tympanum, chelym tangens
sub modulo.
The following are the various readings offered by this MS.—P. 6, l. 1, tuum.—P. 7, l. 4, doles.—15, vel legem.—17, quis Nathan David.—19, vel postibus.—21, jam liberetur.—P. 8, l. 2, exurge.—4, ancilla.—5, jam superductis aliam.—7, Portæ prævalent inferi, with Tartari written over the last word.—8, nam ludo.—16, Scriptis omitted.—19, Patet interpretatio | et arduis et infimis, | Nam regni, &c.—P. 9, l. 2, et sacerdos, with et erased and nam written over it.—3, concurrit ad.—7, sudet.—12, eos.—15, et deicit.—20, debent et suum fundere.—22, jactant.—P. 10, l. 8, in hac.—11, clamet.—16, dum.—17, perit.—20, sedet ad.—22, Euvangelium.—23, after this line should come the following, Ad nummos vertit oculum.—P. 11, l. 1, lucro lucam.—2, Marcum marca.—3, librum libra.—8, Amplectuntur.—13, sunt appositi | Sed longe.—20, ob hoc.—P. 12, l. 1, In canes nostri.—10, Eliensis.—11, datus.—12, Eli et ensis.—14, Elios.—16, Et Babilonis.—19, Wlstani.—P. 13, l. 1, Wlstani.—4, Effot, mitram, et anulum.—8, et is omitted.—9, Hinc est, et hinc a latere | Et pauper.—13, non causatur.—14, des. Cantia.
—— l. 16, tui Stephani.—Stephen Langton, whom the Pope had appointed to the archbishopric of Canterbury, in opposition to the election of the monks and the King. He was archbishop from 1207 to 1229.
P. 7, l. 17, natum should be Nathan; see the above various readings for this as well as for some other necessary corrections, which would have rendered the translation less difficult.
P. 8, l. 3, Agar... filium.—The marginal note in Flacius says, Joannem Graye Episcopum Nordovicensem intelligit. It is not said whether these side-notes are given from the MS. which Flacius used, or are of his own making.
P. 8, l. 14.—The same side-notes tell us the scribentem digitum means the Pope—Papam intelligit.
P. 9, l. 12, Non est qui.—The allusion, according to the side-note, is to Pandulph the legate. This explanation is, however, rather doubtful.
P. 10, l. 1, præsuli Bathoniæ.—Joceline de Welles, Bishop of Bath and Wells from 1205 to 1242. He fled out of England with the Bishops of London, Ely, and Worcester, who had published the interdict.
—— l. 10, Norwicensis bestia.—John Graye, Bishop of Norwich, who was designed by the King to the see of Canterbury. The three Bishops who took part with the King, whom Matthew Paris calls “tres episcopi curiales,” were those of Norwich, Winchester, and Durham.
—— l. 15, Cato quondam tertius.—I do not quite understand the allusion. It occurs again at the end of the Apocalypsis Goliæ—
De cælo cecidi ut Cato tertius,
Nec summi venio secreti nuncius,
Sed meus michi quod inscripsit socius,
Hoc vobis dicere possum fidelius.
—— l. 19, Wintoniensis armiger.—Peter de Rupibus, Bishop of Winchester, from 1204 to 1238. He was a native of Poitiers in France, and had been a knight before his consecration. He, with the Bishops of Durham and Norwich, supported the party of the King against the Pope. In 1214 he was made chief-justice of England, and he was protector of the realm during the minority of Henry III. See Godwin, de Præsulibus.
P. 11, l. 1, lucro Lucam... Marco marcam... libræ librum.—These puns are frequently repeated in the satirical poetry of the thirteenth century. They will be found further on in the present volume, pp. 16 and 31, as well as in some of the poems of Walter Mapes. Giraldus Cambrensis uses a similar pun in relating his journey to Rome, where he says he differed in one particular from others who went there, for he offered libros, non libras. Libra in the song should probably be translated a pound, as at p. 31, not the scales.
P. 12, l. 1, Joannes... decanus.—For Joannes, the King’s MS. has canes, which is perhaps right, as canus and canit in the following line seem to be continued puns upon the word.
P. 12, l. 10, Heliensis.—Eustace, Bishop of Ely, from 1197 to 1214. As has been observed, he was one of the three who published the pope’s interdict.
—— l. 19, Wolstani subambule.—Maugerius, Bishop of Worcester, from 1200 to 1212. He was also one of those who published the interdict, and having like the others fled to the Continent, he died in exile at Pontiniac, in 1212. It is hardly necessary to observe that St. Wolstan had held the see of Worcester in the eleventh century.
P. 13, l. 6, De Roffensi episcopo.—Gilbert de Glanville, Bishop of Rochester, from 1185 to 1214. Between him and his monks there was perpetual contention, and he diminished much the goods of his church. See Godwin.
—— l. 10, pauper Sarisburiæ.—Robert, Bishop of Salisbury, who seems to have lived in obscurity. Godwin says he could find no other information relating to him, except the date of his being bishop.
—— l. 15, I Romam.—Flacius Illyricus gives here the following side-note—“Golias ad librum, vel Gualterus Mapes.”
P. 14, l. 6-10.—This information is conveyed in two side-notes in Flacius Illyricus, who has printed this Song imperfectly; but whether these notes were composed by the editor, or found in the manuscript, we are not told. There are no circumstances in the Song itself which would lead us to fix it to this date rather than to any other in the first half of the thirteenth century. The two notes are at the beginning,—“Leo, Joannes Rex; aselli, episcopi sunt;”—and at the end, “Jupiter Rex Joannes est: Pluto, Romanus pontifex.” On reference, however, to Bale, I find that he speaks of Mapes as calling King John sometimes a lion and sometimes Jupiter, and as designating the Pope by the name of Pluto, and the bishops as asses, which seems to prove that he had read these side-notes, perhaps in the manuscript from which Flacius’s transcript was made. It is not indeed improbable that the latter obtained it from Bale himself, who was perhaps the author of the side-notes.
—— l. 11, Song on the Times.—Flacius has printed this Song in his Varia Doctorum, etc. Poemata, p. 406, with the omission of the three first stanzas, which he had previously given as a separate song at p. 159. The text now printed is made up from a comparison of the manuscript with the printed text. The variations are as follows:—L. 1, utor, Flacius.—3, deaurati belli, Fl.—9, Facies in opere, MS.—10, Tegunt partem an., Fl.—P. 15, l. 2, congruit ramum in, Fl.—3, caput mundi, Fl.—5, Trahit enim... et sec., Fl.—7, singula, Fl.—9, Romæ sunt v., Fl.—11, In hoc cons., Fl.—17, petunt quando petis, Fl.—18, seminas, eadem tu metis, Fl.—P. 16, l. 4, Munus al. pollet sing., Fl.—6, rot. placet, totum pl., Fl.—7, Et c. ita pl.... Romanis, Fl.—10, objiciat, Fl.—12, transeunt, ut bursa det g., Fl.—13, Romam avaritiæ vitet manus p., Fl.—16, At est, MS.—P. 17, l. 1, non sit, Fl.—2, Respondet, hæc tybia non est michi tanti, MS.—4, pappare, Fl.—5, nomen Gallicum, Fl.—6, Paies, paies, dist le mot, Fl.—7-10, These four lines are not found in the MS.—11, Da istis, da aliis, addas, Fl.—P. 18, l. 1, Burse, Fl.—4, Ut cum fiat vacuus, magis imp., Fl.—6, habet Pl., Fl.—In Fl. the two last tetrastichs are transposed.
P. 16, l. 6, crux placet.—The face of the coin was marked with a cross.
P. 20, l. 1, prima rabies.—The insurrection of the Barons.
—— l. 2, altera belligeras Francorum.—The expedition of Prince Louis to help the Barons, who were hard pressed by John’s foreign auxiliaries.
—— l. 3, Scottorum tertia.—l. 4, Flexit quarta Galenses.—Both the Scots and Welsh joined actively in the war, or rather took that occasion of invading the kingdom.
—— l. 6, turres.—The MS. has turmas in the text, and “vel turres” in the margin.
P. 22, l. 13.—The writer evidently intended a pun, or rather a double meaning, in the word parentis at the end of the line.
P. 23, l. 5, viri, i. e. Gualo the legate. The poem was evidently written by a strong partizan of the Pope.
—— l. 10, truces.—The MS. has traces.
—— l. 15, &c.—Louis and his party were at London, which they quitted in the November after King John’s death, in order to march towards the North. On the 6th December they took Hertford Castle, and that of Berkhampstead on the 20th, and proceeded to St. Alban’s. A truce was then agreed to, which continued till after Easter.
P. 24, l. 2, Montique Sorello.—When hostilities recommenced, the Barons of the king’s party laid siege to Mount Sorrel, in Lincolnshire, but were obliged to retreat by the approach of a part of the army of Louis under the command of the Comte de Perche.
—— l. 7, Cestrensis clipeus.—Ranulph de Blundeville, Earl of Chester, one of the most powerful Barons on the king’s party, who now commanded the army which had besieged Mount Sorrel, and which soon afterwards defeated the Comte de Perche at Lincoln.
P. 24, ll. 8, 9, 10, in the margin, opposite these three lines respectively, the original scribe has written, “S. Notingham. Trente. Nicole.” The nobilis matrona was Nichola, widow of Gerard de Camville, who defended Lincoln Castle against the French.
—— l. 11.—It may be well to point out the remarkable alliteration in this line and the following.
—— l. 14, signa.—The MS. has singna, a form not uncommon in such words.
—— l. 15, ora.—The MS. has hora.
P. 25, l. 2, Sabbatum.—Saturday, May 20, 1217. The next day was Trinity Sunday.
P. 28, l. 11, Sabinæ.—Sabina was a very common term for a modest woman in low Latin, just as Thais was for a strumpet. See on the latter word a note in the Early Mysteries and other Latin Poems, p. 131.
—— l. 12, Arabes.—Arabia, the land of gems and spices, was believed to contain inexhaustible stores of riches.
P. 33, l. 4, Refert ad focariam.—Focaria was the name given to the wives or concubines of the priests and clergy, who had been recently proscribed. It occurs again in the Apocalypsis Goliæ—
Seductam nuncii fraude præambuli,
Capit focariam, ut per cubiculi
Fortunam habeat fortunam loculi,
Et per vehiculum omen vehiculi.
I have rendered the word, according to its derivation, by fire-side woman, for it is explained in an old gloss as meretrix foco assidens. See Ducange in v. Fuller (Church Hist. p. 27, folio edit.) makes very needless difficulties on the meaning of this word, apparently for the sake of introducing some equally needless jokes. The following article in the decreta of Pope Alexander, printed in the History of Henry of Huntingdon (Scriptores post Bedam, fol. 1601), p. 589, which one would think must have passed under his eyes, left little room for doubt;—
“Ne clerici in sacris ordinibus constituti focarias habeant.
“Clerici in sacris ordinibus constituti, qui mulierculas in domibus suis sub incontinentiæ nota tenuerint, aut abjiciant eas et continenter vivant, aut beneficio et officio fiant ecclesiastico alieni.”
In the statutes of Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, MS. Cotton. Julius D. II. fol. 167, ro, we find also a chapter—
“De focariis amovendis.
“Sacerdotibus vero præcipue et spiritualiter in virtute Spiritus Sancti et sub periculo beneficii districte præcipimus quod continenter vivant et honeste, concubinas suas a domibus suis procul expellant, et nullam familiaritatem cum eis de cætero habeant, nec in propriis domibus nec in alienis, nisi volunt simul beneficiis et officiis contra hoc agendo privari,” etc.
And again, just after, we have the following title:—
“De pœna et satisfactione focariarum.
“Concubinæ sacerdotum frequenter moneantur ab archidiaconis, et præcipue a sacerdotibus in quorum parochia morantur, vel ut contrahant, vel ut claustrum ingrediantur, vel sicut publice peccaverunt publicam agant pœnetentiam.”
The word focaria is often used by Giraldus Cambrensis. Speaking of a priest on the Borders of Wales, he says, “More sacerdotum parochialium Angliæ fere cunctorum damnabili quidem et detestabili, publicam secum habebat comitem individuam et in foco focariam et in cubiculo concubinam.” (Wharton, Anglia Sacr. vol. ii. p. 525.) From this passage it is clear that the name focaria was given to them because they lived publicly with the priests in their houses, and shared their fire-sides; and from some other circumstances mentioned in Giraldus, it appears that they were in reality married to the priests, though the stricter party considered the marriage to be uncanonical.
P. 36, l. 2, Omina.—The MS. has Homina.
—— Bernard de Rovenac.—For all that is known of this poet, see the Histoire Littéraire de France, tom. xviii. p. 667.
P. 48, ll. 7-10, Regnat nunc impietas, &c. These four lines resemble very closely the first four lines of another song, in MS. Sloane, No. 1580, fol. 160, vo, which will be printed among the Poems of Walter Mapes—
Captivata largitas longe relegatur,
Exulansque probitas misere fugatur,
Dum virtuti veritas prave novercatur,
Inperat cupiditas atque principatur.
P. 49, l. 8, Wandelardus.—Perhaps a Vandal.
—— ll. 15-18. With the little information given in the song, it is difficult to ascertain who were the four brothers the writer intended to satirise. This punning way of deriving and explaining proper names was by no means uncommon during the middle ages. In a splendid Bible in three volumes folio, written in England early in the twelfth century, and now preserved in the Library of St. Geneviève at Paris, the scribe gives the following very curious account of his family. Its being previously inedited will be a sufficient excuse for inserting it here.
“Hanc Bibliothecam scripsit Mainerus scriptor Cantuariensis. Sed ne ab ignorantibus parentelam suam putaretur nothus, sive spurius, placuit ei nomen proprium suum et nomen propinquorum parentum suorum scribere et ethimo-logizare. Ipse itaque scriptor inter suos recto nomine Mainerus nominabatur, quod nomen ei desienter datum est; Mainerus enim interpretatus est, imitata in sua manu gnatus, quia peritus fuit et gnarus in arte scribendi. Pater ejus Wimundus nominabatur, quod nomen interpretatum Latine sonat hodie mundus; poterat enim de eo dici cotidie quod mundus esset, quod mundus in mundo munde vixit, ad Creatorem suum sine immunditia migravit. Nomen matris suæ dicebatur Anglice Livena, quod Latine sonat lætitia; fuit enim mulier hylaris, facie decora, moribus ornata et pudica, et semper in largiendo bona sua pro Dei amore datrix hilaris; sana et incolumis per.lxxx. annos et plus feliciter vixit. Avus suus nominabatur Ulgerus, i. ulnas gerens; fuit enim vir magnus et fortis, qui magnas habebat ulnas. Nomen aviæ suæ dicebatur Anglice Elvera, quod interpretatur Dei vidua, quæ et in bona viduitate diu vixit. Quatuor habuit fratres et unam sororem, quorum primus vocabatur Radulphus, i. ratus et adustus, i. firmus in adolescentia; fortis enim valde juvenis fuit. Secundus dicebatur Robertus, quia a re nomen habuit, spoliator enim diu fuit et prædo. Tertius nuncupabatur Giroldus, girovagus enim fuit omnibus diebus vitæ suæ. Quartus nominabatur Johannes, quod nomen interpretatum sonat Dei gratia; et iste gratiam Dei gratia Dei adeptus est; fuit enim juvenis ætate, senex moribus, virgo castitate, vita beatus. Soror ipsius dicebatur Dionisia, id est Deo nitens; nitebatur enim semper bonis operibus ad Deum venire. Animæ omnium istorum et animæ omnium fidelium defunctorum per misericordiam Dei requiescant in pace! Amen!”
P. 51. Song upon the Tailors.—It is scarcely necessary to say that the three lines which form the theme of this song, are the commencement of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Llewellin, Prince of Wales, invaded the Marches in 1263.
P. 53, l. 3, capucium.—The name capuce was given sometimes to a separate piece of apparel with which the head was covered, and at others to the upper part of the tunic of the monks which covered the head. In the present instance it must be taken in the former sense. A full account of the different senses of the word will be found in Ducange.
—— l. 6, almucium.—The aumuce was a separate article of clothing which covered both head and shoulders. One of the articles of the canons for the behaviour of the monks, given by Pope Clement V., was, “ut almutiis de panno nigro, vel pellibus, caputiorum loco, uterentur.”
—— l. 14, Tyeis.—The French and Anglo-Norman form of the Latin Teutonicus. It is the origin of the name of several old English families.
P. 57, l. 4, Cernite.—The MS. has scernite.
P. 58, l. 2, Frollo.—This personage is a famous character in the fabulous history of Arthur, and is there said to have been King of Paris under the Romans. When hard pressed by Arthur, who had conquered “all France and all Germany,” he took refuge in Paris, and was besieged there. The people in the city beginning to feel the effects of famine, persuaded Frollo to engage Arthur in single combat. The battle was said to have taken place in the “isle” (insula Parisiensis), the part of the French capital included between the two branches of the Seine, in which, at the present day, stand Nôtre-Dame and the Palais de Justice, with its beautiful Sainte-Chapelle. The story of Arthur and Frollo is told at length in Geoffrey of Monmouth.
—— ll. 10, 11, Arthurus.—King Arthur, the hero of so many romances. Broinsius. (?) Constantinus.—Constantine the Great, whose mother Helena was said to have been a British lady. Brennius: the conqueror of Rome, who, according to the British history, was a Briton.
P. 58, ll. 13, 14, Karolum—Charlemagne; Ricardum—Richard Cœur-de-Lion: both of whom were the heroes of romances and popular songs. The same two heroes of French and English fable are mentioned in a curious passage of the Polychronica of Ralph Higden: “Quemadmodum Græci suum Alexandrum, Romani suum Octavium, Angli suum Ricardum, Franci suum Karolum, sic Britones suum Arthurum præconiantur.” P. 225, in Gale’s Scriptores.
P. 59. The Song of the Barons.—The transcript of this curious fragment was communicated to me by Sir Frederick Madden. The original is written in a contemporary hand on a roll twenty-two inches long, by three broad, and was evidently intended to be carried about by the minstrel who was to sing it. On the reverse had been written a curious interlocutory poem in English of a later period, entitled, “Interludium de Clerico et Puella.” It was, in 1838, in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Richard Yerburgh, Vicar of Sleaford, in Lincolnshire.
Such rolls appear to have been in common use. A very curious vellum roll of the fifteenth century, containing chiefly religious songs with the music, and, among the rest, a copy of the well-known song on the battle of Agincourt printed by Percy, has been recently deposited in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. I am informed that another, of the thirteenth century, has been lately found among the archives of Sir John Hanmer, Bart., containing an Anglo-Norman romance previously unknown, on the adventures of Melors, son of Melians of Cornwall. Among the Sloane MSS. in the British Museum (No. 809), is an early copy of the curious poem of Walter de Biblesworth, designed for the instruction of children in the French language, written in a similar manner on a roll of parchment, evidently for the purpose of being more easily used in a school.
—— l. 1, de Warenne ly bon quens... en Norfolk.—John, Earl of Warenne, a staunch supporter of the royal party, in whose cause we shall soon afterwards find him fighting at Lewes.
—— l. 7, Sire Jon Giffard.—Sir John Giffard, of Brimsfield, in Gloucestershire, a firm adherent of the Barons. When Sir Roger de Clifford delivered Gloucester to Prince Edward, Giffard fortified his castle of Brimsfield, and greatly annoyed the royalist garrison of the former place. For an account of his exploits at this time, see Robert of Gloucester’s Chronicle, pp. 538, 539. He was on the Barons’ party at the battle of Lewes, and was taken prisoner there; but afterwards, when Simon de Montfort was in the height of his power, Giffard deserted him. See Robert of Gloucester, p. 550.
P. 60, l. 1, Sire Jon Dayvile.—Sir John Dayvile, or D’Ayvile (Robert of Gloucester calls him in one place De Eivile) does not appear very prominent in these troubles till after the death of Simon de Montfort at Evesham. He then headed those of the Barons who established themselves at Chesterford in the Peak, and afterwards was the chief of those who held the Isle of Ely against the King. Knighton calls him “homo callidus et bellator fortis.” See Knighton (in Twysden), col. 2454; Chron. Thomæ Wikes (Gale), pp. 81, 82; Robert of Gloucester, p. 564.
—— l. 7, De Cliffort ly bon Roger.—Roger de Clifford first took part with the Barons, but early in the war deserted them, and delivered Gloucester castle, which he held for them, to Prince Edward. He was with the King at Northampton.
—— l. 13, Sire Roger de Leyburne... ses pertes que Sire Edward le fist.—Sir Roger de Leyburn was at first a partizan of the Barons, and had been taken prisoner at Rochester Castle, and committed to the custody of John Mareschall. It was on this occasion, probably, that he was visited with the penalties alluded to in the song. He was afterwards seduced by the royal party, and made Warden of the Cinque Ports. He was with the King at the taking of Northampton, at the defence of Rochester, where he was wounded, and at Lewes.
P. 61, l. 16, Ly eveske de Herefort.—Peter de Egueblanche, Bishop of Hereford, a staunch adherent to the King, and, by his oppressions, exceedingly obnoxious to the Commons. In 1263, the Barons seized and imprisoned him, and confiscated his treasures. He was a native of Savoy.
P. 62, l. 1, ly pastors de Norwis.—Simon de Wanton, Bishop of Norwich, from 1257 to 1265, chaplain to King Henry III., and one of his justices.
—— l. 7, Sire Jon de Langelé.—According to the Annales de Dunstaple, the estates of G. de Langley were plundered soon after the arrest of the Bishop of Hereford:—“idem facientes de maneriis G. de Langele et ejus bonis.” Vol. i. p. 354. Perhaps this was the same person.
P. 62, l. 13, Sire Mathi de Besile.—We should perhaps read Machi; Robert of Gloucester and Stow call him Macy. He was a French knight, who had been made Sheriff of Gloucester, after the King had sworn to the articles of Oxford. The Barons ejected him, and put another sheriff in his place; Sir Macy came with a body of armed men and the authority of the King, reinstated himself by force, and drove away his rival. Sir Roger de Clifford and Sir John Giffard came against him, besieged and took Gloucester Castle, and imprisoned him along with the “Freinss bissop” of Hereford, whom they seized immediately afterwards. Robert of Gloucester mentions the confiscation of his property:—
“And Sir Jon Giffard nom to him is quic eiȝte echon,
And al that he fond of is, and nameliche at Sserton.”
The song here printed was evidently written just after this event, and previous to the subsequent desertion of Clifford and others mentioned in it.
—— l. 18, treget.—It has been suggested that this word represents the Latin treugellum, a little truce.
—— l. 19, mi Sire Jon de Gray.—John de Gray held on the King’s party, and was rewarded for his loyalty by the grant of various high offices. The circumstance alluded to in the song is thus told in the Annales de Dunstaple (Ed. Hearne, vol. i. p. 357); it occurred in the disturbances in London in 1263.—“Quo perpetrato facinore, cives Londoniarum contra ipsum et alios de consilio regis in civitate commorantes, insurrexerunt; in tantum quod hospitium Johannis de Grey extra Ludgate invaserunt, et equos ejus triginta duo et alia quæcunque ibidem inventa abduxerunt: ipso Johanne cum difficultate maxima ultra alveum de Flete fugam arripiente. Idem fecerunt de domibus et bonis Simonis Passelewe.”
—— l. 21, que must, quod movit.
P. 63, l. 4, Sire Willem le Latimer.—Sir William le Latimer was a firm adherent of the King, and held at different times several offices of trust. He suffered considerable losses in the Barons’ wars. He afterwards appears to have accompanied Prince Edward to the Holy Land, and was at the siege of Carlaverock in 1300. He died in 1305, at a very advanced age. Knighton calls him miles strenuissimus.
P. 63. Song of the Peace with England.—It has been suggested to me that the word cul in this song is only a form of col (collum); and I am told that among the titles of some fables in the same manuscript there is one of the stork “au long cul.” In this song, however, I am inclined to think such an interpretation not admissible. It is a rude burlesque not only upon the event to which it relates, but upon the English in general, and contains much coarse humour such as is not uncommonly used at the present day. The grammatical construction is, evidently by design, a complete confusion of tenses, numbers, and genders. It appears to me that not a little of the effect it was intended to produce, depended upon the coarse play upon words involved in the use of the expression above mentioned. When the reciter introduced King Henry to his auditors, and they expected he was going to sigh from his heart, instead of completing the sentence il suspire de cœur (p. 65), i. e. ille suspirat de corde, he introduces another word beginning with the same letter, and says il suspire de cul (ille suspirat de culo). That Trichart in the preceding line was intended for a pun upon Richard, we may conjecture from the rhymes in the English song on the same person’s name, p. 69. Again, at p. 66, it would naturally be expected that he would place his lance against his enemy’s cœur; the blow was to be so strong, that if his opponent did not give way, he would himself suffer in that part which was in communication with the saddle, and where, of course, the resistance was concentrated. These jokes must have been extremely diverting to the class of people for whom this song was designed.
The Song of the Peace with England had been previously printed by Mons. Achille Jubinal, well known for his numerous publications of early French literature, in a very curious volume entitled “Jongleurs et Trouvères,” 8vo. Paris, 1835. M. Jubinal also gave a translation into modern French of this song, as well as of the piece I am now going to mention, in the “Journal de l’Institut Historique,” Jan. 1835, which has been reproduced in the Histoire de Saint Louis, by the Marquis de Villeneuve-Trans, 8vo. Paris, 1839, vol. iii. p. 614. In the manuscript from which this song is printed, it is accompanied by a piece in prose on the same event, and of a similar character, entitled Le Chartre de la Pais aus Anglois, which I venture to reprint here from M. Jubinal’s book, as the latter is now out of print, and very scarce. It will be observed that the same style of gross joking which is found in the song, runs through the charter; a double meaning was evidently intended, for example, in the words qu’il fu fet.i. gros pes entre, etc., which might be taken as signifying, in this broken French, either grossa pax, or grossus peditus.
La Chartre de la Pais aus Anglois.
“Ce sache sil qui sont et qui ne sont mi, et qui ne doivent mi estre, qu’il fu fet.i. gros pes entre ce rai Hari d’Ingleter, et ce riche homme Loys à Parris, sarra forretier de ce grant forrest à Normandi. Et quant ce rai Hari d’Ingleter voudra vauchier par son terre, ce riche homme Loys à Parris voudra donier à ce rai Hari meismes.ii. poronssores à mester soz son houses, por ester plus minet; et quant ce rai Hari voudra aler de mort à vie, cestui riche homme Loys à Parris, devra donier à d’Adouart sa fils cesti chos meism, souz vise quitement, francement di-je, c’avant c’arier. C’est donques à saver.i. poronssores quant il voudra vauchier par son terre à meter soz son houses, por ester plus minet aussinc comme à sa piere. Et por ce que je véele que ce chos fout fiens en estable, je véele pendez ma saiele à ce cul par derrier, avoecques la saiele à mi barons d’Ingleter. L’an de l’incarnacion nostres sinors Jesoucriet mimes qui souffri mort à la crucefimie por nous, m. cc. lx. i. ij. et iij., à ce jodi assolier, derrière ce vendredi, à orre que Marri Masalaine chata ce honissement à honissier les.v. plais Jesoucriet nostre sinors mimes, qui souffra mort à la croucefin por nous, et Marri Mauvaise-alaine portez ce honnissement à la Saint Supoucre; et Marri Mauvaise-alaine véez l’angiel, et l’angiel pona: “Marri! Marri! quei quieré vous quei?” Et Marri pona: “Je queres Jhesum qui fout à la crucefimie.” Et l’angel pona à Marri: “Marri! Marri! aléici, aléici: il ne fout pas çi, il fout alé cestui matin à Galerrie.”
P. 64, l. 6, choison; from choir (cadere).
P. 65, l. 6, gondre Glais grondier, contra Anglos grunnire.
—— l. 9, à l’art.—Perhaps it should be alart, and is derived from the Latin alacriter.
—— l. 11, la conte à Clocestre.—Gilbert de Clare, who succeeded his father in the Earldoms of Hereford and Gloucester in 1262, and was a zealous partizan of the Barons, until he deserted Simon de Montfort before the battle of Evesham.
—— l. 15, la cont Vincestre.—Roger de Quincy, Earl of Winchester. Why his name is introduced so prominently, does not seem clear. He died in the year following (1264), and the title became extinct.
P. 67, l. 3, Rogier Bigot.—Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk.
P. 67, l. 18, Saint Amont, means, probably, St. Edmund.
P. 69. Song against the King of Almaigne.—This song was first printed in Percy’s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry.
—— l. 2, Kyn of Alemaigne.—It is hardly necessary to say that this was Richard Earl of Cornwall, the King’s brother.
—— l. 3, Thritti thousent pound.—The Barons had offered him this sum, if he would by his intermediation persuade the King to agree to a peace with them, and at the same time accept the terms they demanded.
—— l. 10, Walingford.—The honour of Wallingford had been conferred on Richard in 1243.
—— l. 12.—Windsor was the stronghold of the royal party, and had been garrisoned by foreigners.
—— l. 15, mulne.—“After the battle was lost, Richard, King of the Romans, took refuge in a windmill, which he barricadoed, and maintained for some time against the Barons, but in the evening was obliged to surrender. See a very full account of this in the Chronicle of Mailros.” Percy.
P. 70, l. 8.—The Earl of Warenne escaped from the battle, and fled into France.
—— l. 20, Sire Hue de Bigot.—Hugh Bigod escaped with the Earl of Warenne to Pevensey, and from thence to France. He was cousin to the Hugh Bigod who took part with the Barons, and was slain at Lewes.
P. 71, l. 6, lyard.—This word (in low Latin liardus) means, properly, a dapple-grey horse; but it is often used, like several other similar words, as a common name for a horse in general. I have interpreted it as meaning a hack; but probably the passage implies a sneer at Edward, who had been more than once with his army to Dover, in the hope of taking the castle from the Barons, and the word may mean simply his horse.
P. 72, l. 13.—The battle of Lewes was fought on Thursday, (?) May 14, 1264.
P. 73, l. 36, in claustro.—A great part of those of the King’s party who quitted the field, took shelter in the abbey of Lewes, where they were besieged by the Barons.
P. 74, l. 47, apud Northamptoniam.—Northampton had been taken by the King on the third of April preceding.
P. 74, l. 55, monasterium, quod Bellum vocatur.—I have not found any notice elsewhere of the contributions forced from the abbies of Battle and Robertsbridge.
P. 75, l. 1, monachi Cystercii de Ponte-Roberti.—There was an abbey of Cistertian monks at Robertsbridge, in Sussex.
—— ll. 73-77.—With these lines may be compared a passage in Knighton’s Chronicle (ap. Twysden), col. 2445:—“Et sicut Simon Machabæus surrexit pro fratre suo Juda, ut pro populo Dei et lege paterna certaret ad mortem; sic et Simon de Monteforti pro Anglia erexit se, ut pro legibus et libertatibus ejus usque ad mortis perniciem dimicaret.”
P. 76, l. 94, intumuit.—In the MS. the scribe has written intimuit in the margin, either as a various reading, or as an improvement of his own.
P. 78, l. 128, bellici.—The MS. has vellici.
P. 79, l. 145, gaudii.—The MS. has gladii in the text, with gaudii written in the margin.
P. 81, l. 193, S. divina gratia præsul Cycestrensis.—Stephen de Berkstead, Bishop of Chichester. He was excommunicated for his staunch adherence to the party of Simon de Montfort.
P. 88, l. 325, movisset.—The MS. has novisset.
—— l. 330, for proponerat, read proponeret.
P. 89, l. 252, invenire.—The MS. has inveniere.
P. 94, l. 437, Testis sit Glovernia.—Alluding to the delivery of Gloucester to Prince Edward, and his treatment of the town.
P. 102, l. 609, regis et.—The MS. has regisset.
P. 104, l. 635, Unius rex, etc.—This line appears to be very corrupt, as are one or two others in the poem.
P. 114, l. 833, Nec libertas proprie debet nominari, | quæ permittit inscie stultos dominari.—The reader will hardly fail to call to mind the similar sentiment expressed in the line of Milton—
“Licence they mean, when they cry liberty.”
P. 115, l. 858, p’rat.—The MS. has pr̄at, the meaning of which is by no means clear.
P. 116, l. 875, Veritas, lux, caritas, calor, urit zelus.—Perhaps the commas should be omitted after veritas and caritas, and the whole be translated, “Truth is light, charity is warmth, zeal burns.”
P. 117, Regis esse noveris nomen relativum.—It would be by no means uninteresting to collect the expressions of the popular doctrine concerning the kingly character held by our forefathers at different periods. Perhaps it may not be considered altogether foreign to the subject to point out here a few of them.
I.—In a MS. of the tenth century (MS. Cotton. Nero, A. I., fol. 71, ro.) we have, among some other things of a similar kind, the following sketch of the opinion of the Anglo-Saxons on this subject, said to be from the pen of Alfric:—
Cristenum cyninge ge-byreð on cristenre þeode, þæt he sy eal swa hit riht is folces frofer, ⁊ rihtwis hyrde ofer cristene heorde, ⁊ hym ge-byreð þæt he eallum mægene cristendom rære, ⁊ Godes cyrcan æghwar georne fyrðrie ⁊ friðrie, ⁊ eal cristen folc sibbie ⁊ sehte mid rihtre lage, swa he geornost mæge, ⁊ þurh ælc þing riht-wisnesse lufie, for Gode ⁊ for worolde. For þam þurh þæt he sceal sylf fyrmest ge-þeon, ⁊ his þeodscype eac swa, þe he riht lufige, for Gode ⁊ for worolde. ⁊ him ge-byreð þæt he geornlice fylste þam þe riht willan, ⁊ á hetelicest yre þam þe þryres wyllan.
He sceal mán dæde men þreagean þearle, mid woroldlicre steore; ⁊ he sceal ryperas ⁊ reaferas ⁊ worold-struderas hatian ⁊ hynan; ⁊ eallum Godes feondum styrnlice wiðstandan; ⁊ ægðer he sceal beon mid rihte ge milde ge reðe, milde þam godum, ⁊ styrne þam yfelum. Ðæt bið cyninges riht, ⁊ cynelic ge-wuna, ⁊ þæt sceal on þeode swyþost ge-fremian. La! þurh hwæt sceal Godes þeowum ⁊ Godes þearfum frið ⁊ fultum cuman, butan þurh Crist ⁊ þurh cristenne cyning? Ðurh cyninges wisdom folc wyrð ge-sælig, ge-sundful, ⁊ sigefæst, ⁊ þy sceal wis cyning Cristendom ⁊ cynedom miclian ⁊ mærsian, ⁊ á he sceal hæþendom hindrian ⁊ hyrwan.
He sceal boc-larum hlystan swyþe georne, ⁊ Godes beboda geornlice healdan, ⁊ ge-lome wið witan wisdom smeagan, gyf he gode wile rihtlice hyran. ⁊ gif hwa to þam stræt sy ahwar on þeode, þæt riht nelle healdan swa swa he scolde, ac Godes lage wyrde, oððe folc lage myrre, þonne cyþe hit man þam cynge, gif man þæt nyde scyle, ⁊ he þonne sona ræde ymbe þa bote ⁊ ge-wylde hine georne, to þam þe his þearf sy huru unþances, gif he elles ne mæge. ⁊ do swa him þearf is, clænsige his þeode, for Gode ⁊ for worolde, gif he Godes miltse ge-earnian wylle.
It behoves a Christian King in a Christian people, that he be all as it is right the people’s protector, and a just shepherd over the Christian flock, and it behoves him that he with all his might raise Christendom, and advance and protect God’s church everywhere diligently, and pacify and reconcile with just law all Christian people, as he most earnestly may, and love justice in every thing, before God and before the world. Because by that he shall profit himself in the first place, and also his people, whom let him love rightly, before God and before the world. And it behoveth him that he diligently help those who wish for justice, and ever most hatefully persecute those who wish for wrong. He shall punish men severely for evil deeds, with secular punishment; and he shall hate and put down thieves and robbers and oppressors of the world; and sternly resist all God’s enemies; and he shall be with justice both mild and severe, mild to the good and stern to the bad. This is the king’s right, and the manner of a king, and this shall be most efficient in the people. Lo! through what shall peace and help come to God’s servants and to God’s poor, except through Christ and through a Christian king? Through the king’s wisdom the people shall be happy, prosperous, and victorious, and on that account shall a wise king enlarge and increase Christianity and royalty, and ever he shall hinder and persecute heathendom. He shall listen very diligently to scholars, and diligently hold God’s commandments, and frequently search wisdom from his witans, if he will rightly hear what is good. And if any one openly be any where in the people, that will not hold justice as he should, but infringes God’s law, or obstructs the law of the people, then let people declare it to the king, if they would extinguish that violence, and there let them soon take counsel for the amends, and subdue him diligently, until that he be reduced at last by force, if he may not otherwise. And let him do as it is needful for him, purify his people, before God and before the world, if he will earn God’s mercy.
And again, a little further on (fol. 72, ro.)—
Ælc riht cynestol stent on þrim stapelum, þe fullice ariht stænt. An is Oratores, ⁊ oðer is Laboratores, ⁊ þridde is Bellatores. Oratores syndon gebedmen, þe Gode scylan þeowian, ⁊ dæges ⁊ nihtes for ealne þeodscype þingigan georne. Laboratores syndon weorc-men, þe tilian scylan þæs þe eal þeodscype big sceal libban. Bellatores syndon wig-men, þe eard scylon werian, wiglice mid wæpnum. On þyssum þrim stapelum sceal ælc cynestol standan mid rihte on Cristenre þeode. ⁊ awacie heora ænig, sona se stol scylfð; ⁊ ful berste heora ænig, þonne hryst se stol nyþer, ⁊ þæt wyrð þære þeode eal to un-þearfe.
Ac staþelige man ⁊ strangige and trymme hy georne, mid wislicre Godes lage ⁊ mid rihtlicre worold lage, þæt wyrð þam ðeodscype to langsuman ræde. ⁊ soð is þæt ic secge, awacie se Cristendom, sona scylfð se cynedom; ⁊ arære man un-laga ahwar on lande oððon únsida lufige ahwar to swyþe, þæt cymð þære þeode eal to un-þearfe. Ac do man swa hit þearf is, alecge man un-riht, ⁊ rære up Godes riht, þæt mæg to þearfe for Gode ⁊ for worolde. Amen.
Every just throne stands on three props, that stands perfectly right. One is Oratores, and the other is Laboratores, and the third is Bellatores. The Oratores are the men of prayer, who shall serve God, and by day and night intercede for the whole nation. The Laboratores are the workmen, who shall labour in order that all the nation shall live thereby. The Bellatores are the men of war (i. e. knights), who shall defend the land, valiantly with weapons. On these three props shall every throne stand with justice among Christian people. And if any of them become weakened, soon the throne wavers; and if any one of them fail entirely, then the throne falls down, and that will be the entire ruin of the people. But let man establish and strengthen and confirm them diligently, with the wise law of God and just law of the world, that will be to the nation for a lasting counsel. And it is true what I say, if Christendom be weakened, soon royalty wavers; and if people raise lawlessness everywhere in the land, or love everywhere wickedness too much, that brings the people entirely to ruin. But let people do as it is needful, let people put down injustice, and raise up God’s justice, that may bring it to prosperity before God and before the world. Amen.
II. In the curious poem of the proverbs of Alfred, composed perhaps in the twelfth century, and which is here quoted from a MS. of the earlier part of the thirteenth century (MS. Trin. Coll. Cambridge, B. 14, 39) is the following account of the duties of King and People.
¶ þus quad Alfred,
Englene frovere:
May no riche king
ben onder Crist selves,
bote þif he be booc-lerid,
⁊ he writes wel kenne,
⁊ bote he cunne letteris,
lokin himselven
wu he sule his lond
laweliche holden.
¶ þus quad Helfred:
þe herl ⁊ þe heþeling
þo ben under þe King,
þe lond to leden
mid lauelich i-dedin,
boþe þe clerc ⁊ þe cnit
demen evenliche rict.
For after þat mon souit,
als inpich sal he mouin,
⁊ everiches monnes dom
to his oge dure cherricd.
¶ þus quad Alfred:
þe cnith biovit
kerliche to cnouen
for to weriin þe lond
of here ⁊ of here-gong,
þat þe riche habbe gryt,
⁊ þe cherril be in frit,
his sedis to souin,
his medis to mowen,
his plouis to drivin,
to ure alre bi-lif.
þis is þe cnichs lage,
loke þat hit wel fare.
Thus saith Alfred,
the protector of the English:
There may no just king
be under Christ himself,
unless he be book-learned,
and he know well writings,
and unless he know letters,
to look himself
how he shall his land
hold with good laws.
Thus saith Alfred:
The Earl and the Atheling
they are under the King,
the land to lead
by example of lawful deeds,
both the clerk and the knight
to judge impartially right.
For according as a man sows,
so shall he mow,
and every man’s judgment
falls at his own door.
Thus saith Alfred:
It behoves the knight
carefully to know
how to defend the land
from army and from invasion,
that the rich may have peace,
and the churl be in tranquillity,
his seeds to sow,
his meadows to mow,
to drive his ploughs,
for the sustenance of us all.
This is the knights’ law,
see that it goes well.
III. In the middle of the thirteenth century, at the period of the Barons’ wars, we have the passage to which this forms a note.
IV. In the reign of Edward III. the writer of Piers Ploughman gives us the following description of the relative duties of the different orders of society.
Thanne kam ther a kyng,
knyȝthod hym ladde,
miȝt of the communes
made hym to regne.
And thanne cam kynde wit,
and clerkes he made,
for to counseillen the kyng,
and the commune save.
The kyng and knyȝthod,
and clergie bothe,
casten that the commune
sholde hemself fynde.
The commune contreved
of kynde wit craftes,
and for profit of al the peple
plowmen ordeyned,
to tilie and to travaille,
as trewe lif asketh.
The kyng and the commune,
and kynde wit the thridde,
shopen lawe and leauté,
ech man to knowe his owene.
Then came there a king,
knighthood led him,
the power of the commons
made him to reign.
And then came natural sense,
and he made clerks,
in order to counsel the king,
and to be a safeguard to the commons,
The king and knighthood,
and clergy along with them,
determined that the commons
should find themselves.
The commons contrived
arts by means of natural sense,
and for the profit of the people
ordained ploughmen,
to till and to labour,
as true life requires.
The king and the commons,
and natural sense the third,
created law and loyalty,
each man to know his own.
V. We may compare all these with the Alliterative Poem on the Deposition of Richard the Second, p. 23, to which, as it is one of the Publications of the Camden Society, I need do no more than refer.
P. 120, l. 947.—This line cannot be construed as it stands, and is evidently corrupt.
P. 121. William de Rishanger was a monk of St. Alban’s, and is said to have been the King’s historiographer (historiographus regius) after Matthew Paris’s death. He died in 1312. He tells us that this song was written before, and not after, the battle of Lewes; and that it was the defection of some of the Barons mentioned in the song at p. 59, which gave rise to it. It is, therefore, probably placed wrongly after the battle of Lewes.
P. 122, l. 19, O Comes Gloverniæ.—This was Gilbert de Clare, who was extremely active in the cause of the Barons, and distinguished himself at the battle of Lewes.
P. 123, l. 3.—The second line of this tetrastich seems to be lost.
—— l. 10, Comes le Bygot.—This was Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, whom the Barons made Governor of Orford in Suffolk, after the battle of Lewes.
P. 124, l. 3, nobis.—A mere error of the press for vobis.
P. 125. The Lament of Simon de Montfort.—This song was printed privately, with some other Anglo-Norman poems from the same MS., by Sir Francis Palgrave, in 1818, in a collection which is now extremely rare. It was also inserted in the second edition of Ritson’s Ancient Songs (1829), where it is accompanied with a translation in English verse by George Ellis.
—— l. 8, Tot à cheval.—The Barons were surprised at Evesham before they were joined by their foot soldiers, and when therefore they were unprepared for this decisive conflict.
P. 126, l. 4, Sire Hue le fer, ly Despencer, tresnoble justice.—Hugh Despencer, appointed justiciary of England by the Barons. He fell at Evesham.
—— l. 6, Sire Henri... fitz le cuens de Leycestre.—The eldest son of Simon de Montfort; he fell in the battle.
—— l. 7, par le cuens de Gloucestre.—After the battle of Lewes, the Earl of Gloucester, becoming jealous of Simon de Montfort’s popularity, deserted to the King, and fought against his former associates at Evesham.
—— l. 14, une heyre.—I suppose this refers to Guy de Montfort, Simon’s second son, who was taken prisoner at Evesham, but afterwards escaped and fled to the Continent.
P. 126, l. 15, les faus ribaus.—As this word, ribaldus, ribaus, ribaud, occurs frequently in our Songs, both in Latin, Anglo-Norman, and English, it may be worth while to say something about it.
It is one of those curious words of which the origin and primary signification are very doubtful. It was certainly applied to a particular class of people, and a class which seems to have been dependant on the household of the great. Giraldus Cambrensis, when telling his various troubles and persecutions (Wharton, Anglia Sacra, vol. iii. p. 575), speaks thus of the witnesses brought against him by his enemies:—“Archidiaconus (i. e. Giraldus himself) autem statim, productis testibus illis coram auditoribus ad jurandum, proposuit in singulorum personas se dicturum; in canonicos Menevenses tanquam perjuros et excommunicatos, in monachos tanquam trutannos et domorum suarum desertores, in ribaldos tanquam vilissimos et, sicut cæteri cuncti, mercede conductos.” And again, on the next page, “Et testium multitudinem de garcionibus et ribaldis partis adversæ, qui omnes jurare parati fuerant et testificare... trutannus ille vilissimus id totum faciebat; qui et ribaldos suos cunctos ad hoc probandum simul cum ipso mittebat.... Videns igitur archidiaconus ribaldos illos ad nutum dominorum suorum quidlibet probare paratos.... Sciens itaque si probatio ribaldica procederet... ribaldica multitudo, etc.” They seem to have been the lowest class of retainers, perhaps men without any certain appointment, who had no other mode of living than following the courts of the Barons, and who were employed on all kinds of disgraceful and wicked actions. One authority quoted by Ducange couples “parasitos atque ribaldos.” A story quoted from a MS. at Berne, by Sinner (Catalogus, tom. i. p. 272), shows us that a goliard belonged to the class of ribalds: now a goliard seems to have been only another name for a jongleur (joculator), or one who attended the tables of the rich to amuse the guests by jokes, buffoonery, and mountebank tricks. An ecclesiastical statute quoted in Ducange (v. Goliardus) says, “item præcipimus quod clerici non sint joculatores, goliardi, seu bufones;” and another commands, “quod clerici ribaldi, maxime vero qui dicuntur de familia goliæ, per episcopos... tondere præcipiantur.” Matthew Paris, sub an. 1229, says, “quidam famuli, vel mancipia, vel illi quos solemus goliardenses appellare, versus ridiculos componebant.” In this last passage we find them classed with the famuli, or household retainers. This class appears, at least in France, to have enjoyed certain popular rights or privileges. In a very curious charter of the year 1380, printed in Ducange, we find one Antony de Sagiac “se gerens pro ribaldo, et se dicens de ordine seu de statu goliardorum, seu buffonum,” claiming a fine of five pence upon incontinent women, and accused of trying to extract money from a woman, whom he accused wrongfully, on this account, “de talique et alio vili questu, quem sub umbra ribaldiæ, goliardiæ, seu buffoniæ ejusmodi... vivebat.” In the household of the King of France there was a rex ribaldorum, whose office was to judge disputes, &c. which might occur among the retainers of his class, and who had also a jurisdiction over the public stews. As the lives of this class of men were set at a small value by their masters, they were commonly exposed to the first brunt of battle in the wars, and the name is sometimes given to the body which is now called the forlorn hope in the attack of a town. The ribaldi who accompanied the army were also employed in plundering and destroying the country. As they were people of vile life and condition, the term ribald came gradually into use as a common appellation for a low and infamous person, and was used, as in the present instance, as an epithet of contempt and degradation.
P. 128, l. 1, pepulere.—The MS. has pepulare.
P. 130, l. 8, Plebs devicta fremit.—Alluding to the rising at Chesterfield, the occupation of the Isles of Axholme and Ely, and other insurrections.
—— l. 11, Urbs Londoniensis.—The Earl of Gloucester, dissatisfied with the King’s proceedings after the battle of Evesham, had taken up arms and established himself at London, the citizens of which joined his party readily, as they were themselves enraged against the King for having deprived them of their charter.
P. 131, l. 2, Francorum regis germanus rex Siculorum.—Prince Edward left England in July, 1270, to join the King of France, Saint Louis, in his expedition to the Holy Land. Louis was persuaded by his brother, Charles, then King of Sicily, to turn aside, in order to make war on the Bey of Tunis, from whom he claimed a tribute. Louis died at Carthage of a disease produced by the climate; and when Prince Edward and his English army arrived, they found their ally dead, and the King of Sicily, who had made advantageous terms with the Bey, ready to return home. Charles, who hastened to take possession of the throne of France, refused to proceed in the crusade, and Edward, who was obliged to go alone, went over to Sicily, and wintered at Trapani. Here, on the night of December 23, the day after their arrival, occurred the terrible storm alluded to in the Poem. Early in the spring, Edward, with his small army, proceeded on their voyage, and landed at Acre.
P. 132, l. 5, Accon respirat.—Acre was besieged by Bondocar, Sultan of Babylon, who was preparing to take the place by assault, at the moment when Edward arrived to raise the siege.
—— l. 9, Assessinus Veteris de Monte.—On the Old Man of the Mountain, and the Assassins, or Assessins, much information will be found in a popular form, in the Marquis of Villeneuve-Trans, Histoire de St. Louis.
—— l. 16.—This seems to be a new testimony against the truth of the story which makes Edward’s Queen suck the poison from his wound. A song made on the occasion would hardly have failed to mention such a circumstance, if it had been known.
—— l. 17, Thomam de Wyta.—This writer’s name is not found in Tanner.
P. 135, l. 13, comencent.—Probably an error of the scribe for comencement.
P. 136, l. 4, vironum.—The MS. has virronum. Viro is given by Ducange as synonymous with baro, and is supposed to be derived from vir.
P. 137, ll. 15, 16, sonme... prodhonme.—In old manuscripts it is quite impossible to say whether the scribe meant n or u, unless we know otherwise which it ought to be, and the n in words of the form of those just quoted may perhaps be intended for u. But I am rather inclined to think such was not the case.
P. 138, l. 34, Sympringham.—The order of Sempringham, commonly called Gilbertine canons, was founded by Sir Gilbert de Sempringham, in the first half of the twelfth century. One of its peculiarities was the establishment of monks and nuns in the same house, though their different habitations were carefully separated, and all intercourse between them strictly forbidden.
Nigellus Wireker speaks of this as a newly established order, and satirizes the near collocation of nuns and monks in a spirit similar to that of our song:—
Canonici missas tantum, reliquumque sorores
Explent; officii debita jura sui.
Corpora, non voces, murus disjungit, in unum
Psallant directe psalmitis absque metro.
And again, in describing his own order, he says, archly,—
Quid de Semplingama? quantum? vel qualia sumam?
Nescio, nam nova res me dubitare facit.
Hoc tamen ad præsens nulla ratione remittam,
Namque necem nimis fratribus esse reor;
Quod nunquam nisi clam, nullaque sciente sororum,
Cum quocunque suo fratre manere licet.
P. 139, l. 61, De Beverleye.—The monks of Beverley were Franciscans.
P. 140, l. 71, De Hospitlers.—The order of Knights Hospitalers, founded during the first crusades, was introduced into England about the year 1100. They were laymen, and, from an humble beginning, they became exceedingly rich and proud. In the Patent Rolls (45 Edw. III.) we find that the King “constituit Ricardum de Everton visitatorem Hospitalis S. Joannis Jerusalem in Anglia ad reprimendam religiosorum insolentiam, et ad observandam religiosorum honestatem.” See Ellis’s Dugdale, vol. vi. p. 786.
—— l. 79, De Chanoynes.—The regular canons were a less strict order than the other monks in general, and followed the rule of St. Augustine. One of the rules of their order was expressed simply thus—“Carnem vestram domate jejuniis et abstinentia escæ quantum valetudo permittit.” They appear to have been particularly enjoined frequent abstinence from flesh. However, at the time when this song was written, they seem not to have observed their rule in this respect very strictly. Rutebeuf says of them (Jubinal’s Rutebeuf, vol. i. p. 239)—
En l’ordre des canoines qu’on dist Saint-Augustin,
Ils vivent à plenté, sans noise et sans hustin.
Je lo que leur soviègne au soir et au matin
Que la chars bien nourie porte à l’âme venin.
P. 141, l. 95, de Moyne Neirs.—The Black Monks were the Benedictines.
P. 142, l. 115, Des Chanoygnes Seculers.—The luxury of the secular canons is often alluded to by the early satirists. Nigellus Wireker says of them—
Illud præcipue tamen instituere, tenendum
Omnibus in tota posteritate sua,
Lex vetus ut suasit, ne quilibet absque sua sit,
Et quod quisque suas possit habere duas.
Hi sunt qui mundum cum flore cadente tenentes,
Ne sic marcescat, sæpe rigare student.
Hi sunt qui faciunt quidquid petulantia carnis
Imperat, ut vitiis sit via prona suis.
Rutebeuf (ed. Jubinal, vol. i. p. 239) says that there were many of them—
——qui ont grant signorie,
Qui poi font por amis et assés por amie.
P. 143, l. 133, Gris Moignes.—Perhaps the Cistercians. In a poem on the Grey Monks, De Grisis Monachis (MS. Cotton. Vespas. A. XIX. fol. 56, ro), which will be found among the works of Walter Mapes, they are ridiculed for the same arrangement of clothing,—
Carent femoralibus partes turpiores,
Veneris ut usibus sint paratiores,
Castitatis legibus absolutiores;
In cunctis hominibus nulli sunt pejores.
The Albi Monachi are similarly satirized by Nigellus Wireker for going without breeches. The Friars de Sacco wore no breeches under their robes.
P. 144, l. 154, l’Ordre de Cilence.—Perhaps the Carthusian monks, a branch of the Benedictines, whose order, which was peculiarly strict, was introduced into England by Henry II. They were enjoined to live in separate cells, and to keep very strict silence, and have little communication with each other.
—— l. 169, Les Frere Menours.—The Friars Minors were better known as Franciscans, and in France as the Cordeliers. Their order enjoined, above all things, poverty and humility. They were not to ride when travelling, unless some manifest necessity or infirmity obliged them. See Dugdale, vi. 1505.
P. 145, l. 188.—The MS. has en autre, which seems to be a mere error for ne autre.
P. 146, l. 194, des Prechours.—The preaching friars were the Dominicans, called, in France, Jacobins. This order was introduced into England in 1221. Rutebeuf says that instead of adhering to their primitive humility and poverty, the Jacobins became the richest and most overbearing of all the orders. Jubinal, vol. i. pp. 152, 175-179.
P. 148, l. 240, devyns seems to be a mere variation of devys, thus spelt in order to accommodate the rhyme.
P. 149. Song of the Husbandman.—This Song is in many parts extremely difficult to translate, from the numerous words in it which do not occur elsewhere, as well as from the abruptness of the phraseology. The same may be said of one or two other songs printed from the same manuscript.
P. 154, l. 14, halymotes.—This word means literally holy meetings. It is translated sabbath, in the supposition that there is some allusion to the popular notion of the festive meetings of the devils and the witches.
P. 160. Song on the Scottish Wars.—The copy of this Song preserved among the manuscripts of Clare Hall was first pointed out by Mr. Hunter, in the Appendix to the last Report of the Record Commission. I have obtained a copy of part of it by the kindness of Mr. Halliwell, who was unable from different circumstances to continue his transcript beyond the 72nd line. The Oxford MS. I only know through Mr. Halliwell’s description of it: to judge by the articles contained in this MS., I should be inclined to think they were mostly copied from the Cottonian MS. Titus A. XX. In the Cottonian MS., Claudius D. VI. this poem bears the title “Commendatio Gentis Anglorum et processus guerræ inter Anglos et Scotos.” In the Clare Hall MS. the Song is attributed to the “Prior de Blithe.” The Prior of Blythe, in Nottinghamshire, at this time, was William Burdon. See Ellis’s Dugdale, iv. 621. The MS. in the Sloane Library seems to be a transcript from a monastic register, perhaps of Alnwick, in Northumberland, for the reference in the margin is, “Regist. Prem. fol. 59, a.” It is there attributed to the Prior of Alnwick. The original title seems to have been “Rithmus bonus de bello Scotiæ ad Dunbarre;” which the transcriber had first copied, and then, after erasing it, substituted the following, “Prioris Alnwicensis de Bello Scotico apud Dunbarr, tempore regis Edwardi I., dictamen sive rithmus Latinus; quo de Willielmo Wallace, Scotico illo Robin Whood, plura, sed invidiose, canit.” Ritson, in his preface to Robin Hood, was misled by this latter title, and cites it as a proof that this hero was popular in the thirteenth century. In MS. Cotton. Titus A. XX. a hand of the sixteenth century ascribes this poem to Robert Baston.
It will already have been observed by the reader, that, in verse of this kind, the fourth line of each tetrastich is an hexameter (sometimes a pentameter), taken from some poet then popular, and often from a classic writer. In the MS. from which the Sloane transcript was made, the authorities for the hexameters, in the present Song, were indicated in the margin. They are as follows:—ll. 4, Morus.—8, Cato.—†8, Cato.—†12, Poetria.—†16, Oracius.—12, Cato.—16, Doctrinale.—20, Doctrinale.—24, De proprio.—28, Doctrinale.—32, Cartul.—36, Urbanus.—40, Doctrinale.—44, Morus.—48, Theodorus.—52, De proprio.—56, Vulgat.—60, Pu....—64, Vulgat.—68, Buliardus.—72, Oracius.—76, Oracius.—80, Oracius.—84, Cato.—88, Ovidius.—92, Doctrinale.—96, Cato.—100, Cato.—104, Ovidius.—108, Cato.—112, Cato.—116, Cato. (?)—120, Cato.—124, Cato.—128, Cato.—132, Doctrinale.—136, Cato.—140, Cato.—144, Poeta.—148, Poeta.—152, Orasius.—156, Virgilius.—160, Statius.—†164, Oratius.—†168, Teodorus.—164, Omerus.—168, Ovid. Omer.—172, Cartul.—176, Veritas evangelica.—180, De proprio.—184, Ovidius.—188, Vulgat.—192, Doctrinale.—196, Vulgat.—200, Doctrinale.—204, Idem.—208, Oracius.—212, De Vulg.—216, Doctrinale.—220, Amianus.
In the above list of names, Poetria refers to the celebrated work of Galfridus de Vinesauf. Poeta seems to be a mere error of the scribe for Poetria. Doctrinale is here only another name for the Parabolæ of Alanus de Insulis. Cato refers to the well-known Disticha. De proprio means that the verse is of the author’s own making.
P. 164, l. 44, Joannis, John Baliol.—In the Cottonian MS. Claudius D. VI. the following lines are here inserted, which evidently do not belong to the poem:
“Exprobratio Scotorum.
Caude causantur, regnarunt, apocapantur;
Privantur caude, fas fandi, Scotia, plaude.
Responsio Anglorum.
Scotia scotabit strebæ, Scotus vix latitabit;
Anglia, jam pange, fas fandi, Scotia, plange.”
P. 168, l. 102, Johannem Warenniæ.—This was the same John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, who, staunch to the party of Henry III., had escaped from the battle of Lewes. He commanded the English army at the battle of Dunbar, was afterwards made Governor or Guardian of Scotland, and was again at the head of the English forces when they were defeated at Stirling.
P. 169, l. 1, Quod Trentam non transient.—The King had carried with him to London the Scottish knights whom he most suspected, and, before he went to Flanders, he exacted from them solemn oaths that during his absence they would not repass the Trent without his permission.
P. 170, l. 138, ad Strivelyne.—The battle of Stirling was fought on Thursday the 11th of September, 1297.
P. 171, l. 141, comes dux Anglorum.—The Earl of Surrey (Warenne).
—— l. 147, Levenax et Ricardus Lundi.—For an account of this reverse, and the part which the Earl of Levenax (Lennox) and Richard Lundi acted, see Knighton, in Twisden, coll. 2516, et seq.
P. 172, l. 163.—This line is evidently corrupt; but, as it is only found in one MS., I have no means of correcting it.
P. 173, l. 163, Cremare Northumbriam.—The invasion of Northumberland and the burning of Hexham and Corbridge are told by Matthew of Westminster, p. 427. See also Peter Langtoft, in the present volume, p. 287; and Knighton, coll. 2520, et seq. None of them mention the damages done at Alnwick.
—— l. 167, Vesey, Morley, Somervile, Bertram.—The poet seems to refer to members of those families who had distinguished themselves in opposing the inroads of the Scots at different periods, but who were dead at the time of this invasion.
P. 174, l. 186, Willelmo datum est militare pignus.—On his return from the expedition into England, Wallace was solemnly installed Guardian of Scotland.
P. 176, l. 205, die Magdalenæ.—The battle of Falkirk, so fatal to the Scots, was fought on St. Mary Magdalen’s day, the 22nd of July, 1298.
—— l. 211, trutannus.—This word is the origin of the modern word truant. Its primary meaning has not been accurately ascertained, but it seems to have been most generally used for a person who wandered about, and gained his living by false pretences, or passed himself under a different character to that which really belonged to him. It is applied sometimes to abbots or priors who lived abroad and neglected their monasteries, or to monks who had quitted their houses, as in the passage of Giraldus, quoted at p. 369.
P. 178, l. 234, Margaretam reginam.—Edward married, in second nuptials, Margaret, sister of the King of France.
—— l. 243, Comyn, Karryk, Umfraville.—Three of the most active leaders of the Scots in their opposition to Edward. The Earl of Karrik was Robert Bruce. Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, had been one of Edward’s Commissioners for manning and fortifying the castles in Scotland.
P. 183, l. 11, collectio lanarum.—The oppressive duty upon wool, which was the staple of English commerce at that period, was severely felt and complained of. In 1296, the King seized all the wool in the merchants’ warehouses, and sold it for his own profit, paying for it, as usual, with tallies, and promises to repay them to the full. “Ministri regis omnes saccos lanæ, quinarium numerum excedentes, datis talliis, acceperunt ad opus regis, et ab unoquoque sacco, numerum quinarium non excedente, ab ipsis eorum dominis, nomine malæ totæ, xl. solidos extorserunt.” Hemingford, p. 110.
P. 186, l. 11, de fust manger (de fusto manducare).—In low Latin, fustum was a generic name for everything made of wood. It need hardly be said that it means here the plates and other utensils of the table, which among the lower classes were generally of this material. It would be more reasonable, says the writer of the song, if the court would eat out of wooden vessels, and pay for their provisions with silver, than to live sumptuously with plate, and only pay their victuals with wooden tallies.
—— l. 13, Est vitii signum pro victu solvere lignum.—The King’s purveyors were a great grievance to the peasantry. In the curious poem of “King Edward and the Shepherd” (printed by Hartshorne from a MS. in the University Library, Cambridge), the latter personage is made to say:—
“In Wynsour was I borne;
Hit is a myle but here beforne,
The town then maist thou see.
I am so pyled with the Kyng,
That I most fle fro my wonyng,
And therefore woo is me.
I hade catell, now have I non;
Thay take my bestis, and don thaim slon,
And payen but a stick of tre.”
And when the King, in disguise, promises to obtain redress, the Shepherd proceeds—
“Sir,” he seid, “be seynt Edmonde,
Ther is owand.iiii. pounde
And odd twa schillyng.
A stikke I have to my witnesse,
Off hasill I mene that hit is,
I ne have non other thyng.
* * * *
Thei do but gode, the kynges men,
Thei ar worse then sich ten
That bene with hym no dell.
Thei goo aboute be.viij. or nyne,
And done the husbondes mycull pyne,
That carfull is their mele.
Thei take geese, capons, and henne,
And alle that ever thei may with renne,
And reves us our catell.
Sum of them was bonde sore,
And afturwarde honget therfore,
For soth as I you say.
Ȝet ar ther of them nyne moo;
For at my hows thei were also,
Certis, ȝisturday.
Thei toke my hennes and my geese,
And my schepe with all the fleese,
And ladde them forth away.
Be my doȝtur thei lay al nyȝt.
To come agayne thei have me hyȝt;
Of helpe I wolde yow pray.
With me thei lefte alle their thyng,
That I am sicur of theire comyng,
And that me rewes sore.
I have fayre chamburs thre;
But non of them may be with me
While that thei be thore.
Into my cart-hows thei me dryfe;
Out at the dur thei put my wyfe,
For she is olde gray-hare.”
P. 187. Song on the Flemish Insurrection.—This Song was printed by Ritson, in his Ancient Songs.
P. 188, l. 16, Peter Conyng.—Peter Coning (in English, Peter King,) was a weaver of Bruges. A brief account of this insurrection is given in Matthew of Westminster, p. 444. See, for a more complete narrative, Michelet’s Histoire de France, vol. iii. p. 76.
P. 189, l. 8, avowerie.—This is the low Latin advocaria. See Ducange, in voce.
—— l. 11, hou.—The MS. has hout.
P. 189, l. 17, to clynken huere basyns of bras.—This circumstance occurred on the 21st March, 1302, at the beginning of the insurrection. In the towns of Flanders, as in the boroughs in England, the people were called up in an insurrection by the sound of the church bell. There was a famous distich on the bell of Roland, at Bruges—
Roelandt, Roelandt, als ick kleppe dan ist brandt,
Als ick luye, dan ist storm in Vlaenderlandt.
On the present occasion, the people dared not go to their bell, on account of their French governors, so they beat their brass basins:—cumque ad campanam civitatis non auderent accedere, pelves suas pulsantes... omnem multitudinem concitarent. Meyer, Annal. in a. 1301, p. 90.
P. 191, l. 9, Conyng.—This word, in English, meant a rabbit, and is here made the subject of a pun. In Flemish, it signified king.
P. 193, ll. 17, 18, Awey thou ȝunge pope!... Thou hast lore thin cardinals.—P. 194, l. 2, Do the forth to Rome.—An allusion to the dissensions between the Pope and the family of the Colonnas.—“Illis etiam diebus, dominus papa, fidei et orationum quæ erant beati Petri oblitus, assumens quæ non erant ejus, tam aurum videlicet a viduis et orphanis quam argentum, non viduis et orphanis, sed militibus bellicosis illud erogare curavit, contra schema quorundam cardinalium, eos denique degradando, et contra regem Siciliæ guerram movendo. Sed dicti regis exercitus de galeatis turmis domini papæ multa millia viriliter necaverunt.” Matthew of Westminster, p. 432. This was the famous Pope Boniface VIII., who suffered so much from the persecutions of the King of France.
—— l. 7, fot lome, probably means foot-lame, lame of foot. It occurs again in p. 335 of the present volume.
P. 195. A Song on the Times.—The MS. from which this song is taken, MS. Harl. No. 913, was written in Ireland, about the year 1308, by an English monk. For a detailed description of it, see Mr. Crofton Croker’s Popular Songs of Ireland.
P. 196, l. 19, hoblurs.—The name hoblurs (hobellarii) was given properly to a kind of light-armed soldiers.
P. 198, l. 14, geet.—This word should probably be translated goats, rather than kids.
P. 199, l. 7, anone.—In the MS. this word is explained by the original scribe in the margin as “at one time.”
P. 206. Song against the Scholastic Studies.—In the Cottonian MS. from which this song is taken, a hand of the 16th century has written in the margin that it was the work of Robert Baston.
The Oxford MS. was pointed out to me by Mr. Halliwell, but I have not been able to obtain a collation.
P. 207, l. 2, propere.—The MS. has p̃p̃e, the meaning of which is not clear.
—— l. 10, Sicut servus Stichus.—This name was given to a servant in the Roman comic writers. It is introduced here for the sake of rhyme.
P. 208, l. 2, nullus.—The MS. has unus.
—— l. 10, Thebanas... vel Trojanas cædes.—Referring to the Thebaid of Statius, and the poem De bello Trojano of Joseph of Exeter, both of them at that period popular reading books.
—— l. 16, Telluris.—The MS. has Celurus.
P. 209, l. 4, agro... positis.—The MS. has ager and positus.
P. 212. Song on the Execution of Sir Simon Fraser.—This song was printed by Ritson, in his Ancient Songs.
P. 213, l. 6, The Waleis.—Wallace was taken prisoner at the second battle of Dunbar, in 1305, and was executed at London on the Eve of St. Bartholomew, (Aug. 24) 1306. The places to which his quarters were sent were Newcastle, Berwick, Perth, and Aberdeen.
—— l. 10, Simond Frysel.—This was the original form of the name of Fraser, and is the way in which it is spelt in all the English documents.
P. 215, l. 14, kyng of somere.—Matthew of Westminster gives a popular story, that Bruce’s queen had told him in derision, he was but a summer king, and that his kingdom would scarcely last in the winter. See Holinshed, p. 314.
P. 215, l. 9, Sire Edward of Carnarvon.—The Prince of Wales.
P. 216, l. 10, Sir Emer de Valence.—Aylmer de Valence, second Earl of Pembroke, a Baron who was frequently occupied in the Scottish wars, and who was appointed by Edward to be one of the guardians of his son, Edward II.
—— l. 19, the batayle of Kyrkenclyff.—Fought, according to Holinshed, on the next Sunday after Midsummer day, 1306.
—— l. 15, Sire Thomas of Multone.—Thomas de Multon, of Egremond, in Cumberland. He was active in the Scottish wars of this reign.
P. 218, l. 17, Sire Herbert of Morham.—Apparently a mere error of the scribe for Norham. Matthew of Westminster relates the same anecdote.
P. 219, l. 13, oure Levedy even.—The seventh of September, 1306.
—— l. 16, Sire Rauf of Sondwyche.—Ralph de Sandwich was constable of the Tower of London (constabularius turris London).
P. 221, l. 7, a curtel of burel.—Burellus, in low Latin, bureau or burel in old French, was a kind of coarse and common cloth.
P. 222, l. 9, tu-brugge.—Perhaps this word means a drawbridge. It occurs again in Robert of Gloucester, p. 543:—
“And the castel brugge out of the med he barnde fram then ende
To the tu-brugge along, vor me ne ssolde out wende.”
Which means probably that he burnt all that part of the bridge on the meadow side up to the place where its communication with the rest was cut off by the raising of the drawbridge.
P. 223, l. 6, Erl of Asseles.—John de Strathbogie, Earl of Athol. He also was captured and executed.
—— l. 18, Tprot, Scot, for thi strif!—The word tprot appears to be a mere exclamation of contempt. In a poem on “The Propertees of the Shyres of Engelond,” printed by Hearne in the Introduction to the fifth volume of Leland’s Itinerary, we find it used, as here, against the Scots:—
“Northumbrelond hasty and hoot;
Westmerlond tprut Scotte!”
It will be found similarly used in a passage quoted in a note further on (p. 391). In Sir Thomas de la More’s Chronicle, it is applied to King Edward II.:—“Tprut! Sire King!” It seems to be taken from the French: in Jean Bodel’s Jeu de S. Nicolas (Théatre Français au Moyen-Age, edited by MM. Monmerqué and Michel) it is put in the mouths of the common gamblers in a public-house:—
“Tproupt! tproupt! bevons hardiement;
Ne faisons si le coc emplat.”—(p. 183.)
And again, immediately after (p. 184):—
“Tproupt! tproupt! où que soit passé, Diex!”
P. 223, l. 21, with the longe shonkes.—King Edward, still known popularly as Edward Long-shanks.
P. 224. Song on the Venality of the Judges.—After this song was printed, I found another copy of it in MS. Reg. 12, c. XII. fol. 1, vo. of reign of Edw. II., written likewise as prose, which presents the following variations:—P. 224, ll. 1, 2, esuriunt | Et faciunt justitiam | et od.—7, exhennia.—9, this line is omitted, and the following begins Sed quæ.—11, et aure non.—13, Sed modo miro more.—15, ad peric.—17, ambiant.—P. 225, l. 1, hæc.—7, nam is omitted.—8, Qui sensum.—9, ei pure.—14, Quid ergo Jhesu bone.—P. 226, l. 1, accedit.—2, secretius.—7, potest.—ll. 12-18 are placed after l. 10 in the next page.—14, dona.—15, et hoc pro l.—17, quamvis prius.—19, Si quædam pulcra nobilis | decora vel am.—P. 227, l. 2, hoc.—12, ut exprimant.—13, vocantur.—14, priores.—18, Sed quid.—P. 228, l. 1, quid laboras.—2, quid facis.—8, ibis Omere, foras.—9, De vinctibus.—11, enumerare.—19, Est salsum totum. This MS. ends with this verse.
—— l. 7, encennia.—This word answers as nearly as may be to the modern word jewels. The other MS., of which the variations are given above, reads exennia, i. e. treasures.
P. 225, l. 17, cedunt.—In the MS. the scribe has written over this word “i. re,” that is, “i. e. recedunt.”
P. 226, l. 21, cum capite cornuto.—The head dress of the ladies of rank and fashion at this period was arranged in the form of two horns.
P. 227, l. 13, relatores, “qui querelam ad judices referunt.” Ducange.
P. 229, l. 13, transmittantur.—The MS. has transmutantur.
P. 229, l. 18, averia.—The term averium is commonly used to signify all kinds of moveable property; but more particularly to signify cattle and horses.
P. 230, l. 1, clericos.—The scribe has written above this word, in the MS. “i. pauperes.”
P. 231. The Outlaw’s Song of Trailebaston.—This song also was printed by Sir Francis Palgrave in the collection mentioned in a former note. The notion that the judges were called Trailebastons on account of the hastiness of their proceedings, is quite incorrect. The term was applied not to the judges, but to the persons judged, who received this name because they carried with them long staffs. An account of the origin of the Trailebastons will be found in the extract of Peter Langtoft, at p. 318 of the present volume. The proceedings against them led to many abuses, and were often made the means of gratifying personal revenge. The statute against the Trailebastons was continued in force through the reigns of Edward II. and Edward III.
P. 232, l. 1, souz.—In old French and Anglo-Norman, the word sous was not used in its present sense, but represented the Latin solidos.
—— l. 7, le bois de Belregard.—Perhaps a fictitious name, invented by the poet.
P. 233, l. 3, ly Martyn... ly Knoville.—l. 5, Spigurnel... Belflour.—By the following commission, given in Rymer, we find that these Barons were the commissioners appointed to judge the Trailebastons in the western counties of England. There can be little doubt that Belflour in the song is meant for the name which in the commission is Bellafagus. This document is curious, both for the light it throws on the subject, and for the circumstance that it fixes the period at which the song was written; it bears date at Westminster, April 6, 1305.
“De transgressionibus nominatis Trailbaston audiendis et terminandis per totum regnum.—Rex delectis et fidelibus suis, Wilielmo Martyn, Henrico Spigurnell, Wilielmo de Knovill, Rogero de Bellafago, et Thomæ de la Hyde, salutem.—Quia quamplures malefactores, et pacis nostræ perturbatores, homicidia, deprædationes, incendia, et alia dampna quamplurima nocte dieque perpetrantes, vagantur et discurrunt in boscis, in parcis, et aliis locis diversis, tam infra libertates quam extra, in comitatibus Cornubiæ, Devoniæ, Sumersetiæ, Dorsetiæ, Herefordiæ, Wygorniæ, Salopiæ, Staffordiæ, Wiltes’, et Suthamptoniæ, et ibidem receptantur, in maximum periculum tam hominum per partes illas transeuntium, quam ibidem morantium, et nostri contemptum, ac pacis nostræ læsionem manifestam, ut accepimus: Per quorum incursus poterunt pejora prioribus de facili evenire, nisi remedium super hoc citius apponatur: Nos, eorum malitiæ in hac parte obviare, et hujusmodi dampnis et periculis præcavere volentes, assignavimus vos justiciarios nostros: Ad inquirendum, per sacramentum tam militum quam aliorum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatibus prædictis, tam infra libertates quam extra, per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit, qui sunt illi malefactores, et eorum scienter receptatores, et eis consentientes, vim et auxilium præbentes, seu dictas transgressiones fieri procurantes et præcipientes: Et etiam ad inquirendum de illis, qui pro muneribus suis pactum fecerunt et faciunt cum malefactoribus, et pacis nostræ perturbatoribus, et eos conduxerunt et conducunt ad verberandum, vulnerandum, male tractantandum et interficiendum plures de regno nostro, in feriis, mercatis, et aliis locis, in dictis comitatibus, pro inimicitia, invidia, malitia, et etiam pro eo quod in assisis, juratis, recognitionibus, et inquisitionibus factis de feloniis, positi fuerunt, et veritatem dixerunt: unde per conductionem hujusmodi malefactorum, juratores assisarum, juratorum recognitionum, et inquisitionum illarum, præ timore dictorum malefactorum et horum minarum, sæpius veritatem dicere seu dictos malefactores indictare minime aussi fuerunt, et sunt: Et etiam ad inquirendum de illis qui hujusmodi munera dederunt et dant: et quantum et quibus: et qui hujusmodi munera receperunt et recipiunt: et a quibus, et qualiter, et quo modo: et qui hujusmodi malefactores in sua malitia fovent, nutriunt, et manutenent in comitatibus prædictis: Et etiam de illis, qui, ratione potestatis et dominii sui, aliquos in eorum protectionem et advocationem pro suo dando susceperunt, et adhuc suscipiunt: Et de illis qui pecuniam ab aliquo, per graves minas ei factas, malitiose extorserunt: Et ad felonias et transgressiones illas audiendas et terminandas secundum legem et consuetudinem regni nostri, et juxta formam ordinationis per nos et consilium nostrum super hoc factæ, et vobis in parliamento nostro liberatæ: Et etiam ad omnes felonias et transgressiones, de quibus inquisitiones coram dilectis et fidelibus nostris, Henrico de Cobeham, Thoma Paynel, Hugone de Sancto Philiberto, et Johanne Randolf, in prædictis comitatibus Wiltes’ et Suthamtoniæ factæ sunt, et per vos, si necesse fuerit, faciendæ, audiendas et terminandas in forma prædicta:” etc.
P. 235, l. 6, escolage, answers probably to a low Latin word excollectionem.
P. 237. A Song against the Retinues of the Great People.—Half of this song is written in the original in short lines, and the other half in long lines, to suit the convenience of the MS. It contains numerous popular words and phrases, the meaning of which it is now very difficult to ascertain.
P. 242, l. 9, Le rei de Fraunce.—Edward seems to have long cherished the design of embarking in a new crusade, which had been strongly advocated by the Pope, but he had been hindered by his continued wars and embarrassments, which the writer of the song attributes to the intrigues of the King of France.
P. 243, l. 13, A Peiters à l’Apostoile.—Pope Clement the Fifth, who was constantly in hostilities with his Italian subjects, and little more than a dependent on France, resided a great part of his pontificate at Poitiers.
P. 245, ll. 5, 6, Si Aristotle... e Virgile.—Aristotle and Virgil were names in great repute in the popular literature of the middle ages, and were the subject of much legend and romance.
P. 246. Elegy on the Death of Edward I.—This song had been already printed in Percy’s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry.
P. 253. On the King’s Breaking his Confirmation of Magna Charta.—This curious poem is reprinted from an interesting little volume of early poetry, edited and printed privately by David Laing, Esq. and W. B. D. D. Turnbull, Esq. under the title of “Owain Miles, and other Inedited Fragments of Ancient English Poetry.” 8vo. Edinburgh, 1837.
—— l. 7, the feire.—Probably the fair of St. Bartholomew.
P. 254, l. 5, Of.iiij. wise-men.—This was a very popular story, and found its way into the celebrated Gesta Romanorum. It also occurs frequently in a separate and different form in manuscripts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The sentences of the wise men were popular sayings independent of the tale, and are sometimes found separately. They varied at different periods, both as they are found separately, and as they are given in the different recensions of the story. It would be a curious and interesting work to collect together such popular political proverbs in chronological order. I have met with this story in a MS. in the British Museum contemporary with the present song, in which, if I remember right, both the sayings and the explanations of them are given in full both in English and Latin, but I have unfortunately mislaid my reference to it. The following is taken from MS. Reg. 5 A. VI. fol. 83 ro, of the end of the 14th or beginning of the 15th cent. A more modern copy, with rather larger commentary, will be found in MS. Harl. No. 206, fol. 38, vo.
“Legitur quendam Regem quondam fuisse qui habuit 4or Philosophos in regno suo. In quo regno multæ plagæ, multa infortunia, et multi defectus fiebant in populis. Rex autem videns se ipsum nullo peccato mortali vulneratum, mirabatur valde, et diligenter inquirebat a prædictis 4or Philosophis qua de causa hæc infortunia magis agebantur in populis in tempore suo quam in tempore prædecessorum suorum.
“Primus Philosophus dixit, Miȝt is riȝt; Unde illud Ysaiæ, 69, Conversum est retrorsum judicium, et justitia longe stetit; corruit in platea veritas, et æquitas non potuit ingredi. Liȝt is nyȝt; unde Ewang., Væ homini illi per quem scandalum venit! Per eum scandalum venit qui alios malo exemplo corrumpit. Dominus in Levetico dixit: Time, inquit, Dominum Deum tuum, ut vivere possit frater tuus apud te; hoc est, ut sic vivas quod frater tuus per tuum exemplum vitam possit habere non mortem. Fiȝt is fliȝt; unde Augustinus: Bene agere et illicita non prohibere consensus erroris est. Gregorius: Facientis proculdubio culpam habet qui quod potest corrigere negligit emendare.
“Secundus Philosophus dixit, One is too; unde Ewang.: Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur. Ambrosius: Sicut sine via nullus pervenit quo tendit, sic sine caritate, quæ dicta est via, non ambulare possunt homines, sed errare. Frend is foo; hoc potest intelligi quando homines et præcipue potentes veram pacem vel justitiam aut Dei ecclesiam strangulant, quibus principaliter propter Deum militare deberent. Weele is woo; Gregorius: Qui bona mundi diligit, velit nolit timori et dolori bene succumbit. Seneca: Avarus nisi dum moritur nichil bene facit.
“Tertius Philosophus dixit, Lust has leve; unde Paulus: Si secundum carnem vixeritis, moriemini. Jeronimus: Qui post carnem ambulant, in ventrem et libidinem proni, quasi irrationalia jumenta reputantur. Thef is refe; unde Jeremias: Væ qui ædificant domum suam non in justitia! Robertus Lincolniensis: Væ illis qui dicunt, faciamus mala, ut veniant bona, quorum damnatio justa est! Pride has slef; unde in Ps.: Irritaverunt eum in adinventionibus suis, et multiplicata est in eis ruina. David autem dixit: Non habitabit in medio domus meæ qui facit superbiam.
“Quartus Philosophus dixit, Wille is red; unde per Psalmistam dicitur: Noluit intelligere ut bene aget. Prover. 12: Via stulti recta in oculis ejus; qui autem sapiens est audit consilium. Wytte is qued; unde P.: Erit enim tempus cum sanam doctrinam non sustinebunt. Augus.: Juventuti malorum hominum venenum est quidquid virtus præcipit, esca vero quidquid diabolus suggerit. Good is ded; unde in psalmo: Universa vanitas omnis homo vivens, i. vivens secundum hominem, non secundum Deum. Augus.: Sicut mors corporalis separat animum a corpore, ita peccatum mortale animam a vera vita, quæ est Deus.”
In the following, which is taken from the common printed Gesta Romanorum, cap. 144, the English is translated.
“Fertur de quodam Rege cujus regnum in tam subitam devenit mutationem, quod bonum in malum, verum in falsum, forte in debile, justum in injustum est mutatum. Quam mutationem Rex admirans, a quattuor Philosophis sapientissimis causam hujus quæsivit; qui, inquam, Philosophi post sanam deliberationem ad quattuor portas civitates pergentes quilibet eorum tres causas ibi scripsit. Primus scripsit, Potentia est justitia, ideo terra sine lege; dies est nox, ideo terra sine via; fuga est in pugna, ideo regnum sine honore. Secundus scripsit, Unum est duo, ideo regnum sine veritate; amicus est inimicus, ideo regnum sine fidelitate; malum est bonum, ideo terra sine pietate. Tertius scripsit, Ratio habet licentiam, ideo regnum sine nomine; fur est præpositus, ideo regnum sine pecunia; corabola vult esse aquila, ideo nulla discretio in patria. Quartus scripsit, Voluntas est consiliarius, ideo terra male disponitur; denarius dat sententiam, ideo terra male regitur; Deus est mortuus, ideo totum regnum peccatoribus est repletum.”
In the moralisation, these sentences are applied to the time in which it was written. In the English Gesta Romanorum (edited by Sir Frederick Madden for the Roxburghe Club in 1838, and which it is to be regretted is not published in a popular form), p. 397, we have the following version of the story.
“This is redde in the Cronycles of Rome, that in the tyme of Antynyane the Emperour, in the citie of Rome befille a grete pestilence of men and bestes, and grete hungre in alle the empire. The comons risene agayne her lordes, and agayne her Emperour. The Emperour desirede to wete the cause of the tribulacions and diseases, and disposede hym for to putte a remedie agayne the foresaide disease. He callede to hym.iiij. wise Philisophers, for to shew hym the cause of the grete vengeaunce; of the whiche Philisophers the first saide thus, ‘Gifte is domesman, and Gile is chapman; the grete holde no lawe, and servauntes have none awe.’ The seconde saide, ‘Witte is turnede to trechery, and love into lechery; the holy day into glotonye, and gentrie into vilanie.’ The thirde saide, ‘Wise men are but scornede, and wedowes be sore yernede; grete men are but glosede, and smale men borne downe and myslovede.’ The fourthe saide, ‘Lordes wexen blynde, and kynnesmen ben unkynde; dethe out of mynde, and trewthe may no man fynde.’”
The sentences in this last version are also found frequently in MSS. in a separate form. An imperfect copy of them will be found in the Reliquiæ Antiquæ, (Pickering, 1839,) p. 58. I have met recently with a much more complete copy, agreeing closely with the sentences in the above tale from the English Gesta, but I have also unfortunately lost the reference to it, and cannot recall it to mind at the present moment. In MS. Cotton. Vespas. E. XII. fol. 100, ro., of the end of the fourteenth century, is given another Latin version of this story, where the scene is laid at Carthage, the King is Hannibal, and instead of the four wise men we have Virgil, and the sayings are again different from the others. This version is important both for the history of the story, and for its connexion with the fable of the legendary Virgilius.
P. 256, l. 9, god is ded.—It will have been observed in the foregoing note that one of the versions of the story interprets god by Deus;—God is dead,—which is most probably right, and the former editors have very properly given the word with a capital.
P. 258. Songs on the Death of Peter de Gaveston.—Both these songs are parodies upon hymns in the Romish ritual.
P. 260, l. 1, Vult hic comes, et non Petrus, dici.—The favourite was, indeed, extremely angry because people persisted in calling him Peter, and obtained a Royal decree that no one should be permitted to call him otherwise than Earl of Cornwall in future.
P. 262. The Battle of Bannockburn.—The text of this poem is extremely corrupt. It appears, from Mr. Halliwell’s description of the MS., that there is another copy of it at Oxford, MS. Rawl. B. 214. This poem is attributed to Robert Baston, a carmelite, who, according to a popular story, was present at the battle, and was taken prisoner by the Scots. We are told that he was liberated on condition of composing a poem to celebrate the valour of the Scots: the song here printed is of quite a different character.
P. 262, l. 6, dabantur.—Debantur in the MS.
—— l. 10, præparare.—The MS. has portare, with “p’p’are” written above.
P. 263, l. 9, conflictus.—The MS. had consultus, which is changed into conflictus.
—— l. 10, Comes heu! Gloverniæ.—Gilbert de Clare, son of that Earl of Gloucester who was so active in the Barons’ wars of the reign of Henry III. On his death, at Bannockburn, the title became extinct.
—— l. 17, proditorius vir Bartholomeus.—Perhaps Bartholomew de Badlesmere, who was Steward of the King’s household, and attended the King in these wars.
P. 264, l. 2, sex seminum.—This word evidently represents the French semaines.
P. 265, l. 2, nimis.—The MS. has nims.
—— l. 4, veneficos.—The MS. has venifices.
—— l. 9, multiplica.—In middle-age Latin, the form multiplicus is frequently used for multiplex.
—— l. 14, corruerunt.—The scribe has written sub over the first syllable of this word in the MS., as though he would correct it to subruerunt.
P. 266, l. 16, horridus.—The MS. has oridus, and just afterwards it seems to have quievit for crevit.
P. 267, l. 4, stirps radice.—The MS. has radix, with ortus written over it; from which it may be conjectured that the original from which the scribe copied had the reading which I have given, and that the word ortus was written over it, or in the margin, to supply the construction—stirps ortus radice Jessæ.
—— l. 12, far....—The MS. has far?.
P. 268. The Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster.—Popular heroes and patriots were frequently canonised by the people after their death. Such was the case with Simon de Montfort. See p. 124 of the present volume. A very curious story of this kind will be found in William of Newbury, l. 5, cc. 20, 21. The King, in the present instance, was obliged to issue a proclamation forbidding the worship of Earl Thomas of Lancaster.
P. 268, l. 2, Thomam Cantuariæ.—All the popular heroes were compared to St. Thomas of Canterbury. We have seen the comparison used in the case of Simon de Montfort, see p. 125 of the present volume.
P. 270, l. 11, pater proles erat regia.—Thomas Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster, was son of Edmund, younger brother of Edward I.
—— l. 12, matrem... reginam Navarria.—Blanche, daughter of Robert, Earl of Artois, and widow of Henry, King of Navarre, who was espoused in second marriage to Edmund Plantagenet.
—— l. 16, Benedicti capitur vigilia...., l. 17, die tertia.—After the battle of Boroughbridge (March 15, 1322), the Earl of Lancaster took refuge in a chapel, where he was taken on the 20th, brought to Pontefract on the 21st, tried on the 22nd, and beheaded the same day. The 20th of March was the eve of St. Benet.
P. 271, l. 2, Hoylandiæ.—Robert de Hoyland (the father of Thomas de Holand, Earl of Kent, the first husband of Joan, Princess of Wales,) had been sent to collect forces in Lancashire, to assist the Earl of Lancaster, but when he had gotten them together, he deserted the Earl, and went over with them to the King’s party.
—— sudam appears to be an error for some other word.
P. 273. Peter Langtoft’s Chronicle.—The Cambridge MS. contains only the history of Edward I., which is given as a complete work, with the title, “Ici commence le Brut coment li bon rei Edward gaigna Escotz e Galis.” The Fairfax MS. seems also to have given the same portion of Langtoft’s Chronicle. Since my text was printed, Sir Frederick Madden has kindly given me his transcripts of the English fragments as they stand in the Fairfax MS. No. 24, in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford, and in the Arundel MS. No. 14, in the College of Arms. The numerous variations in these lines, and the frequent recurrence of lines in one MS. which are omitted in another, seem clearly to prove they were fragments of popular songs interwoven into the Chronicle by its writer. I ought to say that, at the time the extracts in the present volume were printed off, it was not in my power to have the sheets collated with the original. It may also be observed, that it has not been thought proper to correct the text by the various readings, but the translation is frequently made from the latter, when the text is evidently wrong.
P. 274, l. 15, Celestine la pape.—Pope Celestin the Fifth, who was elected in July, 1294, and abdicated in the December following.
P. 275, l. 50, suz Dover.—An account of this attack upon Dover will be found in Matthew of Westminster, p. 424, and in Knighton, col. 2502.
P. 278, l. 75, Thomas de Turbevile.—See, on this affair, Matthew of Westminster, p. 425, Knighton, col. 2502, Hemingford, p. 58.
—— l. 83, Cent lievre de tere.—Robert de Brunne’s version has a hundred pounds of land, i. e. lands of that yearly value.
P. 280, l. 106, Le tierz jour.—Robert de Brunne says—
Opon the thrid day, at a toun hamelet,
Thomas was his pray, as he to mete was set.
—— l. 112, cum traitur est jugé.—Robert of Brunne has given more details of Turbeville’s trial than are found in the original.
P. 282, l. 135, Le counte de Nincole.—Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln and Salisbury.
—— l. 136, Sir Willeam de Vescy.—William de Vescy, Lord of Alnwick, and governor of Scarborough Castle.
—— l. 153, la male rage.—“Male rage: Faim extraordinaire, enragée; mala rabies.” Roquefort.
—— l. 156, rivelins.—Apparently a kind of rough boots worn by the Scots, so called perhaps on account of their ragged and torn appearance.
—— la nue nage.—Nage is the Latin nates. The Fairfax and Arundel MS. have here a line or two of the French which is not found in the other copies, with the following fragments of English—
(F.) Tprut! Skot riveling,
In unseli timing
crope thu out of cage.
(A.) Tprut! Scot riveling,
With mikel mistiming
crop thu ut of kage.
—— l. 157, Robert de Ros de Werke.—Robert de Ros was an English Baron, but, falling in love with a Scottish lady, he deserted to the Scots, for which his possessions were confiscated. See Hemingford, p. 85.
P. 284, l. 168, quatre mile.—The English version makes it forty thousand—
In the non tyme felle this cas, that slayn was ilk a man,
That were in Berwik, fourti thousand and mo.
—— l. 170, Richard de Cornewalle.—Holinshed, p. 298, says Sir Richard Cornwall was brother to the Earl of Cornwall. See also Hemingford, p. 91.
—— l. 171, la sale rouge.—The Red Hall was the factory of the Flemish merchants, who carried on an extensive trade with Berwick.
P. 285, l. 175, Willeam de Douglasse.—William Douglas was captain of the garrison of Berwick. See Hemingford, ib.
—— l. 176, Ricard Fresel.—The English has Symoun Freselle.
—— l. 178, li quens de la Merche, Patrik.—Patrick, Earl of Dunbar and March, served in the English army; but his Countess, who was left in the castle of Dunbar, and who hated the English, delivered the castle to the Scots.
—— l. 180, Gilbert de Umfravile.—Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, was one of the Scottish Barons who remained faithful to the English.
P. 286, l. 194, Piket him, etc.—The Fairfax MS. has only four lines of this song:—
Piket him and diket him,
in skorn seiden he;
Nu piketh he it and diketh it,
his owen for to be.
In the Arundel MS. it stands thus:—
Pikit him and dikit him,
in hoker seiden he;
Nu pikes he it and dikes it,
his owen for to be.
Skiterende Scottes
Hodere in their hottes,
nevere thei ne the;
Rigth if I rede,
Thei tumbled in Twede,
that woned bi the se.
Robert of Brunne gives the fragment as follows, with six additional lines:—
Now dos Edward dike Berwik brode and long,
Als they bad him pike, and scorned him in ther song.
Pikit him and dikit him
on scorne said he,
He pikes and dikes
in length as him likes
how best it may be.
And thou has for thi pikyng
Mykille ille likyng,
the sothe is to se.
Without any lesyng
Alle is thi hething
fallen opon the,
For scatred er thi Scottis,
And hodred in ther hottes,
never thei ne the.
Right als I rede,
Thei tombled in Tuede,
that woned bi the se.
P. 288, l. 227, Otes de Graunt-souns.—Otho had been sent into the East to the aid of the Christians by Edward I., who intended to follow him in person. An account of the loss of Acre, and the escape of the Christians to Cyprus, will be found in Hemingford, pp. 21-28.
P. 289, l. 245, le counte de Warwik e Huge le Despencer.—Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, and Hugh Despencer, who was afterwards so famous as the favourite of Edward II.
P. 293, l. 299, On grene, &c.—In Robert of Brunne, these lines stand thus:—
Ther on that grene,
That kynrede kene
gadred als the gayte.
Right als I wene,
On som was it sene
ther the bit bayte.
P. 294, l. 324, sire Corynée.—The fabulous hero who was said to have killed the giant Gogmagog.
P. 295, l. 338, The fote folke, etc.—Robert of Brunne gives these lines as follows, with an introduction of his own, in which he says distinctly that they were rhymes which the English made on the Scots:—
¶ The Scottis had no grace,
To spede in ther space,
for to mend ther misse,
Thei filed ther face,
That died in that place;
the Inglis rymed this.
Oure fote folk
Put tham in the polk,
and nakned ther nages,
Bi no way
Herd I never say
of prester pages,
Purses to pike,
Robis to rike,
and in dike tham schonne,
Thou wiffin
Scotte of Abrethin,
kotte is thi honne.
In the Fairfax MS. they stand thus:—
Wel worthe swich a fot folk,
That drof the Skottes in the polk,
and paiede hem here wages.
Bi wode ne bi weye,
Ne herd I nevere seien
of prestere pages,
To pullen and to piken
The robes of the rike
that in the feld fellen.
Fi! Skot, hu spedde ye thenne?
The devel I you bikenne,
that ragged rit in helle!
The Arundel MS. gives them thus:—
Wel worth swich a fote folk,
That put the Scottes in the polk,
and paied tham their wages.
Bi wode ne bi weie,
Herd I nevere seie
of prestere pages,
To pulle and to pike
The robes of the rike
that in the feld felle.
Hou ferd the wreches thenne?
The devel I them bikenne
that ragged sit in helle.
In my transcript of the Cambridge MS. I had written wages in the third line, but, thinking it might be an error of my own, I ventured to change it to nages, in conformity with the readings of the other MSS. I have no doubt that nages, the French nages (see before, p. 283, l. 156, and the note), the Latin nates, is the right word. The other reading of the line was perhaps substituted by some one who did not understand the word.
P. 298, l. 380, For Scottes, etc.—Robert of Brunne agrees with the present text, in this song. In the Fairfax and Arundel MSS. it stands thus:—
(F.) For skiterande Skottes
Tell I for sottes,
of wrenches unwarre.
Hem to wrothere hele
Dintes to dele
driven to Dunbarre.
(A.) Skiterende Scottes
I telle for sottes,
and wreches unwar.
Mikel unsele
Dintes to dele
them drof to Dunbar.
P. 300, l. 417, Albanak, the son of Brute, who was said to have first peopled Scotland, and given it the name of Albania.
P. 303, l. 466, For boule, etc.—Robert of Brunne, like the Museum MSS., gives only the first six lines of this fragment.
—— l. 471, hise tabard es tome.—Toom tabard (empty tabard) was a nickname given by the Scots to their King, John Baliol, on account of his little wit. In like manner, we still vulgarly call people who possess very little sense, empty bottles.
P. 304, l. 484, eces; another form of assez.
—— l. 486, Henri de Perci aid Galwei.—Henry de Percy, nephew of Warenne, was made keeper of the county of Galloway and the sheriffdom of Ayr.
P. 305, l. 504, le eveske de Duram.—The famous Anthony Beck, Bishop of Durham, who, at the head of his knights, attended Edward in all his invasions of Scotland, and commanded one division of the army at the battle of Falkirk.
—— l. 514, Kambynoy.—Robert of Brunne translates this passage as follows:—
Cambinhoy
Beres him coy,
that fendes whelp,
Ther with craft
He has tham raft,
it may not help.
The Trulle the
Drenge on se,
thei lenge the fendes tueye,
The hold tham fer,
And dar no ner
than Orkeneye.
Andrew is wroth,
The wax him loth,
for ther pride.
He is tham fro,
Now salle thei go,
schame to betide.
Thou scabbed Scotte,
Thi neck, thi hotte,
the develle it breke,
It salle be hard
To here Edward
ageyn the speke.
He salle the ken
Our lond to bren,
and werre begynne
Thou getes no thing,
Bot thi rivelyng
to hang therinne.
The sete of the Scone
Is driven over done,
to London led;
I hard wele telle,
That bagelle and belle
be filchid and fled.
P. 306, l. 521, Ou il est mort | al mouster.—The Monastery of Hexham, which the Scots had burnt, was dedicated to their patron Saint, St. Andrew. Hemingford remarks, in a similar manner, the impiety of the Scots in burning the church of their patron. This writer, in many parts of his Chronicle, seems to paraphrase and enlarge upon the narrative of Peter Langtoft.
P. 307, l. 550, Deus! cum Merlins.—The Cambridge MS. has Teus, with a great T., by an error of the illuminator. Robert of Brunne, in translating this part of the Chronicle, quotes the original author, Peter Langtoft, as his authority:—
Nou tels Pers, on his maners, a grete selcouth,
He takis witnes, that it soth es, of Merlyn mouth, etc.
The MS. from which Hearne printed contained a marginal note, “De unione Scotiæ et Angliæ secundum dicta Petri et Bridlingtone,” meaning that Bridlington had something similar in his prophecies. Hearne, not aware that it is Peter Langtoft to whom the writer refers, alters it to Petri de Bridlington; although, if he had referred to Bale, he would have found that Bridlington’s name was John, and not Peter.
P. 309, l. 582, Jon e Thomas... Cuthbert.—John of Beverley, Thomas of Canterbury, and Cuthbert of Durham. These three saints are elsewhere spoken of in Peter Langtoft as Edward’s especial patrons and aiders.
P. 310, l. 607, Des biens de seint eglise.—See, on this transaction, Matthew of Westminster, p. 428, and Hemingford, p. 107.
P. 311. I suspect that the lines here inclosed in brackets, as not found in the Cambridge MS., were missed by myself in transcribing.
—— l. 613, disime dener.—Robert of Brunne says the twelfth penny.
P. 315, l. 683, jeo crei.—The manner in which the writer here speaks, as well as other expressions in the course of the poem, seem to show that he wrote down the events as they happened.
P. 316, l. 701, le Sire de Canturbir.—Robert Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, from 1294 to 1313.
P. 317, l. 709, Li sire de Nichole.—Oliver Sutton, Bishop of Lincoln, who died in the November of 1299.
—— l. 714, L’elyt de Everwyke.—Henry de Newark, who succeeded to the Archbishopric in 1297, and died in 1299.
P. 318, l. 720. These English verses are only found in the Cambridge MS.
P. 320, l. 19, Pur treys souz, &c.—Robert of Brunne translates this—
Thei profere a man to bete, for tuo schilynges or thre,
With piked staves grete beten salle he be.
We learn from this writer that it was the King who gave them the name of Trailebastons.
P. 321, l. 43, Sire Jon de Meneteft.—He is said to have been incited by his personal hatred of Wallace to seek out and deliver the Scottish Chieftain to his enemies. Robert de Brunne adds something to his original in this place:—
Sir Jon of Menetest sewed William so nehi,
He tok him whan he wend lest, on nyght his leman bi.
That was thorght treson of Jak Schort his man,
He was the encheson that Sir Jon so him nam.
Jak brother had he slayn, the Waleis that is said,
The more Jak was fayn to do William that braid.
Selcouthly he endis the man that is fals,
If he trest on his frendes, thei begile him als
Begiled is William, taken is and bondon.
To Inglond with him thei cam, and led him unto London.
We may take this occasion of pointing out the impropriety of quoting Robert de Brunne as Peter Langtoft. Mr. Tytler quotes this story of Jack Short upon Langtoft’s authority, which involves two serious errors, first, making Langtoft say what he did not say, and, secondly, giving the story on better authority than that on which it really rests, for, in this respect, Robert de Brunne is certainly inferior to Langtoft.
P. 323, l. 67, And tus, etc.—Robert of Brunne has six lines of this fragment more than in the French MSS.
It is not to drede,
Traytour salle spede,
als he is worthi,
His lif salle he tyne,
And die thorgh pyne,
withouten merci.
Thus may men here,
A ladde for to lere
to biggen in pays.
It fallis in his iȝe,
That hewes over hie,
with the Walays.
P. 326, l. 66, nu.—In the MS. it is written nou. Perhaps the o was added by somebody who thought the orthography should be nou.
P. 327, l. 78, serven the chapele.—This last word, which answers to capella in the similar passage in the Song at the end of these notes (p. 401, l. 21), means here, perhaps, a wardrobe.
P. 329, l. 126, amis.—This word is added in the MS. by a later hand than that which wrote the other part.
P. 336, l. 285, turmentours that comen from clerkes plei.—Men who have performed the part of devils, or tormentors, in the miracle plays, which were performed by the clerks.
P. 338, l. 330, Theih pleien wid the hinges silver, and breden wod for wele.—They use the king’s silver for their own pleasures, and produce wood, or tallies, instead of contributing to the prosperity of the people.
P. 341, l. 392, a derthe.—l. 403, eft wele i-nouh.—P. 342, l. 409, another sorwe.—l. 416, another derthe of corn.—Our poem was probably composed in 1321. During the preceding years, the kingdom had been visited repeatedly by dearth and famine. Holinshed remarks in 1316, a great dearth and famine, insomuch that a quarter of wheat sold for forty shillings, and at the same time a murrain among the cattle; in 1317, a “pitiful famine” with a “sore mortalitie of people;” the year 1318 seems to have been free from these visitations, and may have been that in which, according to the poem, there was “eft wele i-nouh;” in 1319, again, a great murrain of cattle; and in the latter end of the following year and in 1321, broke out the “great variaunce betwixt the lords and the Spensers,” which was the cause of so much bloodshed, and which seems to be the “strif” (l. 423) under which the poet represents the people as then labouring.
P. 342, l. 418, afingred.—For other instances of the use of this form, see a note on “The Tale of the Basyn and the Frere and the Boy.” (Pickering, 1836.)
P. 344, l. 457, paunter.—The true meaning of this word seems to be a trap, or snare. An English prose treatise of counsel for hermits, probably by Hampole (MS. Trin. Coll. Cant. B. 15, 17, of the reign of Edward III.), speaking of the snares laid by the devil to deceive people, observes, “This panter leyeth owre enemy to taken us with, whan we bigynne to haten wikkednesse, and turne us to goodnesse.”
P. 345.—This poem is defective at the end, by the loss of the remainder of the MS., which is imperfect. The following curious Song, which was given me by Mr. Halliwell, bears a remarkable resemblance in some parts to the English poem of the Auchinleck MS. It is taken from a MS. in the University Library, Cambridge, Ee. VI. 29, of the beginning of the fifteenth century, though most, if not all, the articles it contains are compositions of a much earlier date.
Ecce dolet Anglia luctibus imbuta!
Gens tremit tristitia, sordibus polluta;
Necat pestilentia viros atque bruta.
Cur? quia flagitia regnant resoluta.
Heu! jam totus vertitur mundus in malignum.
Inter gentes quæritur ubi cor benignum.
Christus non recolitur, mortuus per lignum;
Ergo plebs perimitur in vindictæ signum.
Pax et patientia penitus orbantur;
Amor et justitia domi non morantur;
Errores et vitia gentes amplexantur;
Patrum per malitia parvuli necantur.
Pastorum pigritia greges disperguntur;
Insontes astutia mercantum falluntur;
Fraus et avaritia sorores junguntur;
Divitum nequitia pauperes plectuntur.
Simonia colitur, Simon Magus vivit;
Æquitas opprimitur, veritas abivit;
Christi grex dispergitur, lupus insanivit;
Pestisque diffunditur, agnos deglutivit.
Favor non scientia permovet rectores;
Intrudit potentia servos ob labores,
Et regum clementia quosdam per favores;
Æs et amicitia juvant pervisores.
Fortes Christi milites modo recesserunt;
Sathanæ satellites templum subverterunt;
Laceras et debiles oves prodiderunt;
Cuculi degeneres nisis successerunt.
Patres quondam nobiles pestes fugarunt,
Et in fide stabiles languidos sanarunt;
Vita venerabiles signis coruscarunt;
Actus per laudabiles Christo militarunt.
Tales erunt vestibus asperis vestiti;
Ut moderni mollibus raro sunt potiti.
Hii præclaris moribus erant insigniti;
Juvenes a sordibus sacris eruditi.
Heu! nunc mercenarii, nec veri pastores,
Rectores, vicarii, mutaverunt mores;
Ambitu denarii subeunt labores;
Tales operarii merentur mœrores:
Isti pro ciliciis utuntur pellura;
Farciunt deliciis ventres tota cura;
Dant post[ea] spurcitiis se sine mensura;
Suffulti divitiis vivunt contra jura.
Dum capella tegitur nobili vestura,
Sponsa Christi rapitur nudata tectura;
Vinea destruitur porcorum ursura,
Et vitis evellitur, carens jam cultura.
Sacerdotes Domini sunt incontinentes;
Actus suo nomini non sunt respondentes;
Sacra dantes homini forent et docentes;
Sui mores ordini non sunt congruentes.
Ista super æthera sanguine scribantur,
Ut patenti littera sæculis legantur;
Ignibus cum vetera peccata purgantur,
Sua ferant onera jam qui dominantur.
En! amor et caritas regnis refrigescunt;
Livor et severitas gentibus ardescunt;
Cleri plebis veritas et fides tepescunt;
Hinc regni nobilitas et fama quiescunt.
Feminæ fragilitas omni caret laude;
Mercantum subtilitas versatur in fraude;
Et fratrum dolositas jungit caput caudæ.
Homo, si jam veritas te gubernat, gaude!
Explicit.
P. 14. Song on the Times.—Giraldus Cambrensis has inserted a copy of this Song in the Speculum Ecclesiæ, MS. Cotton. Tiberius, B. XIII. fol. 126, vo, and attributes it to the famous Golias, which is commonly supposed to be only a fictitious name for Walter Mapes. This takes away all doubt as to its age, and the explanations given by Flacius Illyricus may be right. There is another copy in a Cottonian MS. of the thirteenth century, Vespas. A. XIX. fol. 59, ro, where it is entitled De veneranda justitia Romanæ curiæ. In Giraldus, the song commences with the 13th line, Roma mundi caput est, &c. In the other Cotton. MS. it begins as in our text. The variations afforded by these two MSS. are as follow:—P. 14, l. 1, Romanæ reb., C.—6, profluit, C.—9, the first est is omitted in C.—10, Tegunt picem, C.—P. 15, l. 12, ramus in sap., C.—15, trahit enim, G. and C.—17, res et sing., C.—21, In hoc consistorio, G. and C.—27, petunt quando petis, G. and C.—28, eadem et metis, C.—P. 16. The first 16 lines in this page are omitted in Giraldus.—l. 5, nummus, C.—6, rot. placet, totum pl., C.—7, ita pl.... Romanos, C.—10, obiceret, C.—11, Et sanc., C.—12, transeunt, C.—13, venit parca, C.—15, pro munere, C.—P. 17, l. 1, et... sit, G. and C. animanti, C.—2, Respondet hæc tibia, G. and C.—6, li mort, C.—7, G. and C. have Porta at the beginning of this line, and Papa in the next. G. omits the words chartula quærit: it ought to be observed that in this MS. the song is written as prose, so that such omissions are easily explained.—8, G. and C. omit the words cursor quærit.—9, omnis quærit, G. si des si quid uni, G. and C.—10, Totum mare salsum est, tota, G. and C. except that the former has salseum for salsum est: see another example of this expression in the present volume, p. 228, l. 19.—11, Des... des... addas, G.—l. 12, the extract in Giraldus ends here.—P. 18, l. 4, totum impl., C.—6, habet Pluto, C.—9, dant divitibus, C.
P. 44, l. 3 of Song against the Bishops, read fungar vice cotis, “I will perform the part of a whetstone.”
P. 282, l. 5 of translation, for Edward, read Edmund.