Chapter CXXXVI
How the chief officers and principal personages of Narvaez’s troops request leave to return to Cuba, which Cortes grants, and they accordingly leave; also how our general sends ambassadors to Spain, St. Domingo, and Jamaica.
The officers of Narvaez’s troops and those who had come from Jamaica in Garay’s expedition, seeing that the whole province of Tepeaca was now tranquillized, begged Cortes would fulfil his promise, and allow them to depart for Cuba; who not only granted them their request, but promised them, and particularly Duero and Bermudez, that he would give them much more gold after the total conquest of New Spain and Mexico, than they had previously received. In the meantime he furnished them with provisions of the kinds we had, consisting in maise, salted dog’s flesh, and fowls. He likewise gave them one of our best vessels, and sent by them letters to his wife Catalina Suarez de Mercayda, and to his brother-in-law Juan Suarez, who was then staying at Cuba. These letters were accompanied by a few bars of gold and some jewels, and contained, among other things, an account of our overthrow at Mexico.
All those who left New Spain on that occasion had accumulated great riches, and I will give their names, as far as my memory permits. Duero, Bermudez, Bono, Bernardino Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, with the hunchback, a relation of the governor of Cuba; Carrasco, who afterwards returned to New Spain, and now lives at Puebla; Melchior de Velasco, of Guatimala; a certain Ximenes, who lives at Quaxaca, and was obliged to go to Cuba on account of his son; the accountant Leon de Cervantes, who made the same excuse to see his daughter there, for whom he concluded a most excellent match after the conquest of Mexico; Maldonado de Medellin was forced to leave on account of ill health; the other of that name, who was surnamed the proud, and was married to a lady named Maria Arias, likewise left us; further, a certain Vargas, of Trinidad, who, at Cuba, was commonly called the gallant; lastly, one of Cortes’ old warriors, the pilot Cardenas, who said to one of his companions, “We soldiers may now take our repose, since New Spain has two kings.” Cortes had presented him with 300 pesos, to induce him to return with his wife and family. Besides these men, there were many others whose names I have forgotten, which, indeed, is a good thing, for it prevents me from going too much into detail.
As soon as Cortes had given them permission to leave, we asked him why he had allowed them to depart, as he knew there would be so few of us remaining? Cortes said he had done so to rid himself of their eternal complaints and solicitations. We likewise knew that many of them were not fit for service, and it was better to be alone than in bad company.
Pedro de Alvarado was commissioned to see them safe on board, with orders to return immediately to head-quarters after they had left.
About this time Cortes also despatched Ordas and Alonso de Mendoza on business to Spain, but for what particular purpose he never told us. We only heard that the bishop of Burgos told Ordas to his face that we were all villains and traitors, and that Ordas had boldly defended us. The latter, on this occasion, was made comptoir of Santiago, and received permission from the emperor to assume a burning mountain in his coat of arms. What he further did in Spain I will relate hereafter.
Alonso de Avila, who was treasurer of New Spain, and Alvarez Chico, another thorough man of business, were despatched in another vessel to St. Domingo to render an account of all we had done to the royal court of audience there, and to the Hieronymite brothers, who were appointed viceroys over the whole of the islands, to gain their approbation of our proceedings against Narvaez, and their sanction of the manner in which we had enslaved and punished the inhabitants who had murdered the Spaniards and rebelled against his majesty: and their opinion as to whether Cortes should not similarly punish all those tribes who, as allies of the Mexicans, had been guilty of like offences. Lastly, Cortes begged of them to inform his majesty of all this, and of the great services we had rendered and still daily rendered to the crown; and requested them to favour our just cause against the bishop of Burgos, who was striving to work out our ruin.
A third vessel was despatched by Cortes to Jamaica, to purchase horses there, the command of which was given to Solis, who was the son-in-law of the bachelor Ortega. Here the reader might be induced to ask whence Cortes obtained the money to do all this? In reply to which, I can only say that of the gold stowed away by Narvaez’s and our own troops, particularly by the horse, a great quantity was certainly saved. Besides that, many of the eighty Tlascallans, who were loaded with the gold, and retreated from Mexico in the vanguard, got safely over the bridges. We poor soldiers, who had not to command but to obey, cared very little at that time whether there was plenty of gold or not, but were happy if we escaped alive and were able to cure our wounds. However, of the gold that was saved, Cortes received as much back as he could possibly lay his hands on; our men likewise suspected that he had put into his own pocket again the 40,000 pesos, being the share of the Mexican treasure belonging to the garrison of Vera Cruz. With this money he sent persons to Spain and St. Domingo on his own private business, and others to Jamaica to purchase horses.
Perfect tranquillity being now again restored to the province of Tepeaca, Cortes marched back with his troops to Tlascalla, and left Francisco de Orozco behind, with twenty invalid soldiers, as commandant of Villa Segura.
Cortes then ordered the necessary quantity of wood to be felled for building thirteen brigantines, with which another attack was to be made upon Mexico; for we were convinced we should not be able to make any impression upon that town without a small fleet, nor ever again be able to enter it by the causeways. Martin Lopez was appointed by Cortes to superintend the important business of constructing these brigantines, for he was not only a good soldier, but, upon the whole, rendered his majesty the greatest services in all our warlike operations. On this occasion again, he set to work with his usual assiduity, and it was very fortunate that this man had been with us from the beginning; for, if we had been forced to send for a ship-builder from Spain, we should have lost much valuable time, and we might not have found a man who suited so well.
On our arrival in Tlascalla, we found that our old friend Maxixcatzin, one of his majesty’s most faithful vassals, was no more, he having died of the smallpox. We were all sorely grieved at this loss, and Cortes himself, as he assured us, felt it as much as if he had lost his own father. We put on black cloaks in mourning for him, and paid the last honours to the remains of our departed friend, in conjunction with his sons and relations.
A dispute having arisen in Tlascalla respecting the heir to the caziquedom, Cortes pronounced in favour of the deceased’s son, in accordance with the last wishes of his late father. Maxixcatzin, on his death-bed, strongly advised his whole family to remain faithful to Malinche and his brothers; for they, he said, were certainly those people for whom the dominion of these countries had been predestined.
However, let us leave the dead in peace, and turn to the living. The elder Xicotencatl, Chichimeclatecl, and the other caziques of Tlascalla, one and all gladly offered their assistance to Cortes in cutting wood for the building of the brigantines, and generally to aid in prosecuting the war against Mexico.
Cortes gave them all a hearty embrace, and thanked them for their great kindness, especially Chichimeclatecl and Xicotencatl, the latter of whom eventually became a convert to Christianity, and was baptized by father Olmedo with every solemnity, and received the name of Don Lorenzo de Vargas.
In the meantime the preparations for the building of our brigantines were going on very fast; the wood being soon felled and prepared for use with the assistance of the Indians; an excellent soldier named Andreas Nuñez, and Ramirez the elder, an old carpenter who had been lamed by a wound, rendering most efficient services. Matters being thus far advanced, Cortes sent for a quantity of ironwork, anchors, sails, and ropes, from the vessels which had been destroyed at Vera Cruz, and ordered all the smiths of that town to repair to Tlascalla. Above 1000 Indians were despatched thither to transport these things. The cauldrons for boiling and preparing the tar were likewise brought from Vera Cruz, and we were now only in want of the materials for making it, the preparation of which was wholly unknown to the Indians; but here again Cortes was not at a loss, for he picked out four men from among the sailors who understood its preparation, and for that purpose sent them off to a forest of pine trees near Huexotzinco.
Though it may, perhaps, be rather out of place here, I must answer a question which has been put to me by several cavaliers respecting Alonso de Avila, with whom they were well acquainted. They knew that this man, though treasurer of New Spain, was, at the same time, an excellent soldier, and felt more inclination for the life of a warrior than for business; they could not, therefore, imagine why Cortes should exactly have selected him to confer with the Hieronymite brothers at St. Domingo, and that he had not rather chosen some person of more business-like habits; as, for instance, Alonso de Grado, or Juan de Cacares, called the wealthy, or others whose names they mentioned to me. Cortes had no other motive than to get Avila out of the way, because he spoke his mind too freely, and took every occasion to side with us soldiers if he saw we were unjustly dealt with. To this was added, that the latter had fallen out with several of our officers, from a frankness of disposition displeasing to them. And, lastly, Cortes was desirous of conferring the command of a company on Andreas de Tapia, and of appointing Alonso de Grado treasurer, both of which were only possible by removing Avila.
Cortes now determined to march, with the whole of his men, to Tezcuco, as the wood for constructing the brigantines was ready prepared, and we had got rid of Narvaez’s men, who made difficulties in all our expeditions, and always argued against any attempt to besiege Mexico, maintaining we were not sufficiently numerous for that purpose; by which means they infected others with their cowardice. Previous to our leaving for Tezcuco, however, various deliberations took place as to which would be the most eligible spot for launching our brigantines. Some of our men maintained that Ayotzinco, near to Chalco, on account of its canals and harbour, was better adapted for this purpose; others, again, preferred Tezcuco, and were of opinion that, once having taken possession of that town, standing as it did in the midst of so many other populous townships, we should be better able to plan our operations against Mexico.
We had scarcely decided in favour of the latter place, when three men arrived with the news from Vera Cruz that a large Spanish vessel had run in there from the Canaries, having on board a quantity of crossbows, muskets, powder, and other ammunition, besides three horses and thirteen soldiers. The owner of the cargo was a certain Juan de Burgos, and the captain of the vessel was named Francisco Medel.
The reader may easily imagine our joy at this news; and if we had previously felt in good spirits for our intended expedition, we now felt the more so on hearing of the arrival of these timely succours. Cortes immediately bargained with Burgos for the whole of the ammunition and cargo, who himself, with Medel and all the passengers, came to our head-quarters, where they met with the kindest reception. Among the passengers there was a certain rich man, named Juan del Espinar, who once lived in Guatimala; further, a certain Sagredo, from Medellin; a Biscayan, named Monjaraz, uncle of the other two of that name serving among us. This Monjaraz had a very beautiful daughter, who subsequently came to Mexico, and was commonly called Monjaraza. But this Monjaraz did not accompany us in any of our expeditions, as he was always suffering from ill health. It was not until we had laid regular siege to Mexico that he came to us in good health, and told us he was desirous of seeing how we carried on this war, and our mode of attacking the Mexicans, of whose bravery he entertained a very mean opinion. On this occasion he mounted to the top of an Indian temple, which was shaped like a tower; from that moment, however, we never saw him again, nor did we ever learn how the Mexicans got at him, or what became of him. Many persons who had known him on the island of St. Domingo saw the hand of God in his sudden death: for they related that he had put his own wife, a most virtuous, excellent, and beautiful woman, to death, without any cause or provocation; and that he had escaped punishment for his crime by proving, through false witnesses, she had attempted to poison him. I must, however, leave these old tales, and begin earnestly to think of our march to Tezcuco.
Notes
1 During the first conquests of the Spaniards in New Spain, one half of the profits arising from the gold mines was paid to the crown; but the ill effects of this exorbitant demand soon began to show themselves, and it was reduced to one third, and then to a fifth, called the real quinto, which continued for a length of time, until it was further reduced. I must take this opportunity of observing, that the Spanish “peso” is equal to about 4s. 6d. of our money. (p. 3.)
2 Bernal Diaz is thus particular in laying stress on this remarkable circumstance, because the pope of Rome, in Spanish, is termed pápa. (p. 7.)
3 This is the celebrated Las Casas, the protector of the rights of the Indians. (p. 18.)
4 Puerto de Matanza, the harbour of the massacre. (p. 20.)
5 The sus tajassu, pecary, or Mexican musk hog; but what our old soldier, with other writers, mistook for a navel, is an open gland on the lower part of the back, which discharges a fetid ichorous liquor. (p. 22.)
6 The author sometimes also calls this nequen, of which the garments of the poorer classes were manufactured. The maguey is the well-known agava Americana, the sap of which formed the national drink of the Indians, and the Mexicans were accustomed to write most of their hieroglyphics on the cloth manufactured from the leaves. (p. 29.)
7 According to Humboldt, the word cue was imported by the Spanish into New Spain from Cuba. The great temple of Mexico was called by the Indians teocalli; a word which Torquemada (Monarchia Indiana) thus explains: “Que es come decir, templo, u casas de Dios;” i.e. “As much as to say, a temple, or house of God.” (p. 36.)
8 So those Spaniards, who made the first conquests in New Spain, termed themselves, by way of preference, which name they ever after retained as an honorary title. Even to this day in Spain it is considered very distinguishing to be descended from one of the Conquistadores, and some of the first families there date all their greatness from one of these bold adventurers. (p. 37.)
9 Jardines, or the Caribbee islands, lying along the south coast of Cuba, better known as the Windward and Leeward islands. (p. 51.)
10 Palos, a small town of Spain, lying on the river Tinto. This port produced the best Spanish sailors during the early voyages of discovery, and here also the expedition under Columbus was fitted out. (p. 60.)
11 Ala lala. What a striking similarity there is between this cry and the Turkish Alla il Allah, of which, as Byron says, in one of his notes to the ‘Bride of Abydos,’ the Turks are very profuse in battle! (p. 75.)
12 This passage is very important, as it shows to what degree of civilization the inhabitants of this district had arrived, and that they were at least skilful in the working of gold. The Spanish words are: “Quatro diademas, unas lagartijas, y dos como perillos, y orejeras, y cinco anades, y dos figuras de caras de Indios, y dos Suelas de Oro, como de sus Cotoras.”
The Caras de Indios (faces of Indians) were most probably shaped like masks, for similar ones, made of clay, are found to this day in the vale of Mexico. “Suelas de Oro, como de sus Cotoras,” we have ventured to translate “Sandals with golden soles,” particularly as Bernal Diaz, in a subsequent chapter, expressly remarks that Motecusuma wore a kind of half-boot with soles of gold. (p. 80.)
13 The bombax ceiba of Linnæus, and one of the tallest trees growing in America. The fruit produces a very fine cotton, resembling silk, used for stuffing bolsters and chair seats. (p. 82.)
14 Cata Francia, Montesinos, &c. This is the first strophe of an old Spanish romance, in which Montesinos the father desires his son to revenge him of his mortal enemy Tomillas:
“Montesinos cast a glance
On your lands, the soil of France;
See how the Duro’s sportive motion
Carries its waters to the ocean!” (p. 83.)>
15 On this woman the captain Cadahalso, in his ‘Cartas Marruecas,’ passes the following encomium: “Primera muger, que no ha prejudicado en uno exercito;” i.e. “The first woman who ever accompanied an army without being a prejudice to it.” (p. 85.)
16 These remarkable presents have all been enumerated by Torquemada, (Monarchia Indiana, i, iv, c. 17;) and we cannot do better than give his minute description of them here: “The ambassador of Motecusuma ordered mats to be spread on the ground before Cortes, and over them some cotton cloths, on which he arranged the presents, consisting of large quantities of cotton shirts and other cotton stuffs, beautifully manufactured, and interwoven with feathers of the most splendid colours; bucklers made of the purest white staffs, decorated with feathers, gold, silver, and pearls, surpassing everything in beauty and skilfulness of workmanship that was ever seen. There was also a helmet, tastefully carved out of wood, filled with grains of gold; a casque, made of thin plates of gold, decorated with tassels and stones, resembling the smaragdus; numerous large bunches of feathers of diversified colours, fastened in silver and gold; fans for keeping off flies, made of the rarest feathers; a thousand lockets of gold and silver, of the most curious and beautiful workmanship; bracelets and military decorations of gold and silver, splendidly embossed with green and bright yellow feathers; leather made of deer skin, curried and coloured in the best possible manner; shoes and sandals of the same leather, sewn with thin gold wire, and the soles made of splendid white and blue stone. There were other kinds of shoes, most tastefully manufactured of cotton; mirrors of marcasite, globular shaped, of the size of a fist, and most ingeniously set in gold, the small frame itself being very valuable, and worthy of the acceptance of any crowned head; coverings and curtains to beds, manufactured of various coloured cotton, more glossy and of finer texture than silk; a number of other gold and silver trinkets; a necklace of gold, decorated with upwards of a hundred emeralds, rubies, and various other ornaments of gold; a second necklace, consisting of numbers of large pearls and emeralds, all of the most exquisite workmanship; numerous other gold trinkets in the shape of frogs and animals; jewels in the form of medals, the shrines being even more valuable than the precious stones they contained; a quantity of large and small grains of gold. The most valuable of these presents, however, were two round plates, one of gold, on which was a sun with rays and the zodiac; this weighed above one hundred marks: the other was of silver, which in a similar manner represented the moon, weighing above fifty marks: both were massive, and of the thickness of the Spanish coin of four silver reals, and as large as a waggon wheel. Those who saw these splendid presents said that, without considering the beautiful workmanship, the value of the gold and silver alone amounted to 25,000 castellanos de oro; so that the whole together may well be estimated at 50,000 ducats.” (p. 91.)
17 Chalchihuitls; Bernal Diaz calls these Chalchuites. This stone is of a light green colour, at first held in great estimation by the Spaniards, but Torquemada, a contemporary of our author, remarks, (Monarchia, Ind. i, p. 462,) it is a stone on which the Indians set a high value, but not so the Spaniards. He calls it a kind of smaragdus, “the polishing of which the Indians say was taught them by the god Quetzalcohuatl.” Bustamente (Historia de la Conquista de Mexico escrita, por Fr. Bernardino Sahagun, Mexico, 1829,) calls it, “Piedra jaspe, mui verde, o sea esmeralda ordinaria,” i.e. “A jasper of a very green colour, or a common smaragdus.”
This stone represented among the Mexicans everything that was excellent in its kind, for which reason they put such a stone in the mouth of the distinguished chiefs who died. (p. 93.)
[17*] Costatlan, Bernal Diaz also adds here, “Y este nombre de Culua es en aquella tierra, como si dixessen los Romanos hallados.” As this passage is rather obscure, we thought it best to insert it here. The literal translation is: “And this appellation of Culua, in this country, means as much as when one would say, ‘the merry Romans.’” In the 31st chapter he makes a similar remark. (p. 102.)
18 Most probably Cortes’ despatches of the 16th of July, 1519, which were lost. (p. 125.)
19 Torquemada (Mon., Ind. i, iv, c. 25) gives some additional circumstances respecting this conspiracy; among other things he says, that the pilot Cermeno was so remarkably nimble, that if two of the tallest men held up a lance as high as they could horizontally, he would bound over it with ease by means of another lance. Also that his sense of smelling was so acute that he could scent the land at a distance of sixty miles when at sea; but adds, “aunque no olio esta muerte;” yet he could not smell the nature of his death. (p. 133.)
20 It may appear astonishing to some that grape trees should have been found here, as it is well known that this tree was introduced from Europe into the West Indies; yet it is certainly true that the Spaniards found the wild vine growing in the New World. Oviedo, in his valuable work entitled ‘Historia general y natural de las Indias,’ says, “These wild vines bear good black grapes, and I have often eaten them myself. I say good, for considering the wild state in which they grow, they are really good. These grapes are found throughout the whole of the West Indies, and I do believe that all other vines have originated from these wild trees.” (p. 133.)
21 Of the township of Xocotlan, Torquemada gives some further account, from which we learn more of the condition of the country at the time of the conquest. Olintecl, he says, was lord of 20,000 subjects, and he had thirty wives, who were attended upon by one hundred female servants. The township contained thirteen temples, full of various shaped idols made of stone, to whom were sacrificed men, women, children, pigeons, and quails. Here the Mexican monarch had a garrison of 5000 men, and couriers were stationed at particular distances from each other all the way from the town to the city of Mexico. These nimble pedestrians were always in pairs, that all news might be conveyed to the metropolis with the utmost speed. (p. 142.)
22 Of this fortification Torquemada gives a different account. He says it was a wall of twenty feet in thickness, that it could be defended from the top; had only one entrance, defended by other works within, and was built by a cazique of the country, whom he calls Yztacmixtitlan, to protect the boundaries of his country against the incursions of the Tlascallans. (p. 145.)
23 Agava Americana. (p. 145.)
24 (This note refers to the last sentence of the chapter.) To this custom of the Tlascallans of carrying off their killed and wounded from the field of battle, the historian de Solis partially attributes Cortes’ great success in these battles; for as a great number of the enemy were constantly occupied in this work, they naturally offered a less formidable front, and considerable openings were made in their ranks. (p. 147.)
25 This is a very remarkable observation of Bernal Diaz, for the ostrich with outspread wings is also found on the ancient Persian monuments; and this bird, it is well known, is not common to the New World. If we add to this circumstance the repeated questions which were put to the Spaniards by the inhabitants of New Spain, as to whether they came from the region where the sun rises, there is reason for supposing that the tradition which came down to them from their forefathers was not altogether vague; namely, that a people would come from the east and take possession of their country. (p. 150.)
26 During this war the Tlascallans frequently sent provisions to Cortes’ troops. This they did partly out of pride, that it might not be said they conquered the Spaniards by famine; partly that the latter might not become meagre in body, but that their flesh might taste savoury when they sacrificed them to their gods, so sure were these brave warriors of victory! (p. 165.)
27 This name Oviedo gives to the fruit of a tree, which he calls macanna, growing in Cuba. (Hippomane Mancinella of Linn.) From the same fruit, according to this historian, the inhabitants prepare the deadly poison in which they dip the points of their arrows. (p. 170.)
28 These figs, Bernal Diaz calls Tuna, which is the Cactus Tuna of Linnæus. (p. 173.)
29 For Marina, as appears from several passages in Torquemada and other writers, was called by the inhabitants Malintziu. (p. 176.)
30 In all the conferences which Cortes had with the Tlascallan chiefs, they showed an excessive hatred to the Mexicans, from which the Spaniards derived great advantages: Gomara, however, would make it appear that the Mexicans could at any time have given the Tlascallans a total overthrow if they had felt so inclined, but that they considered it better policy to attack them from time to time, when they wanted victims for their sacrifices; and then also the younger warriors of Mexico could have frequent opportunities of learning the art of war near to the metropolis, without marching to the distant boundaries of the empire for that purpose. This supposition of Gomara, however, is not founded on anything like fact. (p. 188.)
31 The name which the Mexicans gave to Alvarado was Tonatiuh, the sun. It may naturally be supposed that when the Spaniards first arrived in New Spain, they did not catch the true sound of names. Torquemada, who spent nearly the whole of his life in New Spain, is considered the most correct in this respect. (p. 191.)
32 Bernal Diaz writes, incorrectly, Macegales. By this word the Mexicans denoted the country people, who formed the great mass of the population, who also tilled the ground, and paid to the landowners a third part of the produce. Landed proprietors in Greece, at the present day, are not so generous, for they take two thirds of the produce and allow the tenant only one. (p. 192.)
33 A small kind of cloak, a part of the old Moorish dress, still worn in Spain during festivals. (p. 194.)
34 A temple where human beings were sacrificed to idols. (p. 197.)
35 Cortes, in his despatches to the emperor, mentions that three thousand Cholullans were killed on this occasion; but Torquemada gives double the number, which is nearer the truth, particularly as Gomara agrees with him.
Respecting this massacre, Torquemada gives the following remarkable account: The Cholullans, he says, expected that their god Quetzalcohuatl would come to their assistance with some miracle. They believed that at any time, by removing part of the white plaster from the temple, a strong flood of water would instantly burst out, and they were therefore very particular in repairing any little damage that might happen in this way to the temple, by means of chalk mixed with the blood of children two and three years of age, killed for the purpose. It was on this temple that the Cholullans defended themselves with the greatest obstinacy; but the victory soon declaring in favour of the Spaniards, the inhabitants began to loosen the plaster off the outside, firmly believing that a deluge of water would instantly burst forth, and drown the assailants; when finding themselves disappointed in their expectations, they complained bitterly to their god for not rendering them any assistance; refused, however, to capitulate; and numbers flung themselves headlong from the top of the temple, to seek death that way. (p. 204.)
36 Torquemada sometimes writes this word Tianquitz, sometimes Tiangues, but we find it also written Tianquiztli. By the terminating syllable most likely some particular market is meant; for it is peculiar to the Mexican language to modify the meaning of words in that manner. (p. 205.)
37 Termed by the inhabitants Pulque. (p. 205.)
38 An interesting account of this remarkable building, of which considerable remains are still to be seen, is given by Humboldt, in the ‘Atlas Pittoresque.’ (p. 206.)
39 It was the god Quetzalcoatl, of whom also an account will be found in the above-mentioned work of Humboldt. (p. 206.)
40 The name is correctly written Motolinia. This was the excellent brother Toribio Benavente, who so greatly exerted himself in converting the Indians to Christianity. He adopted the name of Motolinia on his arrival in New Spain, and the word means, O! the poor man! which the Indians exclaimed when they first beheld the meanness of his attire. (p. 207.)
41 Respecting the castigation of the inhabitants of Cholulla, Las Casas, (Brevissima Relacion de la destrucyon de las Indias) asserts, though merely from hearsay, that Cortes, while cutting down the Indians, repeated this verse:
Miro Nero de Tarpeya,
A Roma como se ardia,
Gritos dan Niños y’ viejos,
Y el de nada se dolia.
42 It was here probably that Cortes was nigh being shot by one of his own sentinels. Late at night he visited the outposts himself, and one of the sentinels was just upon the point of firing at him, when Cortes fortunately made himself known. (p. 214.)
43 Clavigero says, that a Mexican load was equal in weight to fifty Spanish pounds, or eight hundred ounces, and values the gold which Motecusuma offered to Cortes on this occasion at above three millions of ducats! (p. 216.)
44 Torquemada (Monarch. Ind. lib. iv) gives many reasons why Motecusuma was so undecided as to whether he should allow the Spaniards to enter his metropolis. (p. 216.)
45 Other writers say, that several of the Spaniards could not be persuaded for a length of time that it was not the monarch himself. (p. 218.)
46 Bernal Diaz says, “Tres piedras que se llaman margaritas.” Margarita is Spanish for a pearl; yet it is evident our old soldier is not speaking of pearls here, and most likely what he calls stones were nothing more than coloured Venetian glass, which was formerly held in great estimation; for in the next chapter he further describes these stones by “piedras de vidrio,” stones of glass. (p. 218.)
47 Cortes, in his despatches, gives even a more glowing description of this charming spot; a strong proof that Bernal Diaz has not said too much of it. (p. 219.)
48 Of this building Torquemada says, it contained apartments in which one hundred and fifty Spaniards slept, each in a separate bed; and that, notwithstanding the magnitude of the building, every place was kept remarkably clean; the floors were covered with mats, and the walls were hung with tapestry of cotton decorated with feathers, and in every room there was a fire, which threw out a delightful perfume. (p. 222.)
49 The real name was Tenuchtitlan, and it was not known by any other name when Cortes first visited the country; for Mexico was a more modern name for this city. (p. 223.)
50 Cortes, in his despatches to the emperor, says that the monarch spoke as follows to him: “We have long known, from the historical books of our forefathers, that neither I, nor the inhabitants of this country, originally belonged to it, but that our forefathers came from distant countries. We also know that the tribe we belong to was brought hither by a monarch to whom it was subject; but this king returned to his own country, nor did he return to visit his people till several years had elapsed, after they had married the daughters of the land, and got large families by them. The monarch came with the view of leading them back to their old country again; however, they not only refused to accompany them, but would no longer acknowledge him as their king. We have always firmly believed that descendants of this monarch would one time or other make their appearance among us, and obtain the dominion of the country. As you, according to your assurances, come from the rising of the sun, we doubt not, after what you have told us of your great monarch, who sent you here, that he is our rightful sovereign; and we have the more reason to believe this, since you tell us that he had some previous knowledge of us.” (p. 224.)
51 Torquemada relates that the monarch had made minute inquiries of the interpreters respecting the rank of each Spaniard, and that the value of the presents he intended to give them was to be according to their respective ranks. (p. 228.)
52 This was something like our chocolate, and prepared in the same way, but with this difference, that it was mixed with the boiled dough of maise, and was drunk cold. (p. 230.)
53 Respecting the custom of smoking among the Mexicans, Humboldt gives the following, in his work on New Spain: “The Mexicans called tobacco yetl, which they not only considered a remedy against toothach, cold in the head, and bowel complaints, but they likewise used it as a luxury, by smoking and snuffing it. At Motecusuma’s court it was used as a narcotic, not only after dinner, but also after breakfast, to produce a comfortable nap, as is still the custom in many districts of America. The leaves were rolled together like cigars, and then stuck in tubes made of silver, wood, or of shell.” (p. 231.)
54 The revenue of Motecusuma we know consisted of the natural products of the country, and what was produced by the industry of his subjects. Respecting the payment of tribute, we find the following story in Torquemada: “During the abode of Motecusuma among the Spaniards, in the palace of his father, Alonso de Ojeda one day espied in a certain apartment of the building a number of small bags tied up. He imagined at first that they were filled with gold dust, but on opening one of them, what was his astonishment to find it quite full of lice? Ojeda, greatly surprised at the discovery he had made, immediately communicated what he had seen to Cortes, who then asked Marina and Aguilar for some explanation. They informed him that the Mexicans had such a sense of their duty to pay tribute to their monarch, that the poorest and meanest of the inhabitants, if they possessed nothing better to present to their king, daily cleaned their persons, and saved all the lice they caught, and that when they had a good store of these, they laid them in bags at the feet of their monarch. Torquemada further remarks, that his reader might think these bags were filled with small worms (gasanillos), and not with lice; but appeals to Alonso de Ojeda, and another of Cortes’ soldiers, named Alonso de Mata, who were eyewitnesses of the fact.”
This story, no doubt, is founded on something like truth, and most probably these bags were filled with the coccus cacti, the famous cochineal insect, then unknown to the Spaniards, who might easily have mistaken them in a dried state for lice. (p. 231.)
55 This weapon, called by the Mexicans maquahuitl, was much dreaded by the Spaniards; and the historian Acosta relates that the Mexicans would cut off the head of a horse with it at one blow. (p. 231.)
56 Alonso Berruguete, a Spanish artist, who rose to great eminence in painting, architecture, and sculpture. He received great protection from Charles the Fifth, who employed him in considerable works in the Alhambra of Granada and elsewhere. (p. 233.)
57 Bernal Diaz, unfortunately, gives no description of Motecusuma’s palace; we will therefore give Torquemada’s account of this remarkable building. He himself, however, never saw it, but chiefly gained his information from the Mexicans themselves, who may have exaggerated a little: Motecusuma’s palace had twenty doors, which either opened into the large square or into the principal streets of the city; it had three large courts, and in one of them was a tank, supplied with water by the aqueduct of Chapultepec. The palace contained a number of halls, and a hundred rooms twenty-five feet long and as many broad, each provided with a bath. Everything was built of stone and lime. The walls were covered with beautiful stones, marble, jasper, porphyry, and a block stone, which is so highly polished that you might use it for a looking-glass; besides these, there was a white stone, almost transparent. All the woodwork was made of white cedar, palm, cypress, pine, and other fine woods, adorned with beautiful carved-work. In one of the apartments, which was one hundred and fifty feet long and fifty broad, was Motecusuma’s chapel, which was covered with plates of gold and silver almost the thickness of a finger, besides that it was decorated with innumerable emeralds, rubies, topaz, and other precious stones. (p. 235.)
58 This slimy substance the Mexicans called tecuitlatl, or excrement of stone. It was made into various shapes, and dried in the sun. (p. 237.)
59 According to Torquemada, this word expressed the number 8000 of anything, whether of cacao beans, troops, or other matters. (p. 237.)
60 Cacao nuts should be cacao beans; they were used by the Mexicans as small coin, and even to this day, according to Humboldt, they form the smallest coin among the inhabitants of New Spain. (p. 238.)
61 In the large work of Ramusio, entitled ‘Raccolta delle Navigazioni e Viaggi,’ there is a very interesting account of the city of Mexico. There we find that this market was about three times larger than the one at Salamanca, and surrounded by porticos. Every five days was a great market day, and from forty to fifty thousand people come to buy and sell there. (p. 238.)
62 With regard to Mexican mythology, Bernal Diaz is, perhaps, not quite so correct in general. The abbé F.S. Clavigero, who wrote a history of Mexico, in two volumes quarto, is more intelligent in this respect. (p. 239.)
63 This note refers to the idol, half hidden from view, of which Bernal Diaz has forgotten the name; it was probably the goddess Centeotl, sometimes called Tonacajohua. (p. 240.)
64 The Spanish is, “Estavan malos de bubas ó humores, les dolieron los muslas de baxar!” bubas I have everywhere translated by the general term of swellings in the groin, though it is quite evident, from the 68th letter of Petrus Martyr ab Angleria, (De Rebus Oceanicis el Novo orbe decades tres) that this disease was the syphilis, which was then spreading so dreadfully. (p. 241.)
65 The best-informed writers agree with Bernal Diaz as to the vast extent of this temple. It was so extensive, says Torquemada, that an arrow shot from a crossbow would not reach the length of one of its sides. A few lines lower he says, that each of these sides was three hundred and sixty feet long! The wall which surrounded this huge temple was entirely built of hewn stone. (p. 241.)
66 Bernal Diaz is here speaking of the Mexican picture writing or hieroglyphics. (p. 242.)
67 This passage fully proves the kind disposition of the monarch, for he even overcame his religious scruples to please the very men who came to take his kingdom from him. (p. 244.)
68 The Mexican name of this township was Nauhtlan. (p. 248.)
69 The Mexican name for goddess. (p. 249.)
[69*] Bernal Diaz only mentions three of these generals by name: Quetzalpopoca, Coatl, and Quiahuitle, which we thought better to insert here. When Quetzalpopoca, says Torquemada, was brought into the presence of the Spaniards, and asked whether he was a vassal of Motecusuma, he replied: “Is it possible in this world to be the vassal of any other monarch.” (p. 253.)
70 Alvarado, who sometimes also played a game with Motecusuma, showed little generosity, according to other writers. If he lost, he paid with chalchihuis stones; if he won, he was paid with bars of gold, each worth at least fifty ducats. Motecusuma frequently lost in one evening from forty to fifty of such gold bars to Alvarado; but the more he lost, the more good-humoured he appeared. (p. 258.)
71 A kind of soup or broth, of which the so termed Spanish pepper formed the chief ingredient. (p. 260.)
[71*] The name of the prince was Cuicuitzcatl. (p. 270.)
72 According to Torquemada, Umbria was only scourged, which appears more probable. (p. 273.)
73 At the present day even this river is known in New Spain by the name of Huasacualco, and even Guacasualco. (p. 274.)
74 For a further account of what happened after the building of this altar, I must refer the reader to the oft-quoted work of Torquemada (Monarchia, Ind. iv, 53.) (p. 286.)
75 This Alonso Mata, as we afterwards see, was met on his way to Mexico by Cortes. (p. 300.)
76 Naborias, Indian servants. (p. 301.)
77 According to Torquemada, Motecusuma, accompanied by a distinguished suite, conducted the Spaniards as far as Iztapalapan. (p. 303.)
78 Probably Topaniqueta, which sounds more like an Indian name. (p. 304.)
[78*] The real name of this province was Chinantla, but our author calls the inhabitants Chichinatecas. (p. 310.)
79 Hierro is the Spanish word for iron, and Bernal Diaz always uses Hierro for the point of a lance; otherwise one would suppose,—when he says of the Chinantecs, “Hizíeron los hierros muy mas perfetamente,” etc., i.e. “they made the irons (points) much more perfect;”—that the working of iron was known in the country long before the arrival of the Spaniards; but it is evident, from what he says four lines below, that these points were made of copper. (p. 311.)
80 Panguenequita, probably another name for Tapanigueta. (p. 311.)
81 Respecting this animal, see note 5, p. 22. (p. 313.)
82 The clater nocturnus. (p. 327.)
83 It need scarcely be remarked that the Spanish guns at that time were fired by means of matches, which were made of hempen tow, boiled in the lees of old wine, and when dry and once lighted they burn on until consumed. (p. 327.)
84 Bernal Diaz has forgotten some circumstances relative to this battle. Three hundred of Narvaez’s troops defended themselves bravely for a length of time on one of the temples, nor did they surrender until all their powder was spent. (p. 327.)
85 Of this dreadful disease Gomara says, that it spread from Sempoalla through the whole of New Spain, and that in the greater part of the townships half of the inhabitants were carried off by it. It was a custom among the inhabitants to go immediately from a hot bath into a cold one, so that it was a wonder any escaped death. Those that survived could not help scratching themselves, which naturally left large scars, and rendered them hideous to look at. Torquemada agrees with Gomara, but adds, from the authority of the Indians, that this and other pestilential diseases spread at certain times through the whole of the country; and Bernal Diaz, in describing the person of the younger Xicotencatl, says his face was pitted as if with the smallpox. (p. 332.)
86 A formal inquiry was made into this circumstance, by order of Charles the Fifth. The excellent Bartholomew de las Casas gave judgment, and he pronounced the Mexicans entirely innocent of having had any intention to massacre the troops under Alvarado, but that the latter had massacred the Mexicans without any provocation, merely for the purpose of striking terror among them. In pronouncing this judgment, however, Las Casas may have been carried away by his excessive zeal for humanity towards the Indians. Herrera (Historia de las Indias occidentales, decade ii, b. x,) says: “The fact, however, is, that the Mexicans intended to have murdered all the Spaniards on this occasion; for which purpose they had concealed their arms in the buildings adjoining the temple. This was told the Spaniards by the women, from whom they always learnt the truth.” (p. 336.)
87 The daily allowance of a soldier during this time was only fifty grains of maise! (p. 347.)
88 According to other accounts, it certainly appears that Alvarado made this astonishing leap. (Monarchia In., iv, c. 71.) We find that Alvarado was distinguished from his brother by the surname of Alvarado of the leap. Humboldt, in his interesting work on New Spain, has thought it worth his while to rescue the honour of this brave officer with regard to this leap. Even to the present day there is a small bridge near Bonavista, called Salto de Alvarado. (p. 352.)
89 According to other accounts Cortes put great faith in the secret art of this man. It was upon Botello’s advice that he also attacked Narvaez in the night time. He had likewise advised the retreat from Mexico in the night time, although he knew, he said, that neither himself, his brother, nor several others of his company would escape alive. (p. 353.)
90 During this retreat three of Motecusuma’s sons lost their lives; but there were two other sons of this monarch who survived the fall of their house and became the founders of the distinguished grandee families of Spain, the earls of Montezuma and Tula; one was called Cano and the other Andrada Montezuma. (p. 353.)
91 One circumstance Bernal Diaz has omitted to mention. After the enemy had taken possession of the bridges there were one hundred Spaniards, who, seeing no further chance of making good their retreat, fortified themselves on a teocalli or temple. Here these brave men maintained their position against the whole armed force of the town for three days, but hunger at length compelled them to surrender, and the whole of them were sacrificed to the idols. (p. 353.)
92 The hunger which the Spaniards suffered during these days must have been excessive; for Torquemada states it as a fact, that one of the soldiers had cut out the liver from the body of another and devoured it; for which Cortes was nearly going to hang the man. (p. 354.)
93 Torquemada says, “That the Spaniards stood like a small island in the midst of the ocean, against which the rolling billows beat on every side.” When Cortes decided the fate of the day by his courageous attack upon the Mexican commander, the battle had lasted five hours. (p. 354.)
94 The Mexican general’s name was Cihuacatzin; he was the Matlaxopilli, commander-in-chief, and carried the imperial standard, called Tlahuizmatlaxopilli, being a golden net ten palms in length. (p. 355.)
95 Bernal Diaz errs here with respect to dates, for the disastrous retreat from Mexico, according to Cortes’ despatches and other accounts, took place on the 1st of July, and thus la noche triste (the night of sorrows) was on the night between the 1st and 2d of July, and the battle of Otumpan took place on the 7th. There must either have been some mistake in the original manuscript or in the printing, for the years are also dated erroneously. (p. 356.)
96 This is certainly a corrupted name, for it is dissimilar in sound to all others, and terminates differently. (p. 358.)
97 According to Torquemada, Cortes had left one of his officers, named Juan Perez, with eighty Spaniards in Tlascalla, when he first marched to Mexico. On learning from this officer that Maxixcatzin had offered to march at the head of 100,000 men to his assistance, he grew excessively angry with him, and reproached him in the severest terms for not having accepted of the offer. (p. 359.)
98 Torquemada throws more light on the reason of the younger Xicotencatl’s wishing to form an alliance with Mexico. The Mexicans being aware that the Spaniards would derive great advantages by their alliance with Tlascalla, sent an embassy of six distinguished personages to draw this republic into an alliance with them. The matter was formally discussed by the Tlascallan chiefs in council, and though the Mexican ambassadors tried their utmost to persuade them into an alliance, the majority decided against it.
At the head of the minority stood the younger Xicotencatl, and the debate was carried on with such asperity that the young hero, who had more penetration than the rest, was at length forcibly expelled the meeting. (p. 362.)
99 According to Torquemada, these two townships were called Quauhquechulla and Quauhquechola. (p. 368.)
100 Most probably Iztucan. (p. 370.)
101 Cortes, in his despatches, calls this place Izzucan; the same, no doubt, as Iztucan. (p. 372.)
Notes to the First Volume
A translation of these lines will be found in a subsequent note. (p. 208.)