Chapter IV 1840
The Duchesse de Sagan, eldest sister of the Duchesse de Talleyrand, had died in the winter of 1840. A number of business difficulties were involved by the disposal of her property, and the Duchesse de Talleyrand resolved upon a journey to Prussia, which she had not visited since her marriage. She was accompanied by her eldest son, M. de Valençay, while her correspondent, M. de Bacourt, who had been appointed French Minister to the United States, went to take up his new post at Washington, where he remained for several years.
Amiens, May 16, 1840.—I cannot say with what fear I think of my departure from Paris this morning and of the real trials upon which we are to enter. I am now on the way to Germany, while you are starting for America.101 But to return to my journey of to-day: the roads are heavy, the postillions brought us along rather badly, and we did not arrive here until nine o’clock in the evening. I have read a good deal of the life of Cardinal Ximenes. It is a sober and a serious book, correctly written, but cold, and progress in it is difficult. I do not, however, regret my trouble with it, for I know but little of this great character, and he is worth studying.
The country is beautifully green and fresh, with bushy vegetation. We had pleasant weather, in spite of a few showers, but twenty times I told myself that travelling was the most foolish of all professions; to be carried along these interminable roads, bumped upon their rough surface, delivered to the tender mercies of postillions, fleeing from all one loves, going as rapidly as possible towards things and people who are quite uninteresting; thus spending one’s life as though it were eternal, and only realising its shortness when it is at an end.
Lille, May 17, 1840.—This morning before leaving Amiens we heard mass in the fine cathedral. The 17th of May is a date of special import to myself. I gave myself some credit for going to mass so far from the house of the rector of the Academy, M. Martin, with whom we put up; then it was raining hard, and the Picard streets are very dirty and the pavement detestable.
The cathedral is really magnificent; strength, grace, and boldness are combined; stained-glass windows alone are wanting, as the light is too bright. I prayed with all my heart for the dead and for the living, and for the travellers who are to entrust themselves to the sea or traverse unknown lands.
On the road from Amiens to this town I read the Diable boiteux, the merits of which do not attract me in the least. The stories are too monotonous and uninteresting, and the constant tone of mockery and satire, which is not supported by the fine verse of Boileau, quite disgusted me. However, I have read it, and am glad it is over. I now know the nature of this book, which has had a certain reputation.
We had a better journey than yesterday. Our servants have gone to the office to arrange for to-morrow’s journey, which will be complicated by the Belgian railways. After the mediocrity of Amiens and Arras, where I had some broth this morning, Lille strikes one as a large if not a great town, but I must admit that at present my travelling curiosity is benumbed and my interest remarkably dull.
Liège, May 18, 1840.—We have been fourteen mortal hours on the journey from Lille to this town, notwithstanding the help of the railway. The fact is that to make use of the railway it is necessary to make a round of twenty leagues, which considerably diminishes the advantage of it. From Courtrai one must go up to Gand, touch Malines, and then to Liège by Louvain and Tirlemont. A vast amount of time is wasted in stoppages at the numerous stations. Moreover, if one takes one’s own carriage time is required to put it on a truck and take it off again, while the expense for the freight of carriages is so heavy that nothing is saved by the railway. It is certainly a marvellous invention, and the machinery is interesting. All is worked with perfect punctuality and order, but at the same time it is an unpleasant way of travelling, to my taste. There is no time to see anything; for instance, we passed along the outer walls of several towns which I should have liked to examine; we did not even pass through villages, but went straight across country, with no other event than occasional tunnels, cold and damp, in which the smoke of the engine becomes thick enough to choke one. Even though the wind carries away the smoke, it and the rattling of the engine would make you imagine yourself upon a steamboat. Imagination was the easier in my case as sickness and a certain stupefaction never left me. In short, I arrived worn out and more and more displeased with the fatigues and weariness of my enterprise. At Menin we were told to get out in a bitter wind to be searched by the Custom House officials; only when the examination was half over did they ask for our passports; upon seeing our rank the Inspector of Customs checked the ardour of his subordinates and allowed us to go. The fortress of Menin is most carefully kept, and as clean and well restored as it can be; and yet, if I am not wrong, I think that our protocols had required its destruction.
I was struck with great admiration for the wealth and the good cultivation of all Belgium, and if I had been able to satisfy my taste for old buildings by visiting Ghent, Malines, and other places I should have been consoled.
Bergheim, May 19, 1840.—To travel from Liège to Cologne would have been too long a day, so we are sleeping here in a very clean little inn, though we have no means of warming ourselves, in spite of the fact that the wind is icy. It is something of a hardship to be forced to go without a fire or to be suffocated by a cast-iron stove. I am undoubtedly a very ungrateful daughter of Germany, as I find numberless material discomforts which I did not suspect in past years, but which now cause me considerable exasperation.
I was greatly struck by the delightful country through which we passed on the road from Liège to Aix-la-Chapelle by way of Verviers. Chaudfontaine especially is a charming spot. The direct road would have been through Battice, but this road is out of use and repair, and we were directed from Liège to Verviers. The richness and beauty of the countryside, the activity of the factories, and the river valleys made the scene entirely animated and agreeable.
I was struck by the changed appearance of Aix-la-Chapelle. Although the watering season had not yet commenced, the town was as animated as possible; there are plenty of fine shops and new houses. At the same time I should not care to take the waters there, as there is nothing countrified about the place, and the walks are all too distant. To-day I read a large part of a book by the Président de Brosses, Italy a Hundred Years Ago. It is written with vigour and cheerfulness, wit and fancy, but the spirit of the eighteenth century and the writer’s peculiar cynicism are obvious at every page.
Cologne, May 20, 1840.—We have reached here so early that we have decided to travel another dozen leagues to-day, after seeing Frau von Binzer, changing our money, and buying some eau de Cologne. How cold it is here! The change of climate becomes more and more perceptible.
Elberfeld, May 20, 1840.—Frau von Binzer is an extremely ugly person, but cheerful, sensible, clever, and very loyal. She spent last year with my sister, the Duchesse de Sagan, and had only left her for six weeks when she was overtaken by death. She wept bitterly in speaking of my sister, and assured me that her death was a happy deliverance; that she was so sad, so wearied, irritated, and disgusted with everything that her temperament had visibly changed. She seems to have had fits of actual despair, to have suffered a great deal during the last weeks, and to have had several presentiments of her death. She made her will on the evening before her last journey to Italy, in the course of five minutes, while she had some friends in the house taking tea. She told Frau von Binzer what she was doing, to her great astonishment. She had intended to make another will, but death came upon her as a punishment for her dilatoriness. Frau von Binzer was so grieved at the rapidity of our departure from Cologne that I could not refuse to take lunch with her. She lives a long way from the hotel where I had put up, and I therefore had a considerable walk to her house and back. My walk was prolonged because she insisted upon taking me out of my way to show me the Stock Exchange, an old and curious house of the Templars, the Town Hall, with its curious tower and doorway, and the cathedral, which the Crown Prince of Prussia has taken under his patronage, and which is being rapidly restored; the results will be admirable. We stopped for a moment in front of the Church of St. Mary of the Capitol, where Alpaide, the mother of Charles Martel, is buried. We also looked at two houses belonging to old aristocratic families in the time of the Hansa, which are in Byzantine style. At the same time Cologne is a very ugly town, and the Rhine is by no means beautiful at the spot where we crossed it.
Here we are, twelve leagues from Cologne, in the prettiest town conceivable, which reminds one of Verviers; the country about it is also pretty, and somewhat Belgian in character. All is clean and well cared for. The Prussian roads are truly admirable, the postillions go much better, and the horses are kept in good condition. In this respect and in many others the country has undergone a remarkable change. At the same time the iron stoves, the beds, and the food cause me discomfort. The railway is progressing, and it is intended to continue the line to Berlin. The work is being pushed on with great rapidity, and from Liège nothing is to be seen but navvies, machinery, and other preparations for this transformation scene.
Mersheden, May 21, 1840.—We reached Arnberg at five o’clock. This seemed a little early to finish our stage, so we continued our journey for six leagues more. Now we are in a typical village inn, but fairly clean, and with very obliging people. We might have found better accommodation at the next stage, but I could not bring myself to expose the servants any longer to the frightful weather. I have rarely seen any more dreadful; hail, rain, blasts, and storms all came down upon us. None the less I noticed that we were passing through country almost as pretty as that which we saw yesterday. It reminded me at times of the valley of Baden and of the narrower valley of Wildbad. I am still reading the Italy of the President de Brosses, which is amusing, but not entirely attractive. I will copy two passages which seem to me fairly applicable to our present mode of life: “Generally speaking, the inconveniences and the causes of impatience during a long journey are so many that one should avoid the further vexation of economy in small matters. It is certainly hard to be cheated, but we should satisfy our self-esteem by telling ourselves that we are cheated willingly and because we are too lazy to be angry.” That is a piece of advice which I am inclined to practise too often. Here is the other passage which also suits my case: “In foreign countries we should be on our guard against satisfaction of the sight and weariness of the heart. There is as much as you please to amuse your curiosity, but no social resources. You are living only with people who have no interest in you or you in them, and however kind they are, it is impossible for either party to go to the trouble of discovering interest in the other when each knows that they are ready to part and never to meet again.”
Cassel, May 22, 1840.—The weather to-day was as bad as yesterday, and the country not so pretty. Cassel is quite as small a town as Carlsruhe, and looks even less like a residential city. The suburbs especially are very poor. I found nothing to admire but a hill covered with magnificent oak-trees, which took us a long time both to ascend and descend. I feel the cold most bitterly, and everything here is so late that the lilac is hardly in flower.
On arriving I sent for newspapers, in which I saw an account of the long-delayed visit of the Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia to Mannheim. Poor Grand Duchess Stephanie! A year ago such a visit would have been an event; to-day it is mere empty courtesy, and it must have cost her an effort to receive it graciously. The only matter of interest to me in the newspaper was the bad account given, with no attempt at concealment, of the King of Prussia’s health. This slow illness must change all the habits of the royal family and of Berlin society. I shall certainly not regret the entertainments, but I shall be sorry to be unable to pay my respects to the King, who was very kind to me in my youth.
Nordhausen, May 23, 1840.—It did not rain to-day, but it is cold enough for frost. To-morrow we have forty-one leagues to travel if we are to reach Wittenberg, a severe task which seems to me impossible. Fortunately we have done with the roads and the postillions of Hesse, which have remained faithful to the old Germanic aberrations. In Prussia both the posting system and the roads are excellent, the villages and their inhabitants look greatly superior, but for the last twenty-four hours, though the country is not precisely ugly, it has lost the richness and attractiveness which struck me on the road from Lille to Arnberg.
Wittenberg, May 24, 1840.—Forty-two leagues in twenty-four hours in a country where no one knows what going ahead means, is really excellent progress.
This town is an old acquaintance of my youth. When we used to go from Berlin to Saxony and from Saxony to Berlin, Wittenberg was always the second halt, for at that time macadamised roads were unknown. Progress was made at a walking pace, ploughing through deep sand. To-morrow I expect to cover twenty-seven leagues in nine or ten hours, which occupied two days in those earlier times. From Nordhausen to this point the country is ugly, and the inevitable pine-tree forests have reappeared. The cradle of my youth was certainly far from beautiful.
My curiosity was aroused by Eisleben and Halle, through which we passed. The former of these towns was Luther’s birthplace. His house is well preserved, and there is a small museum there of all kinds of things relating to him and to the Reformation. I only saw the outside of the house, which is of no special interest, but at the door I bought a small description of Eisleben and its curiosities, which has made me quite learned.
Halle is very ugly, in spite of a few Gothic exteriors, past which I drove. Moreover, these university towns have invariably a character of their own, which is provided by the crowd of wretched students, with their noise and want of manners, who loaf about the carriages, with long pipes in their mouths, and seem quite ready to cause a disturbance.
Berlin, May 25, 1840.—The rain has been coming down again all day, and my re-entry to my native town was made under no agreeable auspices. Fortunately I had no reason to regret that the countryside was not in sunshine, for the scenery from Wittenberg here is atrocious. I had forgotten to some extent my native land, and was surprised to find it so hideous. However, I must make an exception of the bridge of Potsdam, which is really pretty. The bank of the Havel is bright and graceful with the wooded slopes which surround it, covered as they are with pretty country houses. Even Potsdam, which is only a summer residence, looks more like a capital town than Cassel, Stuttgart, or Carlsruhe; but half a league further on everything is as dry and dismal as possible, until the suburbs of Berlin, which gave me a real surprise on the side from which we reached the town. This happened to be an English quarter, with iron gateways before the houses, and a number of gardens between the gateways and the houses, which are small, but very well kept.
Berlin itself is a handsome town, but thinly populated, while as regards carriages, cabs are the dominant feature, and sadness is therefore its chief characteristic. I am staying at the Russicher Hof. Opposite is the Castle; a pretty bridge and the museum on the left; on the right are the quays. It is a pleasant aspect, and my room on the first floor is almost too magnificent.
My man of business, Herr von Wolff, told me that the King’s condition was regarded as desperate, and that yesterday he sent for his eldest son, and entrusted him with the business of government. The scene is said to have been very touching. The King’s illness is intestinal catarrh, which seems incurable. It is also said that he has had the deplorable privilege of bad doctors in Berlin, where the doctors are excellent. He can take no food, and is visibly wasting away; but death is not thought to be imminent. The day before yesterday he walked as far as his window to see the troops march past, and those who saw him were horrified by the change in his appearance.
The whole town is in sadness, and the royal family in despair. The Princess of Liegnitz is quite as ill as the King, with severe gastritis, and is thought to be in great danger.
M. Bresson, who has just spent an hour with me, is in despair at the King’s condition. He will see no one except the Princess of Liegnitz, his doctors, and the Prince of Wittgenstein. He has seen the Crown Prince for a moment, but none of his other children, and says he feels too weak to see any one else. A messenger has just been despatched to the Russian Empress, to stop her progress at Warsaw, where she is to arrive to-morrow. The King would be in no condition to bear this interview, much less the lamentable scenes which the Emperor Nicholas would certainly make. The Empress is also said to be in a very sad way. This approaching death will be a great blow, which will re-echo near and far.
Berlin, May 26, 1840.—I slept fairly well. My bed is not quite so narrow or so extraordinary as some that I have found on the journey from Cologne to Berlin. Unless one is prepared to sleep on nothing but feathers, nothing is to be found but thin, hard mattresses nailed on to deal boards. The bedclothes are of a remarkable character, while the sheets look like towels. I had several of them sewn together, and thus succeeded in covering my bed. As regards bedrooms, Germany is undoubtedly in a state of savagery, even more so than with regard to food, which is extraordinary enough at times, though in Berlin even M. de Valençay admits that it is good. The cleanliness is perfect, and the furniture tasteful. There are carpets everywhere, and the iron stoves are replaced by fine porcelain stoves, which give no smell and heat the room excellently, but it is disappointing to be forced to use them on the 26th of May. M. Bresson utters terrible groans about the climate.
Is it not strange that I should have felt no emotion whatever upon re-entering this town where I was born and where I was largely brought up? I examined it with the same curiosity as I felt towards Cologne and Cassel, and that was all. I have no feeling of that special patriotism which I have long felt for Germany. I am a complete stranger both to things and people, entirely unconnected with the place, speaking the language with some hesitation; in short, I am not at home, or rather ill at my ease, and ashamed at being so. I do not think it would be thus if I were to return to London. I do not think I should then be delighted; I should probably burst into tears; but at any rate I should feel some emotion, as I feel at Valençay. I am less afraid of that which stirs my feelings than of that which freezes them.
Everything goes on here so early that one must be ready at dawn. Waking up is nothing, but getting up is difficult. I am extremely tired, even more than when travelling, because when once ensconced in my carriage, which is very soft, I can rest in silence, inaction, and sleep, whereas here things are very different.
My man of business from Silesia was at my house at nine o’clock. He is going away this evening to make preparations for my arrival. At eleven o’clock Herr and Frau von Wolff came in. They told me that the Duke of Coburg was negotiating to buy the estate of Muskau from Prince Pückler for his sister, the Grand Duchess Constantine. The garden of Muskau is said to be the most beautiful in Germany. It is only ten leagues from my house.
M. Bresson came in at midday to tell me that there was some improvement in the King, that he had been able to take some soup and to walk round his room. He urged me at the same time not to put off my calls upon the chief ladies of the Princesses.
Midday is the fashionable hour for calls here, so I started off with M. de Valençay. First we went to the Countess of Reede at the Castle. She is the chief lady of the Crown Princess, and was an intimate friend of my mother. She was not at home, nor was the Baroness of Lestocq, lady-in-waiting to the Princess William, the King’s sister-in-law. We also went to the Countess of Wincke at the King’s palace to call upon the Princess of Liegnitz. She is an old lady belonging to the palace of the late Queen, of which I retained some confused idea from my youth. She received us with an old aristocratic air which pleased me. The Countess of Schweinitz, at the new palace of Prince William, the King’s son, was also at home. Countess Kuhneim, at the Teutonic Palace, where the Princess Charles of Prussia resides, was out.
Frau von Schweinitz told me that Prince William was to start to-morrow to meet his sister, the Empress of Russia, and to stop her from coming here. We also went to see the Werthers, who were delighted to talk of Paris; and then to the house of Madame de Perponcher, with whom I played a great deal in my youth. She was not at home.
Berlin is really a very fine town. The streets are wide and laid out in regular lines, the houses are tall and regular, there are many palaces and fine buildings, fine squares with trees, gardens and walks, and yet it is gloomy. There is obviously a lack of wealth to fill the fine setting. The carriages of private individuals are so much like cabs that I was deceived by the resemblance for some time. The horses and liveries and everything of the kind are dreadfully shabby.
Yesterday we dined with M. Bresson, who lives in a beautiful house which my sister the Duchess of Acerenza occupied in past years. The rooms are fine and beautifully furnished for Berlin, but spoilt by a horrible portrait of the French King, whose hand is stretched over a vast charter—quite an atrocity! The other guests were von Humboldt, Lord William Russell, and M. de Loyère, who is attached to the French Embassy. Herr von Humboldt talked in his usual style of all the rivers, all the mountains, all the planets, and of the whole universe. He did not forget his neighbours, whom he did not treat with superlative charity. Princess Albert seemed to me to be very much in his bad books, and also to some extent in those of M. Bresson. Lord William Russell is always taciturn, as a Russell should be. He says he is not displeased with his position, and anything that separates him from Lady Russell always suits his taste. As for M. Bresson, he is obviously bored, and the nine years he has spent here have completely exhausted his patience. I think that he greatly fears the approaching death of the King as likely to affect his position. He complains of the effects of the climate, and is obviously beating against his bars.
In the middle of this dinner Princess William, the King’s daughter-in-law, asked me to wait upon her at half-past six. I therefore went. She lives in a charming palace, beautifully arranged; the conservatories are decorated with marble, the floors are magnificent, and the furniture is beautiful; in short, the whole is in exquisite taste. The Princess was alone, and received me most graciously. I stayed a long time.
The general fear of a visit from the Russian Imperial family is very curious. The royal family is preoccupied with the business of avoiding anything of the kind, and use a thousand devices for the purpose. They seem to be afraid of them as of a devastating torrent.
I have just had a call from Madame de Perponcher. Her queenly bearing and her regular features have survived the passing of her youth. She is a clever woman, and her conversation is animated.
Berlin, May 27, 1840.—A special luxury in Berlin, to be found in all the houses belonging to people of importance, are the wide windows, which light the rooms brilliantly, and give a bright appearance to the houses.
This morning I had a private audience of the Crown Princess, who lives in a part of the Castle properly so called. Her large private room is handsome and curious. The Princess is very polite, but a little cold and timid, with beautiful blue eyes, a dull complexion, strong and by no means attractive features; she limps a little. The conversation became animated upon the arrival of the Crown Prince. He showed me great cordiality, and had just come from the King, who was perceptibly better. This improvement has revived all their spirits, but there is still a grave reason for anxiety.
I dined with Princess William, the King’s daughter-in-law; her husband has delayed his departure. At dinner there were the Crown Prince and Princess, and the two Princes of Würtemberg, the sons of Prince Paul; the latter are starting to-morrow to meet their sister, the Grand Duchess Helena, who is going to Ems, and then to Italy. The other guests were Prince George of Hesse, brother of the Duchess of Cambridge; a Russian general and an English officer who had come to look at the manœuvres; Werther, his wife, and his son, who is going to Paris to take the place of Arnim till the new appointment is made; and the Count and Countess of Redern. The Countess is a Hamburg heiress, entirely ugly; she looks like a blonde Jewess, which is to be ugly twice over.
I sat near the Crown Prince, who asked me many questions about Versailles, and was then interested in all the recollections of our youth; he has grown very stout and old.
At seven o’clock in the evening I was requested to visit Princess Albert, and invited to stay for tea and supper. It is impossible to imagine anything which takes up so much time as Court life here. The only satisfactory point is that everyone withdraws before ten o’clock at night; but at that time one is more exhausted than one would be at two o’clock in the morning at Paris.
I think that of all the persons I have seen here Princess Albert has filled me with the greatest curiosity and interest. At first I thought her face long and narrow, her mouth large, and the lower part of her face, when she laughed, very ugly, while the want of eyebrows was remarkable; but by degrees I have grown used to her, and find her actually pleasant. Her teeth are white, she has a cheerful laugh and lively eyes, her figure is pretty, and she is tall, like myself; but it is too obvious that she laces very tightly, which is the more noticeable as she is never at rest; she wriggles, gesticulates, laughs, fidgets, and talks somewhat at random; she never crosses a room except at a run and a skip, and does not shine in point of dignity of bearing, but on the whole she is by no means unpleasant, and I think that men might find her somewhat attractive. She was very kind to me, with a frankness and good-nature in putting her questions as if she had always known me, and poking fun right and left at her family to begin with; she astonished me greatly. The fact is that she is a spoilt child, accustomed to do and say anything she likes, and is regarded here as quite beyond restraint. She goes away to The Hague when her family would like her to stay in Berlin, and comes back when they think she intends to make a long stay in Holland. In short, she is a strange being. Her husband is very delicate. Their palace, though pretty outside, seemed to me rather poor within. At her house I saw no one except the Princess of Würtemberg, Madame de Perponcher (reasons of etiquette forbid her to receive M. de Perponcher, as the Diplomatic Body are excluded from royal residences), Herr von Liebermann, Prussian Minister at St. Petersburg, and the Prince and Princess William, the King’s son, who arrived late.
I cannot be anything but grateful for the reception that has been offered to me here, but the want of rest overpowers every other consideration, and I should like to be back in my dear Rochecotte.
Berlin, May 28, 1840.—This morning I had an audience of Princess Charles. She has charming features, a fine figure, a high colour, tired eyes, beautiful manners, and a kind and pleasant way of speaking. Her appearance, on the whole, is insignificant, but she shows much kindness of heart. Her husband is simply vulgar. At the present moment he has a mania for seeing operations, and watches all the new experiments in surgery. Berlin is just now much excited by a mode of curing squinting, practised by Dieffenbach. Out of two hundred cases he has had only one failure, and that was due to the impatience of the patient. It is a very clever idea, and people come in from all parts to be made beautiful instead of ugly.
Here every one professes surprise at the resemblance between Madame de Lazareff and myself.
I have called upon Princess Pückler, the wife of the traveller; she is a lady who is largely supported by the Court; but she was not at home. In the afternoon I called upon Princess William, the Queen’s sister-in-law, who was extremely kind to me. She has been very beautiful, and some remnants of her beauty still remain. She is a leading member of the sect of the Pietists. She introduced me to her unmarried daughter, a pretty princess of fifteen years of age, whose face pleased me greatly.102
Princess William is the sister of the Dowager Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg, step-mother to the Duchesse d’Orléans.
I am going to the theatre to see a ballet, in the box of the Countess of Redern, who insisted upon my coming. Then I shall finish my day with the Werthers, who are giving a party for me. I am quite overwhelmed by my busy life, which is so utterly different from the idle existence I have led for the last two years.
Berlin, May 29, 1840.—The ballet here is very well done. The King takes great interest in it, and gives an annual subscription of a hundred and twenty thousand crowns to the Opera, which is a great deal for this country. There are many pretty dancers, the theatre is beautiful and the orchestra excellent. I have been unable to judge of the singers, as I did not go till the opera was over.
At the Werthers’ I found a rout going on, which was much like all other parties of the kind. The women were well dressed, but not pretty, the social intercourse somewhat cold, while the men in the service wore their uniforms, which gave them a stiff appearance.
The King’s condition gave less satisfaction yesterday; he had had a fainting fit after expressing a wish to eat herrings, which was speedily satisfied. However, the Princes went to the theatre. The doctors persist in saying that his state is not desperate. This is the opinion, among others, of a certain Dr. Schönlein, who has been appointed professor at the university here; he comes from Zürich with a very great reputation, and the King has been induced to see him in consultation. Princess Frederick of the Low Countries is expected. She is her father’s favourite, and he is as anxious to see her as he is afraid of the Russian visits. Princess William, the King’s sister-in-law, whose eldest daughter is married to Darmstadt, told me that the Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia is deeply in love with Princess Marie, his future bride, and she is beginning to feel the same towards him.
I was to have dined to-day with the Crown Prince, but as the King had had another fainting fit the High Marshal came to tell me that the dinner would not take place. The King’s precarious condition causes much anxiety to some people who are fond of him, and to others who respect him for political considerations. No one, not even the heir, was prepared for this crisis, and to their sadness is added perplexity and hesitation.
Yesterday morning I went for a drive in the Tiergarten, the Bois de Boulogne of Berlin, and saw the spot where I had been daily taken for a walk in my youth. It is a very pretty wood on the edge of the town, well planted, partly in English style, bounded by the Spree, and full of pretty country houses. It is a very popular resort at Berlin.
I dined with Lord William Russell, where I heard that there was some small excitement in the Ministry at London, though nothing was likely to come of it. The present Cabinet is as used to defeats as Mithridates to poison.
This morning Herr von Humboldt came to fetch us, and took his niece, Frau von Bülow, and myself to the Museum. He had told all the directors, professors, and artists to be ready. I therefore saw everything in the greatest detail. The building is fine and well arranged, the classification perfect and intelligent, and the light well managed. The King has acquired some excellent examples of every style of art; an ancient bust of Julius Cæsar in greenish basalt is one of the most beautiful things I know. The Museum is very rich in pictures of the ancient German school; the Etruscan vases are quite first-rate; the fifteenth-century china is very curious; the intaglios and the medals are in perfect order and tastefully set out. The officials, who are clever and full of artistic erudition, did me the honours with great courtesy. I replied by asking many questions, and was attentive to the answers; but the visit lasted for three hours, and I was standing all the time, and eventually I nearly collapsed.
I then went to a great dinner with M. Bresson. As I was starting for it the Prince of Wittgenstein arrived; he had been requested by the King and the Princess of Liegnitz to express to me in the kindest terms their regret at their inability to see me. The King was not quite so ill, and had been able to see Princess Frederick of the Low Countries, his favourite daughter, for whom he had telegraphed, and who had hastened to come to him. The Prince of Wittgenstein was most obliging; he is a stout personage, and is greatly downcast at the moment and heart-broken at the King’s danger. He has a very kindly feeling for France, and is very friendly with Princess William, the king’s daughter-in-law, who overwhelms me with kindness.
At M. Bresson’s dinner Herr von Humboldt, as usual, relieved every one else of the trouble of talking, which is very convenient for lazy persons like myself.
Berlin, May 31, 1840.—To-day is an important day in the history of the country, and one of which the King awaits the issue with impatience. The Great Elector ascended the throne on May 31, 1640, Frederick the Great on May 31, 1740, and I am assured of the existence of a prophecy that the Crown Prince will ascend the throne on May 31, 1840.
I went to mass in a church which is hardly a church: it is a great round hall, covered with a single cupola, surrounded with columns, with a large window between each column. Nothing could be less solemn and less Catholic.
I dined with Prince Radziwill, who took me up after dinner to the rooms of his late mother, where I had been a great deal in my youth. They are no longer used, and are just as I had known them. Nobody could be kinder than all the Radziwills have been to me. The daughter of the late Princess married the nephew of Prince Adam Czartoryski. She is now in the country. The two Radziwill Princes married two sisters, the daughters of Prince Clary. They all had plenty of children, and live as a very happy family in the same house.
I had gone home after the dinner, when I received a message from Princess William, the King’s daughter-in-law, asking me to pay her a visit. I found her alone, and she kept me talking for an hour. The latest news of the King was very sad. He told his chief groom of the chamber that he had no hope of recovery, but would not speak of his death for fear of affecting those about him. He is said to have insisted upon being carried to-morrow to the window of his room, at the moment of the solemn function which has been largely advertised, and the preparations for which he has supervised from his bed. The Crown Prince, in the King’s name, is to lay the first stone of a monument in honour of Frederick II. at the entry of the promenade Unter den Linden. The whole garrison, all the state bodies, and all Berlin, are to be present at this ceremony. Stands have been erected for the public. My son and myself are to find a place on the balcony of Princess William, where the Princesses will be.
Yesterday evening at the house of the Prince of Wittgenstein, where I went, was Madame de Krüdener, née Lerchenfeld, natural daughter of the Count Lerchenfeld and of the Princess of Thurn and Taxis. At St. Petersburg she was at first a favourite of the Empress, but was afterwards somewhat discarded because the Emperor appeared to be taken with her. She strongly resembles the late Queen of Prussia, which may be explained by her birth, but she has not her majestic bearing; she is, however, a handsome woman.
I hear from Paris that there is an attempt to gather the household of the Emperor Napoleon for a mission to fetch his remains from St. Helena. Marchand, his groom of the chamber, was asked if he wished to accompany the mission; at first he hesitated, and then accepted on the condition that he should be allowed to sit at the table of the Prince de Joinville; to satisfy him he has been appointed captain on the staff of the National Guard, and he is to go, and will sit at the Prince’s table! I abstain from comment.
Berlin, June 1, 1840.—I have just returned from the ceremony, which was really most beautiful and imposing. The thought of the King’s dangerous condition, which every one had at heart, gave a singularly touching and solemn aspect to this national celebration, the last at which the poor King could be present. And in what manner was he present? In bed at his window! Fortunately the weather was less disagreeable than it has lately been. The Crown Prince laid the first stone of the monument which is to support the equestrian statue of Frederick the Great. Is it not strange that there is no statue of him as yet in Berlin? Yesterday was the anniversary of his accession a hundred years ago; but as it was a Sunday the celebration was postponed till to-day. Each regiment in the army was represented by a detachment. The army is really superb, and splendidly equipped. Besides the state bodies, the authorities, the Consistory, a detachment of the Landwehr, deputations from the guilds of arts and crafts, with their bands, surrounded the square, which is magnificent and was most beautifully decorated. Around the monument could be seen all those who had served under Frederick II., dressed as they were at that time, and carrying the flags captured during the Seven Years’ War. The King himself had considered every detail of this fine ceremony, and had given the most positive orders to forbid any manifestation of applause for himself; but the silent and profound respect, the perfect order and the sadness of the spectators was sufficiently striking and touching. When the foundation-stone was lowered, salvos were fired, bells rang, drums beat, and the old tattered flags were lowered; at that moment most of the spectators burst into tears. Nothing of the sort could be looked for in a republican atmosphere or in our revolutionary regions.
On the balcony where I was placed I saw Prince Frederick of the Low Countries, who introduced me to his wife. She was overcome with grief; she is not pretty, but looks kind and natural. The young Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia, who arrived this morning, was present; the Crown Prince of Prussia introduced me to him. He is said to have grown very fat. I expected to see a very insignificant young man, but he is quite the contrary, although I do not care about his complexion.
Berlin, June 2, 1840.—Yesterday evening I went to tea with Madame de Perponcher, whose salon is, in my opinion, the pleasantest in Berlin. She is very conversational and well-mannered, while she is simple and restrained. She is a central point of society, and her mother’s position with the Crown Princess has helped her largely. There I heard that no change has taken place in the King’s condition, though something of the kind had been feared owing to the excitement of the day.
The suite of the Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia are staying at the same hotel as myself, at the King’s expense. They make a fearful uproar, and consume the more food as their board costs them nothing. It is impossible to say how the Russians are detested here.
Berlin, June 3, 1840.—Yesterday I was at a great dinner given by the Werthers. The King was said to be better; he had had some sleep, and felt the moral relief of passing the fatal date. During the dinner I received a message from the young Princess William asking me to call upon her after dinner in outdoor dress. I went, and we drove out. She took me to Charlottenburg, which she showed me in full detail, and especially the country house which the King has had built there, where he prefers to stay.
I was glad to see the portraits of the Duc d’Orléans and the Duc de Nemours which were drawn here at the time when they passed through Berlin. The King bought them for his private room. When we came back the Princess made me stay to tea, and I spent all the time alone with her.
This morning when I was finishing breakfast M. Bresson came to tell us that the King was in extremis. In the afternoon I stopped before his palace; he was still alive, and had even recovered sufficient consciousness to demand the reading of the newspapers. There is a crowd about the palace; many people are in tears, and the behaviour of the population is perfect.
Berlin, June 4, 1840.—Yesterday I dined at the house of M. Bresson with Princess Pückler, who is starting for Muskau to meet her husband. He is returning from Vienna after an absence of six years; she speaks of him with admiration. She is a little old woman of wit, intelligence, and tact, and has gained considerable reputation in different circles.
Only yesterday was the publication begun of bulletins upon the King’s health; he might be dead at the present moment. Hitherto he had forbidden any announcements; I do not think he knew anything of it yesterday. He has preserved his consciousness, and is quite calm, simple, and dignified.
Since last night the King has been in a kind of agony, from which he sometimes gains relief by a few drops of coffee. He can still speak a little, and says not a word about his condition, though he realises its gravity to the full. The whole family, even the grandchildren, are at the palace, and the Ministers also. The crowd still throngs the square and shows the same interest.
Berlin, June 5, 1840.—The King was still alive yesterday at eight o’clock in the evening. He had said farewell to his children and solemnly handed his will to his Ministers; he then declared that he had done with this world and wished to see no one except the Princess of Liegnitz and the pastor for whom he sent, intending to devote his remaining time to securing his peace of mind and in considering the life to come.
Berlin, June 6, 1840.—Herr von Humboldt has just left me. The King was very feverish last night; he can hardly speak, and seems to have lost all interest. What a long struggle for a man of seventy! All the Mecklenburg family has arrived. The appearance of the Duke of Cumberland has caused some consternation, and the Emperor Nicholas will be here to-morrow in spite of every attempt to prevent his arrival. There is an obvious intention to surround the new Sovereign from the moment of his accession, and this may damage his public reputation, for the people are apprehensive, and do not hide their fears. It is an interesting time for spectators, and I am perhaps watching the sowing of seed which will produce great consequences.
At the same time I wished to fulfil my promise of going to see Frau von Bülow at Tegel, which is three leagues from Berlin. At first I found the wind very unpleasant, but when we entered a forest which began half-way I was pleasantly sheltered, and the scent of the pine-trees was delightful. On leaving the pine-trees we reached a superb lake, the shores of which were wooded with trees in leaf—an unusual sight here.
At one end of the lake is the fortress of Spandau, at the other the park, the castle of Tegel, and the monument raised by the late Herr Wilhelm von Humboldt to his wife. It is very pretty. The castle is by no means extraordinary, but contains some fine artistic works brought from Italy, and a good portrait of Alexander von Humboldt by Gérard. The monument is a column of porphyry upon a granite base, and the capital is in white marble. The column supports a white marble statue of Hope by Thorwaldsen, and is surrounded half by an iron railing and half by a great stone bench. All is in excellent taste, and the only point which displeased me was that Frau von Humboldt, her husband, her eldest son, and one of the children of Frau von Bülow are really buried at the foot of this column. I cannot bear graves in gardens; my belief requires a common cemetery or vault in a church or chapel—in short, a spot consecrated to prayer and reflection, and undisturbed by worldly tumult.
I drove round the lake, and then took the road back to Berlin. At the gates of the town I met Lord William Russell, who told me that the King was at his last gasp, and that orders had been given to close the theatres. My son, whom I found at our hotel on the point of coming in, gave me the same news. He had just been watching the operation for curing squinting, and was full of admiration for Dieffenbach, his dexterity, and the result of the operation. Of the two patients, both young girls, one did not say a word, and the other cried a great deal. The mere demonstration would have made me want to scream. The whole operation lasts from seventy to eighty seconds. The operator is helped by three pupils; one raises the upper eyelid, the second depresses the lower lid, and the third wipes away the blood between the two incisions. The first incision divides the lower part of the white of the eye; then with a little hook Dieffenbach draws forward the muscle covered by that part, cuts it through, and the operation is over. This muscle, in the case of people who squint, is too short, and brings the eye too close to the nose. As soon as it is cut through the pupil goes to its proper place.
Berlin, June 7, 1840.—Yesterday evening the King had reached the end, the death-rattle set in, and there was that motion of the hands, mechanical but terribly symptomatic, which common people call “picking things up to pack.” He was unable to speak, and seemed to have lost consciousness.
I am extremely guarded here in discussing either politics or religion; I hear a great deal, and listen with interest to anything I am told about the state of this country, but I am not imprudent in my answers. Prudence here is easier than in France, where it is almost impossible not to be overcome by the contagion.
I have just been told that the Emperor Nicholas has arrived; I do not think he will see the King, from whose room all are excluded, though he is still alive.
Berlin, June 8, 1840.—The King died yesterday at twenty-two minutes past three in the afternoon, surrounded by all his family, whose hands he clasped without speaking. He died in the arms of the Princess of Liegnitz, for whom the royal family and the public are showing the greatest respect. She has perfectly fulfilled her duty. The Prince Royal fell fainting at the moment when the King expired. Grief is general and widespread. The Emperor Nicholas is said to have lamented loudly; he arrived from Warsaw in thirty-seven hours, accompanied only by General Benkendorff.
Yesterday evening the troops took the oath to the new Sovereign. The Government has issued a proclamation everywhere of the death, which is touching, simple, and perfectly correct.
I have been to Frau von Schweinitz to hear news of Princess William, who takes the title of Princess of Prussia, as her husband is heir-presumptive, though he is not Crown Prince, since he is the brother, not the eldest son, of the new King. The will had been opened. The late King has ordered a military funeral; his body will be placed in the cathedral by day, and, in accordance with his wishes, taken to Charlottenburg by night, to be placed in the same vault with the late Queen, his wife. I have just visited this monument in the park of Charlottenburg, yesterday afternoon. It is enclosed in a temple in ancient style at the end of a long walk of pines and cypress-trees; within the temple, between two candelabras beautifully carved in white marble, is to be seen, upon a raised platform, a bed of white marble, upon which the Queen’s statue is gracefully and simply recumbent, wrapped in a long robe with open sleeves. The bare arms are crossed over the breast, the neck is bare, and the head wears only the royal circlet. It is a masterpiece, especially for the drapery, which is remarkably true to nature, and the best work of Rauch, the Prussian sculptor, whom the late Queen had educated at Rome. The general effect is beautiful, but too mythological; the religious touch which death imperiously claims is wanting.
The King will lie in state to-morrow and the day after in military dress. The body will not be embalmed, and will be interred on Thursday, in accordance with his orders. He also ordered the pastor to pray at his bedside immediately after his death and aloud in the middle of his family, exhorting them to peace and concord. This was done, and it is to be hoped that his prayer will be heard, though there is no immediate appearance that any one heeds it. The immediate withdrawal of the Prince of Wittgenstein and of Herr von Lottum was expected, but the new King begged them not to leave him, at any rate at first. The public is glad to see the father’s old servants thus retained by the son, and the more so as their relations with the Prince Royal were not entirely agreeable and an earlier change was expected. It is to be hoped that there will be no change at all. Such is the summary of a conversation on my part with M. Bresson and Lord William Russell; after which I went to see the collection of pictures belonging to Count Raczynski, the best private collection in Berlin. A large cartoon by a pupil of Cornelius of Munich, representing one of the great battles of Attila, is the best thing there. Tradition relates that the battle was continued in the sky, and that those who perished go on fighting, like shadows in the clouds, at certain times of the year; the two battles are to be seen in the cartoon. The design is admirable and well executed. The rest of the collection did not greatly attract me.
Madame de Lieven writes from Paris: “We have had a curious week here: the Ministry was defeated in the Chamber upon the law for the funeral of Napoleon, and attempted revenge by sowing discord between the Chamber and the country; after more mature reflection, and after the proposed subscription had been a partial failure, the matter was dropped, and the letter of Odillon Barrot concluded it.
“The Duc d’Orléans, in Africa, has had a fresh attack of dysentery, which was very dangerous for twenty-four hours.”
Now an extract from a letter from the Duc de Noailles: “Notwithstanding the complete fiasco concerning the Imperial remains, Thiers retains his strength, and will become complete master. The proposal of Remilly,103 which was in sight, will not come up for discussion this year. There will be no dissolution between the two sessions; after next session dissolution is certain; the new Chamber will be moderately, but certainly more Left. Thiers is determined neither to urge on nor to check progress in this direction; to guide the movement, but to follow it, as he thinks that strength and the majority are there to be found. He hopes to be able to restrain the Left, but in case of failure he has determined rather to obey it than to resign. So we are definitely embarked upon this path, and this is the great event of the winter; the consequences, but not the rapidity, of the movement can be calculated.”
Berlin, June 9, 1840.—Yesterday after dinner I called upon the Countess of Reede, the chief lady of the new Queen’s Court. There I saw the reigning Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, brother of the late Queen and of the late Princess of Thurn and Taxis, a great friend of M. de Talleyrand. He spoke of my uncle in the warmest terms, which touched me deeply, saying that he had experienced much kindness from him under the Empire. I was there informed that, besides the King’s will properly so called, which dates from 1827, and of which I know nothing, there is a codicil containing arrangements for the funeral, and in such detail that the position of the troops in the streets is pointed out. A letter to his successor has also been found, which is said to be full of the wisest counsel; while encouraging his son to avoid innovations of every kind without due consideration, the King also advises him to avoid any retrogressive step out of harmony with the spirit of the age. It is said that this letter will be published.
When I returned home Herr von Humboldt came to see me, and kept me up while he told me many stories which were doubtless curious, and would have interested me were it not for his overpoweringly monotonous manner. In any case, he is very well informed of all that goes on here, and clever at ferreting out new information.
The Russian and the other Courts are starting on Wednesday, the day after the King’s funeral. I think that the King and Queen will be glad to breathe a little freely.
Berlin, June 10, 1840.—Yesterday the director of the Museum came to fetch me, and took me, with my son, to the studio of Rauch, a very clever sculptor and a very pleasant man. He showed us several statues intended for the Walhalla of Bavaria; the model of the statue of Frederick II., the first stone of which I had seen laid; and a Danae for St. Petersburg; then a little statue, half natural size, of a young girl fully dressed and holding a little lamb in her arms, which was very pretty, and I liked it greatly. Before we went home I was taken to see the Egyptian Museum, which is in a building apart. Although the collection is said to be admirable, I could feel no pleasure in looking at the hideous colossi and the numerous mummies.
When I returned home I had a call from Prince Radziwill, who came from the Castle, where, with the chief officers of the garrison, he had been passing in parade before the lying-in-state of the late King. The King was laid out with his face uncovered, wrapped in his military cloak, with his little cap on his head, as he had ordered in his codicil.
The King has bequeathed a hundred thousand Prussian crowns, or three hundred and fifty-five thousand francs, to the town of Berlin, and other sums to Königsberg, Breslau, and Potsdam, as being the four towns of his kingdom in which he has resided. He has bequeathed the little palace in which he lived as Crown Prince, which he would not leave as King, and in which he died, to his grandson, the son of Prince William, who will probably be King one day. The Princess of Leignitz retains the palace by the side of it, in which she was living, the domain of Erdmansdorff, in Silesia, and an income of forty thousand crowns, to be paid by the State. It seems that the King had left from fourteen to twenty million crowns in his private chest. He has ordered that each soldier present at his funeral shall receive a crown, and each non-commissioned officer two crowns. He has also ordered that his body shall be followed, not only by all the clergy of Berlin, but by all those of the neighbourhood; they are coming in from Stettin, Magdeburg, and every part of the kingdom.
M. Bresson was much depressed by the King’s death, but has recovered his spirits on seeing that the Prince of Wittgenstein is to be retained at Court, at any rate for the moment. The new King is treating his father’s old servant most admirably.
A strange incident which has caused much displeasure was the sight of the Russian officers in the suite of the Emperor Nicholas on duty before the body of the late King together with the Prussian officers. The Emperor issued the request, and the authorities did not venture to refuse, but some ill-feeling has been shown, and the very scanty liking for Russia has been further diminished.
Berlin, June 11, 1840.—I spent the whole of yesterday paying farewell calls, and when I was calling upon Frau von Schweinitz, the Princess of Prussia sent for me. With her I found the Prince of Prussia, and both were very kind to me.
The King informed me through the Countess of Reede that he hoped to see me later, on my return, at Sans Souci. He has ordered the Chief Marshal to find me a good place for this morning’s ceremony. The Emperor of Russia is starting this evening for Weimar and Frankfort, where he wishes to see his future daughter-in-law.
This morning I went to the ceremony, and just as I was starting out the King sent word telling me to go through the Castle, and the Princess of Prussia sent me her liveried servants to secure me a place. I thus reached the church by way of the royal apartments. I was in a stand opposite the Princess of Leignitz, who was well enough to be present at the ceremony; she was heavily veiled, like all the ladies, and I could not distinguish her features. The church was not draped, which gave it too bright an appearance, and the sombre nature of the ceremony suffered in consequence. The organ, the singing, and the sermon by the pastor, the great emotion of the old servants and children of the deceased, the terrible salvos of cannon, and the beautiful tolling of all the bells were imposing. Before withdrawing the new King offered a prayer of considerable length in a low voice on his knees by the coffin. The whole family followed his example, after which the King embraced all his brothers, his wife, his sisters, nephews, and uncles—in short, the whole of his family. The Emperor of Russia, who has a fine but terrible face, did the same. There was thus a great deal of embracing for a church. My own opinion is that in the house of God one should be occupied only with worship; but between a Protestant temple and the Church the difference is considerable.
The King of Hanover, who arrived an hour before the ceremony, was present. He is old, and though he looks somewhat uncivilised he appeared to me like an old lamb by the side of a young tiger when I compared him with the Emperor of Russia.
I propose to start to-morrow for Silesia.
Crossen, June 12, 1840.—I left Berlin this morning at half-past seven in mild and cloudy weather. Thanks to the excellent roads, the good horses, and the capital post service, we accomplished thirty-six leagues in thirteen hours and a half, which is satisfactory travelling in any country. As far as Frankfort-on-the-Oder, which we crossed in the middle of the day, the country is chiefly remarkable for its dismal and barren character. When the valley of the Oder is reached the country becomes less flat and more smiling. Frankfort is a large town of thirty-two thousand souls, for whom excitement is provided by three large fairs during the year; but apart from those times it is very empty. There is nothing attractive about the town. Crossen, where I am at this moment, which is also on the Oder, is not so large a town, but more pleasantly situated. I am now only a few hours from my own property, and shall arrive there in good time to-morrow.
Günthersdorf, June 13, 1840.—I am now upon my own estates. It is a strange impression to find a home of one’s own at so vast a distance from the spot where one’s life is usually passed, and also to find this home as clean and well ordered, though all is quite simple, as if one always lived there.
This morning when I started from Crossen it was raining, and the rain continued as far as Grünberg, a large fortress, where I found Herr and Frau von Wurmb, who had come to meet me. Frau von Wurmb is the daughter of a state councillor in the Prussian service, Herr von Göcking, to whom the late King had entrusted me during my period of wardship. She married a Westphalian gentleman, Herr von Wurmb, who had formerly served in the Prussian armies, until his delicate health obliged him to resign. For many years he has lived in Wartenberg, a little town which belongs to me. There, at first under the direction of Hennenberg, and since his death alone, he has supervised my estates, forests, &c. Frau von Wurmb, as my guardian’s daughter, was a constant companion of my youth. She was very well brought up. People of good society in Germany do not object to conducting the business of those whom they regard as great lords; for instance, the cousin of Baron Gersdorff, the Saxon Minister at London, manages my sisters’ money.
Herr and Frau von Wurmb preceded me here. The last few leagues traverse sand and pine forests, but at the entrance to a small hamlet, which does not deserve the name of village, is a pleasant avenue which leads to a planted court, in the middle of which is a large house; fine trees hide the outbuildings, which are not an agreeable sight. At the back of the house is a pleasant view: a garden very well planted and kept up, full of flowers, many of them rare; the garden is cleverly joined to a field, at the end of which is a very pretty wood. A streams runs through the garden and keeps it fresh. The house is of double depth: it is a long rectangle, with thirteen windows in front; it is spoilt by its enormous roof, a necessary protection against the long-lasting snow in winter, and also by the yellow orange colour with which the bricks have been painted. The interior is not bad. In the middle is a vaulted hall, with a staircase in the background; to the right of the hall, is a large room with three windows, and further on a little library with two windows opening upon a very pretty greenhouse, which is connected with the orangery; there I have fifty orange-trees of moderate size. On the left of the hall is my bedroom, a large dressing-room, wardrobes, bathroom, and the maid’s room. These rooms are doubled in the following way: behind the library is a room containing the rooms opening from the dining-room; behind the drawing-room is the dining-room; while behind my own room and the adjoining ones are the servants’ rooms, a bedroom, and a large dressing-room. On the first floor are four gentlemen’s rooms, with cupboards, of which only two are furnished, and a large billiard-room. In the attics are six servants’ rooms, a store-room, and a lumber-room. The living rooms and my own look southwards, and so do not get the view of the garden; but I prefer to have the sun, even if I must look upon the courtyard, especially in a house which has no cellar; there is, however, no trace of dampness. The ground floor is very prettily furnished, and the floors are inlaid with all kinds of wood, and are surprisingly pretty considering that they were done here. On the first floor there is only the room now occupied by M. de Valençay, which is furnished, and that somewhat scantily. In fact, the house contains only what is absolutely necessary, and I am glad that I brought some plate; Herr von Wurmb is lending me many things. However, we shall do, and I feel better here than I have done for a long time, because here I have at least silence and rest about me. This is the heart of the country; I do not regret it, and feel a certain pleasure in the noise of the cows and the bustle of haymaking, which shows me once again that I am really of a very countrified nature.
There is a fairly good little portrait of my mother in the drawing-room, and a very bad one of myself, while in a smaller room are lithographs of the Prussian royal family. The library is somewhat restricted, but contains five hundred excellent books in English, French, and German. I have already been round the garden, which is quite pretty. The gardener comes from the King’s gardens in Charlottenburg, and has been to Munich and Vienna to perfect himself.
Günthersdorf, June 14, 1840.—This morning at eight o’clock, in spite of the cold and bitter wind, which seem to be characteristic of Prussia, I started in the carriage to drive four leagues for mass and high mass too. Wartenberg is two-thirds Catholic, while Günthersdorf is entirely Protestant. The Catholic church is at the entrance to Wartenberg, a town over which I have some seigneurial rights; each house pays me a small tax. The road runs through my woods for two leagues until we reach the high-road. The church was full, the priest at the entrance with the holy water and a beautiful address, while my seat was strewn with country flowers. There was nothing wanting: a procession, the blessing of the Sacrament, the sermon, prayers for the royal family and for myself, and a beautiful organ accompaniment, while the children of the Catholic school sang very well. I think the whole ceremony lasted nearly three hours. Frau von Wurmb, who lives in one of my houses a short distance from the town, with a pretty garden round it, was expecting me to lunch. There was no one present except her own family, which is numerous.
After lunch Herr von Wurmb asked me to see all the servants of my estates, who had come together from various points to pay their respects. Then began a long march past. They form a regular staff, all nominated by myself and paid from my purse. Such is the custom here upon large estates: an architect, a doctor, two bailiffs, two collectors, an agent, a treasurer, and a head keeper, four Catholic priests and three Protestant pastors, and the mayor of the town; all true gentlemen and very well educated, speaking and introducing themselves perfectly. I did my best to please every one, and made a complete conquest of the priest of Wartenberg, to whom I promised some embroidery of my own making for his church. When I went away Herr von Wurmb went with me for part of the road to a very pretty enclosure: an acre or two of forest surrounded with palings, divided by walks, with a little piece of water, a good gamekeeper’s house, where the pheasants are brought up most carefully. We saw the sitting hens and the little pheasants in coops, and also the full-grown birds, which were near the water or flying in the trees. Nearly six hundred are sold each year. Roe deer and hares also abound.
It was five o’clock when I got back. After dinner I went to sleep with weariness, for the day had been long, and the cold increased the drowsiness produced by the open air.
I am here without newspapers or letters, which I do not miss, and wait patiently until the post is pleased to make its way to this remote corner of the world. I have already told myself that this country would form a very pleasant retreat from the shocks by which Western Europe is always more or less threatened, and in times of revolution one would not mind the severity of the climate.
Günthersdorf, June 15, 1840.—Loving a country life as I do, I have every possibility of satisfying my desire here, for as I wish to see everything in a short time I have not a moment to lose; so to-day I started at nine o’clock in the morning and returned to Wartenberg, to the old Jesuit convent called the Castle. It is a considerable building, with cloisters; the cells of the monks have been transformed into pretty rooms, which are now inhabited by the treasurer, the bailiff, one of the chief stewards, the doctor, the Protestant pastor and the Protestant school, while there is a very pretty Catholic chapel, with fresco paintings and an image of miraculous power which attracts a large number of pilgrims on the 2nd of July every year. There is a collection of fine ornaments and sacred vessels of some value. A little glazed cupboard contains the coins and medals offered ex voto; from my chain I took off the little silver medal with the effigy of M. de Quélen, and placed it with the other offerings.
This visit was lengthy, and I concluded it by unearthing from a dusty spot the portraits of the old landowners who had left this property to the Jesuits by will. After giving orders for the restoration of the portraits I went to see the brewery, the distillery, and the stockyards, where cattle are bred for sale at Berlin. All this is on a very large scale. I have even a winepress, for my vintage is a good one, and also a large plantation of mulberry trees; the silkworms are bred, the silk wound off and sent to Berlin, where it is woven.
After all this inspection we went to see two farms at Wartenberg; then a very agreeable road between beautiful plantations, all made since my reign began, which extend for two leagues, brought us to the summit of a wooded hill, from the top of which there is a splendid view over the Oder—an unusual thing in this part of Silesia. On the road my son Louis was able to get a shot at some roebuck. I returned here at six o’clock in the evening. Fortunately the weather was respectable.
I have just opened an old writing-desk, in which I have found papers of my youth—letters from the Abbé Piatoli and many affecting things of the kind, such as the wedding present given me by the Prince Primate; this is a bird in a golden cage which sings and flaps its wings. Then there are engravings and pieces of embroidery. They have recalled so many shadows of the past. There is something remarkably solemn in this past thus suddenly revived with such intense verisimilitude.
Günthersdorf, June 17, 1840.—I set out at ten o’clock in the morning, and returned at eight in the evening. First I visited two farms which belong to the seigniory of Wartenberg, in the second of which I had lunch. I also visited the church, for in this country both the churches and their incumbents are dependent upon the overlord.
After lunch we crossed the Oder by a ferry, and went as far as Carolath, which is well worth seeing. It is a very large castle upon a considerable elevation, and was built at different times. The earliest part goes back to the days of the Emperor Charles IV. Neither within nor without are there any traces of style or careful work, but there is something grandiose about the general appearance. There is nothing in the way of gardens except planted terraces going down to the Oder. The view is admirable, the more so as the opposite banks are very well wooded with magnificent old oak-trees upon an expanse of turf covered with cattle and horses reared in the Prince’s stables. The town of Beuthen and the fortress of Glogau make a good effect in this countryside. The village is pretty, several factories provide animation, and a pretty inn adds a touch of gracefulness. The castle lords, husband and wife, with their youngest daughter, were away on business. The eldest daughter, a pretty young person, was at the castle with a young cousin and an old steward of the Prince; they received me most kindly. A three-horsed carriage was harnessed, and after crossing the Oder by a ford we drove through the great oak-trees which I mentioned above, in the midst of which the Princess has built a delightful cottage, where we were given tea. Unfortunately I was devoured by gnats, and returned with a swollen face, while a slight sunstroke in addition completed my overthrow. In this strange climate cold is so rapidly followed by heat that one is always caught by surprise. However, I am very glad to have seen Carolath. It is a curious spot; Chaumont, on the banks of the Loire, gives a fairly good idea of it.
This morning we started again at nine o’clock, my son and myself, to visit some of my estates upon the other side of the Oder. The district is called Schwarmitz, and is more exposed to inundations than any other. A nephew of the late Herr Hennenberg farms it; he lives at Kleinitz, another of my estates, but he had come to meet me at the dykes, which toilsome constructions I visited. His wife, the Protestant and Catholic clergyman, the head gamekeeper, and a crowd of people were waiting for us at the farm, together with an excellent lunch. After the meal we went through the farm in detail, two farmhouses and a fine strip of oak forest, and then returned by way of Saabor. This is an estate belonging to the younger brother of Prince Carolath. If the castle and park were properly kept up they would be preferable to the castle and park of Carolath, though the situation is not so good. It is, however, very fine, and the forecourt most beautiful. The landowner has been ruined, and was very anxious for me to buy Saabor, which is surrounded by my estates, but topographical circumstances are no sufficient reason for concluding such a bargain.
Letters from Paris, which have hitherto gone astray, tell me the following news: Private correspondence from Africa gives the most harassing details about that vexatious country. Marshal Valée is again asking for troops and money.
The Prefect of Tours, M. d’Entraigues, has run away from the uproar which threatened him in his prefecture. The Sub-Prefect of Loches is the only victim who has been sacrificed to the demands of the Deputy, M. Taschereau. The nephew of Madame Mollien is transferred from the prefecture of the Ariège to that of Cantal, and thus becomes the Prefect of the Castellanes. M. Royer-Collard tells me that he has saved M. de Lezay, the Prefect of Blois, and M. Bourbon.104 With this object he asked an interview of M. Thiers, with which he seems to have been well satisfied.
M. de La Redorte is now Ambassador at Madrid; his wife is too ill to accompany him. This is an unexpected step forward in his career, and a push which will cause vexation to all who will have their own promotion delayed in consequence. I suppose the King must have made this concession to his Prime Minister, whose close friend M. de La Redorte is, by way of recompense for his non-intervention in Spain.
The Duc d’Orléans on his return from Africa is said to have found the Duchesse d’Orléans in excellent health; the measles from which she has suffered, by removing the centre of irritation, has restored her digestion, so that she is able to take food and grow stronger. I am delighted to hear it.
Günthersdorf, June 18, 1840.—It has been raining all day, and I was therefore obliged to abandon the project of visiting a small piece of land belonging to me, half a league away, which is called Drentkau. I gave a dinner to twelve people, clergy and local authorities. I shall have to give two more to do the correct thing. My household is only arranged for twelve people, and I cannot have more guests at one time.
My son Louis jabbers German with such effrontery that he is making rapid progress. I have had a call from Prince Frederick of Carolath, the owner of Saabor. His position in this province is analogous to that of a lord-lieutenant in an English county.
Günthersdorf, June 19, 1840.—I visited two schools within my jurisdiction; they are Catholic schools, and in an excellent state of efficiency. The education given to the children surprised me, and I was most delighted and edified. I gave some prizes by way of encouragement, and have undertaken to provide for the career of a boy of twelve whose energy and intelligence are really marvellous, though he is too poor to enter the seminary, for which he feels a special vocation.
Sagan, June 21, 1840.—The day before yesterday at Günthersdorf I received a letter which decided me to come here. Herr von Wolff wrote to me from Berlin saying that transactions were in progress here of a very irregular nature and against the interests of my children; that he was coming to put the matter right, and advised me to come on my side. I therefore started from Günthersdorf yesterday morning with M. de Valençay. The journey took us six hours. I put up at the inn; as things are I do not think it advisable to go to the castle, but how strangely I was impressed with the necessity! Here, where my father and sister lived and where I spent so much time in my youth, I have to go to an inn!
After an hour’s conversation with Herr von Wolff we went to the castle. I recognised everything except things that had been taken away with some undue haste, and which perhaps will have to be brought back. My eldest sister’s old man of business wept bitterly. He is on very bad terms with Herr von Gersdorff, who looks after the affairs of my sister, the Princess of Hohenzollern. I saw him, but did not talk business, in the first place because the matter affects my son and not myself, and also because I wished to avoid any open breach.
Sagan is really beautiful so far as the castle and park are concerned, though the neighbourhood is inferior to that in which my own estates lie; but the house is magnificent. I found some old figures of my father’s time, which revived sad memories. It was a pleasure to see the portraits of my family.
There is here a certain Countess Dohna, who was brought up first with my mother and then with my eldest sister, and who married a man of very good position in the country. In her youth she was quite like a child of the house. She came yesterday to tea with me, and I was delighted to see her and talk with her of my poor sister, the Duchesse de Sagan, and of her last visit a short time before her death.
This morning I went to mass in the charming church of the Augustine monks, where my father has rested for thirty-nine years. I was greatly affected by the whole service, and by the music, which was excellent.
After that I went to see the Countess Dohna, who came with me to the castle. I wished to look at the outbuildings, which I had not seen yesterday. In the stables I found an old gilt carriage lined with red velvet, and almost exactly resembling the carriage of the Spanish Princes at Valençay. In that carriage my father left Courlande and came here. The business man of my sister, the Princess of Hohenzollern, sells everything which does not belong to the fief, and put up this carriage for sale. I bought it at once for a bid of thirty-five crowns.
I dined at two o’clock, according to the custom of the town, and afterwards we went to the end of the park to visit a little ancient church where my sister de Sagan told me that she wished to place my father’s body and to be buried herself. The little church must be restored, which will be quite easy. It might be made a very suitable and retired burial-place.
Günthersdorf, June 22, 1840.—I have now returned to my own fireside, of which I am quite fond. Before leaving Sagan this morning I received calls from many of the local people, and went through a long business conference. The whole Sagan question is so complicated that it will last a long time. Wolff, Wurmb, and my eldest sister’s old business man advised me to simplify the matter by asking my sister, who still owes me some money for Nachod,105 to surrender the allodial forests of Sagan, which will thus come back to my sons some day. I do not object, for these forests are superb, but this is a further question. There are some preliminary points which should be settled first and will take time. The business men urge me strongly to spend the whole year in Germany. I cannot spend the winter in so cold a climate, but I should like to come back next spring for the fine weather. I believe my son is right in saying that he is very fortunate in making his first appearance in this country with myself.
On my way back I stayed for two hours at Neusalz, which is a curious town to visit. Half of it is occupied by a colony of Moravian brothers, whose customs nearly resemble those of the Quakers. They are somewhat unusual, especially the custom which they call the Feast of Love. In their church they sing and pray and take coffee and cakes in the most perfect silence and with the most perfect gluttony. They are very industrious, very avaricious, somewhat hypocritical, and amazingly clean. They address one another in the second person singular. They have missionaries, and their branches spread throughout the world. Besides the Moravian church, Neusalz has a Catholic and a Protestant church. The latter is quite new, and very pretty. I visited it to see a present given by the reigning King of Prussia; this is a very handsome Christ after Annibale Carrache. I also examined in full detail the splendid ironworks, where many castings are made.
Günthersdorf, June 23, 1840.—It is beautiful weather. This evening my garden is green, fresh, and sweet-smelling. There are times and seasons of climate, nature, and mind which are especially prone to raise regrets in the heart, and notwithstanding the actual comfort with which I am surrounded I feel somewhat depressed to-day. I have been going through papers the whole morning with my business man, and afterwards went with him to inspect the Protestant school in this village.
Günthersdorf, June 25, 1840.—I spent yesterday from ten in the morning till nine in the evening in visiting the most distant part of my estates, which include a town, three farms, and a little forest. In one of the farms the remains of an old Gothic castle have been transformed into a barn. I lunched with a retired lieutenant who is married and works my farms, upon one of which is a good dwelling-house; the farms have always been held together, first by the grandfather and then by the father of the present holder. His wife is expecting a child, and they hope that the lease will be renewed to the fourth generation. I went to look at the church and the town, which is three parts Catholic. I was very warmly received. The position of a great overlord is very different here from in France, and my son’s head is quite turned by it.
Günthersdorf, June 26, 1840.—To-morrow I must return to Berlin, while my son will go on to Marienbad. I have recovered my strength in the open-air life that I have led among the woods. Yesterday I went to see the worst of my farms, which is called Heydan, and is wrested by main force from the sand.
I had my neighbour to dinner, Prince Carolath of Saabor, a stout man between fifty and sixty years of age, very pleasant and polite.
Frankfort-on-the-Oder, June 28, 1840.—I spent the whole of yesterday out of doors in rain and hail. I could have wished for better weather for the sake of the good people who had prepared receptions for me, and also for my own sake, as I could form but a very inadequate judgment of the two recently made farms; one is called Peterhof, after my father, and the other Dorotheenaue, after myself. These farms have been established upon lands by the help of which the peasants of Kleinitz have been enabled to buy their freedom from forced labour. Beautiful forests surround these lands. The agent in residence belongs to a family of Courlande, which followed my father to Silesia. A striking portrait of my father, who had made a present of it to his follower, adorns his room. He values it highly, and so I could not ask him to sell it to me, as I was tempted to do.
When I arrived here I found a very kind letter from the Duc d’Orléans, referring most properly to the death of the King of Prussia and to his successor. This is what he says about France: “The apparent agitation has subsided, but there are still clouds upon the horizon; though the storm has been cleverly averted, it has not entirely dispersed. However, the interval between the sessions will pass off well. Only the King and M. Thiers are in the foreground, and neither is willing to embarrass the other. Both wish to smooth their path, and no question will arise to divide them. For my part, I wish every success to our great little Minister, who can confer vast benefits upon this country.”
I was sorry to say good-bye to my son; he is a good child, natural, tractable, and quiet. I am glad that he was pleased with Silesia, and that he has shown so good a spirit in every respect. Moreover, in him I had a relative at hand, and I begin to feel the great difference between solitude and isolation. For a long time I confused these two conditions, which are so similar and yet so different; the one I can bear very well, the other makes me afraid.
Berlin, June 29, 1840.—I arrived here yesterday at three o’clock in the afternoon. I found many letters, but none of any interest. However, Madame Mollien says that the Duchesse d’Orléans is with child, and adds that the digestive disturbance has returned from which the measles seemed to have relieved her. Madame Adélaïde, who also writes, seems to be well pleased with the way in which the review of the National Guard passed off, and especially with the reception of the Duc d’Orléans upon his return from Africa. Some of the officers attached to him are dead, and many of them have been left behind wounded or ill; he himself has grown very thin.
Here at Berlin, according to what I hear from different people whom I saw yesterday evening, the moderation, the goodness, and the wisdom of the new King give great satisfaction. He works hard, is accessible to everybody, and shows every respect for the friends and the wishes of his father. Herr von Humboldt has brought me all kinds of gracious messages from Sans Souci; the Prince and Princess of Prussia have sent others; Madame de Perponcher told me that there would be a grand Court of Condolence on Friday next, and explained what costume would be worn.
The only change under the new Government is that the King works with each of his Ministers separately, whereas the late King would only talk with the Prince of Wittgenstein and work only with Count Lottum. Herr von Altenstein, who was Minister of Worship and Education, died three weeks before the late King, and no fresh appointment has yet been made. There is much anxiety to know who will fill this important post. The choice will give some indication of the direction in which affairs will be guided. The nomination for that very reason is a matter of great perplexity to the King.
Berlin, July 1, 1840.—My great objection to towns is the calls that have to be made and received. In spite of the fact that I am only a bird of passage here I have to suffer this inconvenience. I have made a large number of calls and received a great many yesterday morning and evening. The Prince of Prussia, who started this morning for Ems, was with me for a long time, and told me that the Empress of Russia was well pleased with her future daughter-in-law, and the young Princess will travel to Russia with the Empress herself.
Lord William Russell also came to see me. He told me that Lady Granville had ordered Mr. Heneage, who is attached to her husband’s Embassy at Paris, to accompany Madame de Lieven to England.
I went with Wolff to see the studio of Begas, a German painter trained at Paris under the eyes of Gros. He is very talented.
There has been an earthquake in the department of Indre-et-Loire, which was felt at Tours; at Candes, four leagues from Rochecotte, several houses have been overthrown. At Rochecotte nothing has happened, thank heaven, but this subterranean convulsion frightens me; another event of the kind might easily ruin all my work of restoration, and my artesian well might run dry.
Potsdam, July 2, 1840.—I left Berlin yesterday at eleven o’clock in the morning by the railway. I was in the same carriage with Prince Adalbert of Prussia, the King’s cousin, Lord William Russell, and Prince George of Hesse. When I got out of the train, which reaches Potsdam in less than an hour, I found the carriage and the servants of the Princess of Prussia, with an invitation to visit her at once at Babelsberg, a pretty Gothic castle which she has built upon a wooded height overlooking the valley of the Havel. It is a small residence, but very well arranged, with a beautiful view. We sat there talking for an hour. Her carriage remained at my disposal in Potsdam after it had brought me back. When I had dressed I went to Sans Souci, where the King dines at three o’clock. Both he and the Queen were most kind and friendly. After dinner he took me to see the room where Frederick II. died, and that King’s library. He insisted that I should follow him to the terrace, which is a fine piece of work. Then I was handed over to the Countess of Reede, the Queen’s chief lady, and to Humboldt, who drove me to the Marble Palace, where are many beautiful objects of art, and also to the New Palace, where the great summer festivities are held. The Princess of Prussia came to meet us, and took me to Charlottenhof, which was made by the reigning King from the models, plans, and design of a villa belonging to Pliny. It is a charming sight, full of beautiful things brought from Italy, which harmonise admirably, an inconceivable confusion of flowers and fresco paintings as at Pompeii, with fountains and ancient baths, all in the best taste. The King and Queen were there, and we had tea. The King then took me with him in a pony chaise and drove me through splendid avenues of old oak-trees to Sans Souci, where he insisted that I should stay to supper. Supper was served in a little room without ceremony, and there was more conversation than eating. This went on very pleasantly and easily until eleven o’clock. The King promised me his portrait, and has been most kind in every way. He made me promise to come and see him again at Berlin, and was, as they say here, very herzlich.
This morning Humboldt came of his own accord to suggest that before going to lunch with the Princess of Prussia I should see the Island of the Peacocks, with its beautiful conservatories and curious menagerie. The King’s boatmen and the overseers of the botanical gardens waited on me, and I brought back some splendid flowers. We reached the Princess of Prussia a little late. After lunch she took me in the pony chaise to see Glinicke, the pretty villa of Prince Charles, who is at this moment at the baths of Kreuznach with his wife. Thence I returned to Potsdam and to Berlin by the railway.
Berlin, July 3, 1840.—Madame de Perponcher came for me to-day at four o’clock. She took me through the rooms of her mother, the Countess of Reede, so that we avoided the crowd and were the first to reach the Court of Condolence which was held by the Queen at Berlin. She was seated on her throne in a room hung with black; the shutters were closed, and the room was lighted only by four large candles, according to old etiquette. The Queen wore a double veil, one streaming behind and the other lowered before her face; all the ladies were dressed in the same way, and it was impossible to distinguish faces. Each made a silent bow before the throne, and that was all. It was strangely sad and lugubrious, but a very noble and imposing ceremony. The men who passed before the throne were in uniform, with their faces uncovered, but any gold or silver on their uniforms was covered with black crape.
Berlin, July 5, 1840.—My stay at Berlin has now come to an end. I went to high mass this morning, a less meritorious act here than elsewhere, on account of the admirable music.
Herzberg, July 6, 1840.—I started this morning from Berlin by railway as far as Potsdam, where I stayed for lunch. When I got out of the train I found a footman with a very affectionate farewell letter from the Princess of Prussia. I have been spoilt to the last moment. I feel most deeply grateful, for every one has shown me a kindness and a cordiality which I had only experienced in England before now.
I have finished the Stories of the Merovingian Age, by M. Augustin Thierry. The book is not without interest or originality; as a picture of strange and unknown customs, it is valuable. I have begun the Dialogues of Fénelon on Jansenism, a book which is little known and almost forgotten, though admirably written, and sometimes as striking as the Provincial Letters.
Königsbruck, July 8, 1840.—I came here yesterday at six o’clock in the evening to see my niece, the Countess of Hohenthal. The lady of the place is taller, fairer, more intelligent, quite as pleasant, and in my opinion prettier and kinder than her sister, Frau von Lazareff. Her other sister, Fanny, is an excellent and cheerful character, and if her health were better she would be pretty. The Count of Hohenthal is a thorough gentleman who admires and adores his wife. Miss Harrison, once the governess of these ladies, is a prudent and loyal person who has acted as their mother, and is respected as such in the household. Königsbruck is a great house, rather vast than beautiful, at the entrance to a small town. Its position would be picturesque and the view agreeable if it were not almost choked by the outbuildings, which, in the German style, are placed far too near the castle. The country is a transition-point between the barrenness and flatness of Prussia and the rich productivity of Saxony.
The following is an extract from a letter from M. Royer-Collard, written from Paris when he was about to start for the Blésois: “Thiers came even to-day to sit down here in silence with M. Cousin, who represented the companion brother of the Jesuit. Thiers speaks very disdainfully of the Ministries which preceded his own, and modestly of his successes as Minister of the Interior; in any case, he is very kind to me.”
Königsbruck, July 9, 1840.—To-day I went over the castle in detail. It might afford opportunity for beautification in several directions; but such is not the local taste, as the lords work their estates themselves and prefer the useful to the agreeable.
My niece had told me that the King and Queen of Saxony had expressed a wish to see me; I therefore wrote yesterday to Pillnitz, where the Court now is, to ask their Majesties for an interview. When the answer arrives I shall arrange for my departure.
My nieces generally spend their winters at Dresden, and told me that the French Minister, M. de Bussières, was in very bad odour there. He is regarded as an unpleasant character and in bad style. He has introduced some disagreeable customs, and deeply wounded the Queen by various tactless remarks concerning her. There is a general wish for his removal to some other diplomatic post.
Dresden, July 11, 1840.—I left Königsbruck this morning, and was glad to see once more the pretty suburbs of Dresden. I am now about to dress and to start for Pillnitz.
Dresden, July 12, 1840.—The castle of Pillnitz is neither very beautiful nor curious. The gardens are only moderately good, but the situation on the banks of the Elbe is charming; the country is delightful and fertile. The whole royal family of Saxony were assembled there yesterday. The Queen, whom I had known long ago at Baden, before her marriage, is the tallest woman I know; she is very kind, well educated, and simply anxious to please. The King had dined several times with M. de Talleyrand at Paris; he is a frank and natural person, especially when his shyness, which is obvious at first, has time to wear off. Princess John, the Queen’s sister, and the twin sister of the Queen of Prussia, is strikingly like the latter, but she has been so worn out by constant child-bearing that she hardly has the strength to move or to utter more than a few words. I had also known her at Baden, when she was very pretty and agreeable. Her husband, Prince John, is one of the most learned royal personages of his time, always busy with deep matters; his dress and appearance are very careless, and there is something of the German professor about him. Princess Augusta, the Queen’s cousin, had nearly all the sovereigns of Europe as her suitors thirty years ago: Napoleon mentioned her name in the council where his marriage was decided; none the less she remained single, and, moreover, has become a very pleasant old maid. She was never pretty, but was fresh and bright, with individual points of beauty. Her expression remains kind and attractive. Finally, I made a conquest of Princess Amelia, the King’s sister, who writes comedies. She is a witty and imaginative person, and her conversation is lively and sparkling; she showed remarkable kindness to me.
After dinner I was taken into a very fine room to change my dress, and was strongly tempted to theft by the many fine examples of old Dresden china. The Queen sent for me, and I was taken to her room, where she asked me questions, as the Princesses had done. Everybody came in soon in out-of-door dress, and we started in carriages for a long drive. The vine is largely grown about Dresden. Above the royal vineyards the King has built a little summer-house, which reminds me of that of the Grand Duchess Stephanie at Baden. This was the object of our drive, and the view from it is superb: on the right was Dresden, opposite the Elbe, with its smiling banks, and on the left the mountain chain known as Saxon Switzerland. Tea was served in the summer-house and after a pleasant conversation I said farewell, when all kinds of warm messages were exchanged. My carriage had followed me, and brought me back to Dresden by ten o’clock in the evening.
Dresden, July 13, 1840.—As yesterday was Sunday I went to mass in the morning in the chapel of the castle, where the music is famous throughout Germany. It is the only place where singers are still to be heard in the style of Crescentini and Marchesi. This celebrated music did not satisfy me; it was too operatic in style, too noisy and dramatic, instead of suggesting a religious calm; moreover, these mutilated voices, notwithstanding their brilliancy, have a certain unpleasant harshness and shrillness. I never cared for the voice of Crescentini, whom I heard at her best at Napoleon’s Court.
After mass we visited the interior of the castle, where Bendemann, one of the most distinguished artists of Düsseldorf, is now painting frescoes in the great hall where the King opens and closes the sessions of the States. It will be a fine piece of work in respect both of its composition and execution, but it will never have the brilliancy which only Italy can give to this style of painting, and which is so indispensable to it. I was much interested by the apartments of the Elector Augustus the Strong, which were furnished in the fashion of his age, and have never been used since, except by the Emperor Napoleon. They contain a great number of specimens of Buhl furniture, lacquer-work, gilt copper, old china, and inlaid wood, but these things are kept in bad condition and badly arranged, and do not make a quarter of the effect they should produce. The castle from the outside looks like an old convent, but there are some curious architectural details in its interior courts which remind me of the castle of Blois, though they cannot vie with it. Nothing can give grace, lightness, and elegance to architectural work like the everlasting white stone which belongs exclusively to the centre of France. Here the stone is very dark.
In the evening I had a visit from the Baron of Lindenau, Minister of Education and Director of Museums. He played an important political part in the affairs of Saxony during the co-regency of the present King. I had known him formerly at the house of my late aunt, the Countess of Recke. He is a distinguished man, and I was glad to see him again.
My nephew took us this morning to see the Japanese Palace, which contains the royal library, the manuscripts, the intaglios, medals, and engravings. I went through twenty vaulted chambers, which contain all known specimens of china, of every age and every country. There were some very beautiful and very curious things among them. This collection is especially rich in Chinese specimens. Then we went on to the royal china manufactory, which has preserved the fine paste so greatly admired in old Saxon china, which is now sold by curiosity dealers.
After dinner I went to the historical museum called the Zwinger, which is arranged after the style of the Tower of London. Herr von Lindenau had sent word of my coming to the chief directors, who are most learned men, and explained everything to us delightfully. The picture gallery and the treasury I had seen upon other occasions, and did not visit them again.
Teplitz, July 14, 1840.—It is not a long journey from Dresden here—only eight short hours, through charming country. The hills prevent rapid progress, but the variety and the attractiveness of the scenery compensate for the delay. Some of the scenery recalls the Murgthal, and other parts Wildbad. The Erzgebirge, at the foot of which Teplitz lies, makes a sufficient background, though it is not an imposing mountain range. The mountains are, moreover, well wooded, the village is very pretty, flowers are grown, and the roads are excellent. Immediately after my arrival I had a visit from my niece, Princess Biron, who married my eldest nephew. She took me in her carriage to see the town, which is not far off, the pretty promenades, and the village of Schönau, which is close to the town and contains the chief watering-places. It is all very nice, and prettily built; but Teplitz may be as pretty as it likes—it cannot equal dear Baden. The society of the place is also different, and seems to me to be very moderate here. It is said that the death of the King of Prussia will make a great difference, as he came every year.
Princess Biron is a pleasant person; though not pretty, she has a noble bearing, and is deeply loved and respected in her husband’s family.
Teplitz, July 15, 1840.—I am starting for Carlsbad, where I shall see my two sisters this evening, from whom I have been separated for sixteen years. This unduly long absence has changed my habits, and I have lost touch with their interests; so I begin the day with some emotion.
Carlsbad, July 16, 1840.—Fifteen hours’ travelling to-day, during which I did not stop for a moment. I had to cover twenty-six leagues, continually going uphill or down. After Teplitz the country is pretty as far as Dux, the castle of Count Wallenstein, where Casanova wrote his memoirs; after that the country becomes extremely dull. It was ten o’clock when I arrived. My sisters were sitting opposite one another playing patience. Jeanne, the Duchess of Acerenza, welcomed me very naturally; Pauline, the Princess of Hohenzollern, with some embarrassment, which immediately communicated itself to me. We only talked of indifferent matters, and they gave me tea. I then went to a house opposite, where my sister Jeanne has hired a room for me.
Carlsbad, July 17, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles writes from Paris telling me that he dined with M. Thiers at the house of the Sardinian Ambassador,106 and had a long talk with him. He found M. Thiers profoundly interested in Africa, willing to spend vast sums there, to wage a great war and keep up an army of eighty thousand men, and to build the continuous lines which have been so largely discussed, to surround the whole plain of the Mitija.107 He attempts to prove that these efforts will produce marvellous results in two or three years: the real possession of Africa, a large colonising movement, and a splendid port on the Mediterranean. The Duc de Noailles also tells me that Madame de Lieven is at London, and is greatly pleased with her reception.
Another correspondent says: “The King does not seem to come to terms with his Ministry, although he is said to be on the best footing with the several members of it. Having lost a game, the King has now to win one, and is waiting his opportunity patiently. M. Guizot still seems to be the fashion in England.108 He bets at the racecourse, and has won two hundred louis. Surely M. Guizot on the turf is one of the strangest anomalies of our age!”
Yesterday my sisters took me to see the various springs and the shops, which are very pretty. I then dined with them at three o’clock, my brother-in-law, Count Schulenburg, being present.109 Then we went for a drive along the valley, which greatly resembles the valley of Wildbad. There I found some old acquaintances—the Prince and Princess Reuss-Schleiz, the Count and Countess Solms, son of the old Ompteda by her first marriage, the Countess Karolyi, called Nandine, the old Löwenhielm, with his wife, whose first married name was Frau von Düben, Liebermann, and an old Princess Lichenstein. I returned home at ten o’clock, rather wearied with this succession of faces.
Carlsbad, July 18, 1840.—Yesterday I went to pay a call to the Countess of Björnstjerna, who lives in the same house as myself. She is starting for Hamburg this morning, where she will hear whether she is to meet her husband at Stockholm or London. Her eldest son is marrying the only daughter of her sister, Countess Ugglas, who died some years ago. It has been pleasant to meet some one to remind me of London, the best time of my life, even in the form of this little Björnstjerna. I have also been to see an old man of eighty years who always used to live with my aunt, the Countess of Recke, and whom I had missed at Dresden, where I hoped to find him. He usually lives there in a house the use of which was bequeathed to him by my aunt, and which reverts to myself after the death of this poor old man. We both grew sad over the memories of my good aunt.
After dinner I went for a drive with my sisters along a pretty road cut out of the mountain-side, and visited a china factory, where there were some pretty things. Pottery has been a comparatively widespread industry in Bohemia for some time, but remains much behind the Saxon manufacture.
Carlsbad, July 19, 1840.—Yesterday I spent very much as the former day, and as I shall probably spend every day of my stay here. I always wake up early, write till nine o’clock, get up and dress. At ten o’clock I go to my sisters, and stay talking to them till midday. I then pay some necessary calls, and return home to read. I go back to my sisters at three o’clock for dinner, then take them for a drive in a carriage that I have hired. At six o’clock they sit in front of their door to see the people go past. I stay with them for a time, and then return to my room, and finally go back to them at eight o’clock for tea.
My sister Hohenzollern has brought all the curious letters that had belonged to my mother, and which my sister the Duchesse de Sagan had seized. She proposed to keep a third of them, and we therefore divided them. My share contains the letters of the late King of Poland,110 of the Emperor Alexander, of the brothers and sisters of Frederick the Great, Goethe, the Emperor Napoleon to the Empress Joséphine, the great Condé, Louis XIV., and in particular a letter from Fénelon to his grand-nephew whom he called Fanfan.111 This letter is enclosed in a paper on which the Bishop of Alais, M. de Bausset, has written a signed note testifying to the authenticity of this letter, so that there are two autographs in one.
Carlsbad, July 20, 1840.—I went to mass yesterday in an enormous crowd, for this country is essentially Catholic. The little chapels, the great crucifixes, the ex-votos, scattered about the mountains, are all visited on Sundays by the people, who leave small candles and flowers there. I went to visit two of these little shrines, which increase the beauty of the landscape, apart from their religious meaning.
I then went to see my sisters in the usual place. Countess Léon Razumowski and Princess Palfy were with them. I was introduced, but did not find them very interesting. Countess Razumowski is the leader of the pleasure-seeking society here; they spend their days in tea and supper parties in the style of the Russian ladies at Baden.
M. de Tatitcheff is also here, and told us that a young Russian who had come straight from Rome said that the Pope was in a desperate condition.
In the evening a Mrs. Austin, a clever English lady, brought letters of introduction to my sisters. She sees a good deal of M. Guizot at London, is always quoting his remarks, and boasts of her acquaintanceship with Lady Lansdowne.
Carlsbad, July 22, 1840.—Yesterday I had a very touching letter from the Abbé Dupanloup. He has been for rest and retirement at the Grande Chartreuse, whence his letter is dated. He proposes to return to Paris at once to help in the consecration of the new Archbishop.112 He speaks with much concern about the condition of the French clergy, whose irritation he describes as very great.
I have also a letter from the Princesse de Lieven from London. She says: “The Ministry is very weak, but it is likely to continue in life, though vitality will be feeble. The Queen has entirely recovered her popularity since the attempt to assassinate her.113 She really behaved with great courage and coolness, most creditable and unusual at her age. She is very fond of her husband, whom she treats as a small boy. He is not so clever as she, but is very calm and dignified. M. Guizot has an excellent position here, is universally respected, and perfectly happy. Herr von Brunnow cuts a poor figure. He and his wife are thought to be quite ridiculous and out of place. The little Chreptowicz, daughter of Count Nesselrode, who is here, is very vexed and ashamed about it. Alava has lost his cheerfulness. Lady Jersey’s hair is grey. Lord Grey looks very well, but is very peevish.”
It is said here that Matusiewicz is dangerously ill of gout at Stockholm, and that M. Potemkin has gone raving mad at Rome. This is likely to cause some changes in the Russian diplomatic service, and perhaps will bring my cousin, Paul Medem, from Stuttgart.
Carlsbad, July 27, 1840.—I propose to start the day after to-morrow for Baden. A certain Herr von Hübner arrived yesterday. He is an Austrian114 with a post in the office of Prince Metternich. He brought me a pressing invitation from the Prince to go and see him at Königswarth, which is only six hours by road from here. I sent a refusal, but in terms of warm regret; it would not be kind to my sisters if I were to cut my stay short by a day or two after so long a separation, and I also fear the foolish interpretations which our newspapers might place upon my action. Frederic Lamb, Esterhazy, Tatitcheff, Fiquelmont, Maltzan, and other diplomatists are gathered at Königswarth. This will attract attention, and I am not anxious that my name, which has not yet been sufficiently forgotten, should be made the subject of delightful journalistic comments.
Carlsbad, July 30, 1840.—I am leaving Carlsbad at midday this morning, and going with my sister Acerenza to Löbichau, in Saxony, an estate which belongs to her; my mother is buried there. She will then meet my sister Hohenzollern at Ischl, for which she also starts to-day. We part upon the best terms, and I have promised to pay them a visit at Vienna on my next journey to Germany.
Löbichau, July 31, 1840.—I arrived here yesterday evening, after a journey through a picturesque and mountainous country, well wooded and well watered. I have been travelling in the pretty duchy of Saxony-Altenburg, a fertile, smiling, and populous district, where I spent every summer until the time of my marriage. I revisited it afterwards upon several occasions. Many recollections give me an interest in the country, and sometimes arouse emotion. Some old faces of past times still remain to greet me. I went into the room where my mother died, and which my sister now uses, and we went to see her grave at the end of the park. I also went to the presbytery to see the wife of the pastor, who was a faithful companion of my youth; one of her daughters is my godchild, and is a pretty young person.
Löbichau, August 1, 1840.—It rained all yesterday, and it was impossible to go out. I spent my time in going over the house and looking at the rooms which I had occupied at different periods. Some people from the neighbourhood came in to see us, including the deaconess, Fräulein Sidonie von Dieskau, a great friend of my mother. I often used to go to her house in my youth. She is a very lively and clever person, and bears her sixty-two years admirably.
Here I found a letter from the Duchesse d’Albuféra, who says: “Lady Sandwich gave an evening party recently. You would never guess who was engaged to amuse the company—a hypnotist! The Marquise de Caraman was overheard saying to the young Duc de Vicence, ‘If we were alone I should like to be hypnotised, but I dare not before all these people; I should be afraid of showing my excitement.’ Marshal Valée will be continued in his African command, notwithstanding the criticism to which he is exposed, on account of the difficulty of finding any one to take his place. The Flahaut have returned in a very softened frame of mind, and well disposed to the Government; they often go to Auteuil, where M. Thiers has set up house. The marriage of Lady Acton with Lord Leveson is settled for this month; it will take place in England, where the Granvilles have been called by the serious illness of their daughter, Lady Rivers. Lord Granville does not greatly approve of this marriage; much pressure has been necessary to obtain his consent, but his son’s passion has overcome all obstacles.”
Löbichau, August 2, 1840.—Yesterday I went with my sister a distance of a short half-league to visit a summer residence in the middle of the park, in which I spent several summers. My mother made me a present of it, and I gave it back to her when I was married. It is now in somewhat poor repair, but I was glad to see it again. On our return I went into the village to recall some memories.
Schleitz, August 3, 1840.—This town is the residence of the Prince of Reuss LXIV. Three years ago it was burnt down. The castle is quite new, built in the style of a barracks, with two very insignificant towers; it is a pity, for the country is beautiful, especially towards Gera, where I dined with the deaconess von Dieskau, of whom I spoke above, and who is one of the pleasantest recollections of my youth. She is very comfortably settled.
Nuremberg, August 4, 1840.—Yesterday evening I reached Bayreuth at a late hour, and started again early this morning.
A mere walk through the streets of Nüremberg will show any observer the peculiarities of the town. Octagonal balconies in the form of projecting towers in the middle or at the corners of the houses, with gables, almost all overhanging the street, are most characteristic. The number of niches with statues of saints would make one think that the country was Catholic; yet the town is entirely Protestant; but the vandalism of the Reformation was as rabid here as elsewhere, and the good taste of the inhabitants has preserved from a sense of artistic value what they no longer appreciate for religious reasons.
Yesterday evening at the last posting station before Bayreuth I met some travellers whom I did not know but who seemed to be important people. The husband came up to my carriage and asked me if I had heard the news. I replied that I had not. He then told me that he belonged to Geneva, and that he was taking his invalid wife to Marienbad; that on leaving Geneva he had seen one of his friends from Paris, who told him of the news that a convention had been signed at London between Austria, Prussia, Russia, and England against the Pasha of Egypt, and that the French King was furious in consequence; that M. Thiers had immediately ordered the sudden mobilisation of two hundred thousand men to march to the northern frontier, and of ten thousand sailors.115 As I no longer see the newspapers, I am very doubtful what to think of such news, and do not know what to make of these apparent contradictions.
I was told that on September 1 a fifteen days’ camp would take place here; twenty thousand troops, the whole Bavarian Court, and other princes will make it a brilliant affair.
In Galignani I saw the news of the death of Lord Durham; I do not think he will be greatly regretted.
To return from my aberrations, the Church of St. Sebald is ill-proportioned and the decorations are very tawdry, but it contains one fine monument. This is a great silver reliquary covered with gold bands, placed in an openwork monument of cast iron, remarkable for its delicacy and gracefulness; the ornamentation is extremely rich and the design admirable. The Town Hall, the large hall painted with frescoes by Albert Dürer, where several Imperial Diets have been held, is worth seeing, and also the room in which are hung the portraits of those citizens of Nuremberg who were benefactors to their native town by founding religious houses. A chapel of St. Maurice which has been transformed into a museum has some interesting pictures of the old German school. The bronze statue of Dürer in one of the squares, which was modelled by Rauch of Berlin, and cast here, has nobility of bearing and makes a fine effect. The old castle, upon an elevation, overlooks the town, and from it may be gained a general view of the countryside. Though it is somewhat mean in appearance, it has the merit of indisputable antiquity. The King and Queen of Bavaria inhabit it when they are here. An old linden-tree planted in the middle of the court by the Empress Cunegonde must be eight hundred years old if the chronicle is to be believed; one may reasonably doubt such antiquity, though the fact remains that this tree has seen many events.
The Church of St. Lawrence is very fine and imposing; the tabernacle and the pulpit are masterpieces. Two fountains, one of cast iron and the other of stone, in two of the squares are very noteworthy for curious details of sculpture, but the little threads of water which they spout make them look more like ex-votos than fountains. The house of the Emperor Adolphus of Nassau and the house of the Hohenzollerns, who for a long time were Burgraves of Nuremberg, with several other houses in the hands of private individuals, are curious. The mania for restoration has reached Nüremberg; the results would be highly praiseworthy were it not for the habit of painting in glaring colours houses with sculptured fronts which should especially be left in the natural colour of the stone. The cemetery of St. John contains the tombs of all the illustrious men of the town. The Rosenau, the public walk, of which the inhabitants are very proud, is damp and badly kept. I finished my round with a visit to the toy shop which has been famous for centuries; all kinds of figures and grotesques are there made, cleverly carved in wood.
Baden, August 7, 1840.—I am now at Baden, and felt quite overcome when I just now entered it alone. The sight of the Jagd-Haus, of the little chapel, the poplar-trees upon the road—in fact, something at every step awoke memories and regrets. I am staying in a clean little house on the Graben, opposite the Strasburg Hotel. Houses are being built in every direction; Baden will soon be a large town, and much less attractive to me. As I read the letters which you write me from America116 I often think they would have greatly interested M. de Talleyrand, and would have reminded him of many things, but if poor M. de Talleyrand had lived I do not think he would have allowed you to go into exile so far away; although he often said that a politician to complete his education should certainly go to America, as a distant point of view from which to judge old Europe.
Baden, August 8, 1840.—Herr von Blittersdorf whom I saw with his wife, told me of another wild attempt of Louis Bonaparte, who had disembarked at Boulogne-sur-Mer and had attempted to arouse a revolt.117 The news was telegraphed, so that there were no details.
The King of Würtemberg is here; he has just left the watering-place of Aix in Savoy. His daughter and son-in-law, the Count of Neipperg, are with him; they go out a great deal, give parties, and so on. Herr von Blittersdorf also told me that the news from Paris was of a very warlike character; for his part he did not understand either how war was possible, seeing that every party had important reasons for avoiding it, or again how it could be prevented in view of Lord Palmerston’s measures, which have been ratified by the northern Powers,118 while public opinion in France was unanimous and excited; and the Pasha of Egypt again had gained a success, whereas disasters alone could have stopped the coercive measures for which the convention stipulated. On this question the French King is said to be in full agreement with M. Thiers, and to have stated that he would prefer war to revolution. M. Guizot has been reproached because he did not give warning in sufficient time to stop the signing of the convention. He defends himself by saying that he did give notice, but was left without instructions. Such is the statement of Herr von Blittersdorf. He is very anxious about the situation, and especially about the frontier position of the Grand Duchy of Baden, which would be inconvenient in times of war. He says that the position of the duchy is the more difficult on account of the want of a fortress, the building of which he has urged for the last twenty-eight years upon Austria, though he has not been able to attain it. I came back very anxious in view of the possibility of war.
Baden, August 9, 1840.—To-day I fell back into my usual habits when taking the waters. I found some of the faces of former years. My son, M. de Valençay, arrived from Marienbad. During the day I had a call from Count Woronzoff Dashkoff, who has come from Ems. The waters seem to have greatly benefited the Empress of Russia; he says that the Duke of Nassau treated the Grand Duchess Olga very coldly, and that Princess Marie of Hesse was quite a success among the Russian grandees. Count Woronzoff says that she has bad teeth and does not think much of her beauty.
I then saw Herr von Blittersdorf, who says that the King of Würtemberg, Princess Marie, his daughter, and even the Count of Neipperg, regret the marriage, which places them in a false position. The Princess is said to be in bad health, and by no means rich. All these stories seem foolish, the more so as the Count of Neipperg is quite an insignificant person.
The Duc de Rohan has also arrived; he told me of the death of Madame de La Rovère (Elizabeth of Stackelberg), a young and handsome lady, happy and beloved, and a friend of my daughter Pauline. Poor Frau von Stackelberg! She has thus lost three children of full age and very dear to her in less than six months. These are heavy blows; she is a real angel, and has been a sufferer all her life.
Baden, August 10, 1840.—I have a letter from the Duchesse d’Albuféra, who is very anxious about her son-in-law, M. de La Redorte, the Spanish Ambassador. He reached Barcelona at a very gloomy time. She says that he has done extremely well, and that the authorities at Paris are very pleased with his attitude from the outset.
All my letters talk of war in a tone which reduces me to despair. Madame de Lieven was the first to send the news to Paris of the famous convention of the four Powers, which she announced with a cry of triumph in a letter to Madame de Flahaut. This Russian Princess showed herself most delighted and overjoyed at having some excitement worthy of her, but how will she settle that with M. Guizot? It seems that these rumours of war reduce Madame de Flahaut to despair, as she has recovered her affection for the Tuileries.
The Duc de Noailles is, I hear, very proud because he has predicted the disturbance now in progress. I cannot sufficiently remember any of his speeches to recall his prophecies. In any case, it is a poor consolation for the evils which threaten European society.
Baden, August 12, 1840.—I dined with the Wellesleys; Princess Marie and the Count of Neipperg were there. After seeing the latter I am the less able to understand the marriage. The King of Würtemberg is said to be displeased with his son-in-law, who adopts a contemptuous attitude; the Count is susceptible and hard to please, and the poor Princess is torn between her husband and her father, as also is society between the husband and the wife; in short, the position is false and foolish for everybody. The Princess is the chief sufferer, and, though not pretty, she is a pleasant person; there is something wrong about her figure—her movements are neither free nor easy.
This morning I went to a concert given by the Countess Strogonoff. Princess Marie and the Grand Duke of Baden were also there. High society in general was well represented. I saw nothing of any particular note, and fortunately made no new acquaintances.
Baden, August 14, 1840.—Yesterday I read the manifesto of the new Archbishop of Paris, Mgr. Affre, on the occasion of his enthronement. Two points in it seemed to me to show great affectation: he attempted to reassure the Government about the moderation of his political views, and he refused to say a single word about his predecessor, which is against all custom and good taste. If he would not speak of his predecessor’s administration of office or of his personality, he might at least have praised his charity, which is incontestable; he would not have compromised himself, and would have avoided the foolishness of silence.
Herr von Blittersdorf told me at his wife’s house that he was startled by the exasperation which was produced in France by the absolute silence of the Queen of England with reference to France in her Speech upon the prorogation of Parliament. He told me also that England had resolved to break with France on the Eastern question, because she had recently acquired accurate information concerning the intrigues of M. de Pontois, to prevent any reconciliation of the Sultan with the Pasha.119 England was also aware of the assurances given to the latter, that he need not take the severity of the Powers seriously, and might continue his enterprise, trusting to the help of France. Lord Palmerston complains of this duplicity. On the other hand it is asserted that the prospects of peace between the Porte and Egypt are hampered by Lord Ponsonby; in short, it is a hopeless tangle. Let us trust that it will not be settled by cannon-shots.
The following is an extract from a letter from M. Bresson from Berlin which I have just received: “I have been suddenly overwhelmed with work, and not of the pleasantest kind. The evil is great, and will not be entirely repaired. How often have I thought that if M. de Talleyrand were alive and at London this would not have happened! I wish also he could be at Berlin and everywhere, for I am not very successful in making people listen to reason. Yet this is the most unworthy transaction of modern times, though quite worthy to bear the names of Lord Palmerston, von Bülow, and Neumann. Herr von Bülow acted without authorisation. At first there was an outcry against him, then there was a wish to do as the majority were doing, and his fine masterpiece was ratified with very few restrictions. The four Courts will let me hear of it within six months. Mehemet Ali will send them about their business and wait for them to blockade him, an enterprise if possible more ridiculous than that of La Plata,120 and one which will be far more expensive. I hope that he will not cross the Taurus to delude our friends of St. Petersburg. The chief politicians look for a double moral effect upon France and upon Mehemet Ali, thanks to the Syrian insurrection. You can see how careful their calculations have been. Apart from this there is the insult of the clandestine negotiations and the notification to M. Guizot of the fact that these had been signed forty-eight hours after everything was over and when he was thinking of something entirely different, so you may easily judge of our feelings. If the good old King of Prussia were still alive we should not have seen such stupidity. Herr von Bülow would have had a wigging, or rather he would never have gained the upper hand. He thought he had flattered and won men over and could rely upon the passions aroused by the inheritance of a Prince whom Prussia will daily regret more and more. In short, I am in a very bad temper, and I take no trouble to hide it. We now know exactly what there is behind words and protestations. I trust that the people will also learn what the resentment of France can mean.” In this outburst the natural impetuosity of M. de Bresson is obvious, but I also seem to see that the action of the Powers was inspired rather by tactlessness than by real hostility, and from this fact one may derive some hopes of peace.
Baden, August 19, 1840.—Yesterday I received so pressing an invitation from the Grand Duchess Stephanie to visit her at her estate of Umkirch, in Briesgau, where she now is, that I resolved to pay her a visit after completing my cure here.
I have seen my cousin, Paul Medem, who came from Stuttgart, where he had just shown his letters of credit as Russian Minister. He does not believe in the possibility of the war, and as proof of his conviction has just invested two hundred thousand francs in the French Funds.
Baden, August 20, 1840.—I was very agreeably surprised to receive the portrait of the King of Prussia, with a kind autograph letter. The portrait is an admirable and striking likeness, painted by Krüger.
Madame de Nesselrode brought her son to see me, who has just come from London. He left Madame de Lieven absorbed by the European conflict, on bad terms with Brunnow, very cold towards Lady Palmerston, and furious because she had not been let into the secret of the signature of the famous convention. She involuntarily helped to mystify M. Guizot by assuring him that there could be no truth in the idea or she would have known it herself. She belongs to the French Embassy, is treated as such, and people go on laughing at her. She is at home until lunch-time; as soon as M. Guizot appears the door is closed, no one is admitted, and any one with her takes his leave. Her position seems, in truth, to be ridiculous and impossible, and she is only supported by the Sutherlands, with whom she lives.
I have a letter from Paris from the Duchesse d’Albuféra, who says: “What can I tell you of the war? The Press is urging it forward by every means; every day bellicose articles fill the newspapers and excite people’s minds. I am assured, however, that the King is quite calm and has no fear of an outbreak, but can the progress of public opinion be checked? It is said that orders have been issued to mobilise the National Guard in France; we may expect to see every means of defence prepared. People are not calm enough to see that in this way war may be aroused. Every fresh measure increases the general agitation.
“In any case I am convinced that the Government itself does not know what the result will be. I trust that diplomacy may avoid any resort to cannon-shot. I have been to see the Duchesse d’Orléans at Saint-Cloud; she is very thin, but does not complain of her health; she is often to be seen driving in the Bois, with the Duc d’Orléans riding by the carriage. Madame de Flahaut is at Dieppe, and her husband at Paris; he often dines with the Prince Royal. His position is likely to become embarrassing during the trial of Louis Bonaparte.”
Baden, August 22, 1840.—My son M. de Valençay, who has returned to Paris, tells me he has seen the Duc d’Orléans, who says: “Thiers and Guizot seem to distrust one another profoundly. Guizot supposes that Thiers wished to throw the responsibility of the present crisis upon him and allowed suspicions to arise that he had not kept his Government informed. He has therefore sent copies of his despatches to his friends in Paris, who threaten to use them if the Ambassador is attacked. According to these friends, Guizot informed Thiers accurately of the course of events, but the latter declined to give him instructions or to reply before consulting Mehemet Ali, but simply sent instructions to London to say neither yes nor no. Palmerston, on the other hand, wished to drive Thiers into a corner. Thiers on his side said: ‘Palmerston is playing diamond cut diamond, but I will balk him,’ an expression which seems to have become a diplomatic term. At length Palmerston, worried and impatient, is said to have settled the business. There is a strong feeling in favour of war; Guizot, however, still believes in peace, but he writes that as a matter of fact a mere spark, a blow given to a sailor, would be enough to fire the most terrible war in the world.”
Umkirch, August 26, 1840.—Yesterday when I was half-way from Baden on the road here a formidable storm burst, and we were obliged to take shelter in a barn; hailstones fell as big as nuts. Notwithstanding the delay I arrived at six o’clock in the evening. The Grand Duchess had kindly sent her horses to meet me at Friburg. When I arrived Herr von Schreckenstein told me I should find her in bed, where she had been with a chill since the evening before.
The new lady-in-waiting, Frau von Sturmfeder, a widow who seems to be about fifty years old, with pleasant manners, took me to the Duchess. I found her very feverish, but no less talkative than usual; very exasperated by her invalid state, and nearly as much by the arrival of Duke Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, who was paying her an unexpected visit. After half an hour Princess Marie took me to dinner. The large assembly room and the dining-room are in a separate building, a hundred yards away from the castle; nothing could be more inconvenient; after rain and without goloshes it would be impossible to get there.
I already knew Umkirch. I did not care for it in past times, nor does it please me any better now. The main residence is small and the rooms are low; mine, however, which is on the first floor, has a fine view of the mountains.
At dinner all the guests were assembled—that is to say, Princess Marie; Duke Bernard, with his aide-de-camp, old Madame de Walsh, who is here on a visit, though her days of official service are over; her son and daughter-in-law, the Baroness von Sturmfeder; Herr von Schreckenstein; Fräulein Bilz, a little hunchbacked music-mistress; and M. Mathieu, the French painter, who is giving lessons to Princess Marie. After dinner I went back to the invalid, and stayed with her until tea-time. She seems delighted to see me. She continues very anxious to see her daughter married, and has just had an offer from Prince Hohenlohe; he, however, was thought to be not sufficiently distinguished, and his request has been refused; the old Count of Darmstadt would also be ready to marry her, but he is thought to be too old and too ugly. There is an idea that Prince Frederick of Prussia, the Prince of Düsseldorf, exhausted and wearied by the extravagance of his wife, will procure a divorce, and will then turn his thoughts to Princess Marie, who would be quite ready to take him. Such is the desire at this moment. They would like me to send a good account of the Princess to Berlin.
Very little interest is shown in Louis Bonaparte, whom they would like to see confined in a fortress.
Madame de Walsh, who is a friend of the Abbé Bautain, told me that he had just been summoned to Paris by M. Cousin and by the new Archbishop; there is apparently a proposal to form a faculty for advanced theological study, with M. Bautain at the head of it. He is certainly an intelligent and talented man, but not entirely reconciled to Rome. Hot-headed and ambitious, his relations with his bishop have long been strained; he has not that readiness to submit upon points of doctrine which is inherent in Catholicism and the foundation of its permanency. His appointment will therefore arouse some mistrust among the clergy, and not without reason. I shall hear the truth of the whole matter at Paris from the Abbé Dupanloup.
The Duke of Saxe-Weimar, though heavy in appearance, is not without common sense and learning. To my great astonishment I found him a strong supporter of the house of Orléans; he asserted his strong affection for the Duchesse d’Orléans, his niece, and entrusted me with a letter for her. He is very anti-Russian and anti-English, and went so far as to say that if war should break out the King of the Low Countries ought to make common cause with France. He is at this moment on the unattached list, and is provisionally established at Mannheim, whence he is very anxious to make a journey to Paris.
The Grand Duchess and Princess Marie knew all about the presents and the trousseau given by Russia to Princess Marie of Hesse. The Emperor gave her two rows of pearls with a sapphire clasp, supposed to be worth two hundred thousand francs; the Empress gave her a bracelet to match; and her fiancé, the Grand Duke, gave her his portrait framed in diamonds and a parasol adorned with emeralds and pearls, together with maps of the Russian Empire and views of St. Petersburg nicely bound, and, lastly, the present left by the will of the late Empress Marie to her grandson’s future wife, which is a Sévigné in three pieces, each as large as a breastplate.
Lunéville, August 27, 1840.—I left Umkirch this morning, and spent fourteen hours in traversing a long road which is made longer by the pass over the mountains. I crossed the Vosges by the Col du Bonhomme. Many factories and workshops give some life and animation to the country, which is sometimes bright and lively. Vegetation is poor and the outlines of the hills too monotonous.
Vitry-sur-Marne, August 28, 1840.—I left Lunéville at seven o’clock this morning, stopped at Nancy for two and a half hours, and arrived here at ten in the evening, which may be called good going.
Ay, August 30, 1840.—On my road here yesterday I stopped at Châlons, where I met M. de La Boulaye, who was there for the session of the General Council. I was very glad to see him; he is a pleasant man in mind as well as character, and I think even more of the one than of the other every day of my life. He gave me the Paris news which he had heard from M. Roy, who had come straight from that Babylon to preside over the Council-General of Marne. The night before he left Paris he had seen the King, who talked upon the questions of the day, and said: “Thiers is urging me to war, to which I reply: ‘Very well, but the Chambers must be convoked.’ He then answers: ‘We shall get nothing from this Chamber; it should be dissolved.’ ‘Oh, no, my dear Minister; on that point I prefer to take the Chamber as I find it and make the best of things.’”
M. Roy also said that the news of the ratification of the London Treaty reached Paris on the 22nd, and was not published till the 24th. During that time the terrible excitement on the Stock Exchange ruined more than one broker, forced M. Barbet de Jouy to flee, enriched M. Dosne, the father-in-law of M. Thiers, with seventeen hundred francs and M. Fould with several millions. The latter has taken M. de Rothschild’s place in the confidence of the Ministry. The public outcry was such that the Guardian of the Seals, M. Vivien, was obliged to give orders for the information to be published. This information will produce no effect, as is natural, but it shows that the scandal has gone very far. It seems that in consequence the chief personage in the Ministry has lost much ground in public opinion; he is thought to have guided the diplomacy of the country very casually, and to have concealed interesting news from the public in a most unusual way. The whole of the manufacturing and speculating world is said to tremble at the thought of war, and to exert a very strong influence upon the public.
I reached here at about three o’clock in the afternoon in African heat. I am glad to be back again in a warm climate, with its flowers, its fruits, its beautiful nights, and its blue sky.
I have a letter from the Princesse de Lieven written from London on August 22. She says: “General anxiety concerning the situation is becoming apparent here. All goes well, or rather there is no anxiety upon questions of foreign policy, however serious the complications may be. French newspapers, and even the French military preparations, are regarded with scorn, but at last the people are beginning to rub their eyes; they are astonished to find that what is known as French humbug may mean something, and that this something may be neither more nor less than a general war, waged, as far as France is concerned, with dreadful weapons—weapons which were wisely laid aside for ten years, and which France will perhaps be forced to raise once more; in short, uneasiness is spreading, and I cannot help seeing in the fact the opening of the way to an understanding, in spite of the obstacles which the sense of self-esteem may meet with on the road. This is my point of view. My politics are concerned with my set of rooms,121 which I like and wish to keep. The Duke of Wellington loudly asserts that he is Turkish, and more Turkish than anybody, but that Turkey will not have peace with France, and that peace must be preserved before all things. Leopold is greatly interested; he proposes to return to Belgium. M. Guizot has been at Eu and Windsor; his present life suits him, and he looks very well.”
My niece, the Countess of Hohenthal, who has been to Dresden to see her uncle Maltzan when he went there from Königswarth, sends me some news concerning the stay of the Empress of Russia in Saxony: “The Empress of Russia has shown such coldness to the Saxon Court that the King and Queen of Prussia, who have delighted everybody, have been reduced to despair. She would not stay at Pillnitz, where many preparations for her comfort had been made; she refused to use the Court carriages, and went about the shops and streets like a boarding-school girl, without the least sense of decorum. She refused to dine at Court, and only looked in for a moment at a concert given in her honour. The King of Prussia was ready to give the portfolio of Foreign Affairs to my uncle Maltzan, but he preferred to retain his post at Vienna. It is said that his refusal is due to the fact that he is wildly in love with Princess Metternich.”
Paris, August 31, 1840.—Once again I am in this great Paris, doubtless populous, and yet so empty for me. This morning at ten o’clock I reached my little house,122 which seems to me like a pleasant little inn, only I am astonished by its small size, which suits my habits and my tastes so little that I could certainly have chosen nothing better in order to realise my intention of visiting Paris only when absolutely obliged.
Paris, September 3, 1840.—Yesterday I had a long visit from M. Molé, who blames M. Guizot, and relates his infinite blunders with great complacency; he blames M. Thiers, and draws a vivid picture of his bumptiousness, his casual ways, and so on. Nor does the King escape his criticism as regards the present crisis, which entirely occupies all minds here. He says that the greatest swashbucklers are dying with fear of war; that really people are ashamed and vexed because they have been led astray and induced to regard as impossible what, however, has happened, while they are angry at finding themselves isolated when lasting alliances have been dangled before their eyes. But amid the general panic certain points are so well advertised by conversations and continual publications that it daily becomes more difficult to solve the problem, and the only possibility is to cut the knot. Commercial interests have been suddenly paralysed, and business in general is suffering heavily. Rothschild, who has quarrelled with M. Thiers, has lost even more millions than M. Fould has gained. M. Molé explains all this very cheerfully.
I went to dinner with the wife of Marshal d’Albuféra. The poor woman was in despair, for that morning she had seen her daughter start for Spain in the most deplorable state of health. She has kept one of her grandchildren with her. She is really a most warm-hearted person. Her account of the present political situation differs entirely from that of M. Molé; she is no less frightened by the serious nature of events, but attributes them to other causes. She is never tired of praising the capacity, the energy, and the cleverness of M. Thiers, his inexhaustible resource, and his complete harmony with the King. One fact she told me which would hardly please M. Bresson: that M. de La Redorte was given the choice of going to Berlin and preferred Madrid. She says that M. de La Redorte has been very successful in Spain, and that the King and Ministers are never weary of praising the distinguished tone of his despatches.
At nine o’clock I went to see Madame de Castellane. There the panegyric upon the late M. de Quélen was discussed, which led the conversation to the new Archbishop, M. Affre. His nomination was brought about by M. de Montalembert in the following way: M. de Montalembert has become a strong partisan of the Ministry, and M. Thiers thinks that with his help he will be able to confine the ranks of the clergy to distinguished men. As a matter of fact, M. de Montalembert is only connected with the democratic section of the young clergy, who form a party by themselves, including the Abbés Cœur, Combalot, Lacordaire, and Bautain, which is not regarded as orthodox in the sense that the old clergy are. This party also contains some distinguished young priests like the Abbé Dupanloup, the Abbé Petetot, the Curé de Saint-Louis-d’Autin, and others; in fact, there is quite a schism.
When I returned home I found a letter from M. Bresson, of which the following is an interesting passage: “The position is very serious, and the Prussian King’s first appearance in foreign policy is not happy. There is no frankness or nobility in following all these fine protestations with an act of provocation and injustice towards ourselves, who have never been guilty of a single act of bad faith towards Prussia. Such action calls for vengeance, and I am by no means a sufficiently humble Christian not to thirst for it. I am well aware that they are sorry at what has happened and are embarrassed by it, but they have been carried away by that great windbag Bülow further than they wished at a time when his voracious appetite has been followed by a fit of indigestion; but the harm has now been done, and it is irreparable. They have shown their real feelings, and what confidence can we have for the future? In short, I am utterly disgusted, and I should be glad to resign my post; I am also ill and depressed, and have a longing for Rome. I wish to leave my mind fallow and to sit in real sunshine and get warm. I have spent twenty-four years in exile working without intermission, and I can stand it no longer. I am utterly bored, and do not want the good relations which I have been able to maintain here to break down during my tenure of office, as they seem likely to do. One fault leads to a second, and one wrongdoing begets another. Besides, I have been personally affronted; I have been loyal and they have not been. My resentment will find vent, and whether upon the King or the Minister is all the same to me. I will make them repent their want of gratitude and courtesy towards our King, after calling him the Palladium of Europe, in speaking to me and M. de Ségur.” In this vehement style the impetuosity of M. Bresson will be obvious, but the truth is I think things have gone so far as to make him wish for another post.
To-morrow the Paris Stock Exchange account is made up. The probable losses are estimated at twenty-four to twenty-five millions—a very great disaster.
Paris, September 4, 1840.—Yesterday I went to the Tuileries to keep an appointment with Madame Adélaïde. I also saw the King there, who was well and cheerful, in a very easy frame of mind, convinced that there would be no war, and certainly not anxious for one. He flattered himself that the four Powers would soon be persuaded that they were working in the wrong direction and be forced to fall back upon his intervention, and that he would thus be called to play the part of mediator, &c. He is very greatly hurt that the Powers should have put him in such a position, but is too sensible to listen to the invectives and the uproar of the Ministerial Press. He has no greater leanings towards M. Thiers than he used to have, but he understands that it is now impossible to break with him, and hopes to use him to extort certain concessions from the Powers, which he alone could induce the country to accept. There is an element of truth and cleverness in these ideas, though also a certain amount of illusion. Madame’s feelings are those of the King, though she is extremely bitter against M. Guizot, and accuses him of showing the most utter diplomatic incompetence. She repeated more than twenty times: “Oh, if only our dear Prince de Talleyrand were alive, if only our good General Sébastiani had remained at London, we should not be in this position!”
I had hardly returned home when the Duc d’Orléans called upon me, and stayed for a long time. He is far more anxious, and at the same time far more decided, than his father. His exasperation with the Powers is extreme, chiefly on account of the way in which events have come to pass. On July 16 Guizot sent news that nothing had happened or would happen; on the 17th he had a letter from Lord Palmerston asking him to call, and when he reached the house Lord Palmerston simply read the famous memorandum. Guizot became pale and agitated, and could find nothing to say except that he would inform his Government, and left Lord Palmerston as though thunderstruck. Now he and his friends throw the whole of the blame upon Thiers. Thiers replies vigorously that they are in the wrong, and gives details, so that relations are greatly strained. Thiers is horrified at the possibility of war, but instead of calming the journalists of his party he is so entirely dominated by them that he not only cannot check them, but thinks himself bound to tell them everything. The result is that secrecy is impossible; the Diplomatic Body is affronted and action in general is hampered. Meanwhile all the preparations announced by the newspapers have been made, and even doubled. The Duc d’Orléans is himself taking the business in hand. Thirty-four million francs have already been expended. All the forces in Algiers are being recalled, and the authorities have made up their minds to abandon the colony without regret, telling themselves that they have had the advantage of training their soldiers and their officers. The Chambers will not be summoned until all chances of peace have disappeared, when it is expected that all these expenses will be certainly approved. The Queen is the most warlike of the whole royal family; the blood of Maria Theresa is aroused; she is furious with the action of the Powers, and says that if war breaks out she will ask the Archbishop of Paris to bless the swords of her five sons and make them swear upon the Holy Sacrament never to sheath them again until France and their dynasty are restored to the chief place in Europe. As she usually interferes in no way, this vigour has astonished and embarrassed the King.
M. Guizot, to return to him, is an object of ridicule at the Château, especially since the return of the Duc de Nemours from London, for he tells numberless stories at the expense of the little ambassador. He asks for the addresses of tailors, wishes his trousers to be tight-fitting, bets at the races, thinks he has a good eye for a horse, devotes his attention to his carriages and his table, is utterly frivolous, and, to complete his ridiculous appearance, brags in front of Mrs. Stanley and tries to make Madame de Lieven jealous, and it is said with some success. This field of operations, in short, is being cleverly worked.
After the Duc d’Orléans had gone I had a call from the Abbé Dupanloup, who gave me some curious details concerning the Paris clergy, among whom a silent but very definite opposition has arisen against Mgr. Affre. The vulgarity and rudeness of his manner rouses exasperation against him every day. He has admitted his entire hatred of the memory and the friends of the late Mgr. de Quélen; even my poor self am an object of his dislike; and as for the Sacré Cœur, it is a case of persecution. The Abbé began to laugh when I said, “Then we have become the Fort-Royal of the Jesuits!” Mgr. Affre does not venture to interfere with the Abbé Dupanloup or his little seminary, and even goes out of his way to please him, because of the Abbé’s widespread relations, which make him a favourite with M. Jaubert, Minister of Public Works, with the Princesse de Beauffremont, a pronounced Carlist, with Madame de La Redorte, and with Madame de Gramont, of the Sacré Cœur. Moreover, in the course of the week which preceded the nomination of the Archbishop, M. Thiers sent for him to ask his opinion about the state of the clergy. M. Thiers, with his usual tactlessness, had made an appointment at the same time with M. de Montalembert, who brought with him Mgr. Affre. The parties arrived simultaneously, and were astounded at meeting one another. While they were thus awaiting the Minister with surprise, he was closeted with M. Royer-Collard. Eventually the four men confronted one another for a few moments—a memorable scene.
The Abbé Dupanloup renewed his promise to come and see me at Rochecotte in October; at the same time he did not hide the fact that he might be unable to come if he saw that the Archbishop was unduly disturbed, for he has to respect his feelings for the sake of his little seminary.
In the papers seized with Louis Bonaparte proofs were found that the undertaking was financed by Russia, with the connivance of the Carlist party, led by Berryer, and the name of M. Thiers was too frequently mentioned. The King forbade the Chancellor to pursue his action in this direction for two reasons: firstly, because M. Thiers would have been obliged to give evidence which would have embarrassed and complicated the general situation to a far greater extent; and, secondly, because the King thinks it useless to show his foreign enemies to what an extent they can count on positive support from Russia. What will be the end of these conflicting interests and this general complication?
Paris, September 5, 1840.—Paris was greatly excited the day before yesterday and yesterday by the numerous gatherings and bands of workmen. The newspapers give full details. Much money has been found upon those who have been arrested, which is supposed to come from the Russo-Bonapartists; such, at least, is the opinion of the Government. Every day reveals some new social disease, and the age is racked by cruel sickness.
Yesterday I went to the Sacré Cœur for a long talk with Madame de Gramont, whom I found uneasy and disturbed. She gave me full details of the harassing treatment laid upon her by the new Archbishop, and also of his new style of ruling the Paris clergy, to which they are by no means accustomed. For instance, he reprimanded the poor old incumbent of Saint-Thomas-d’Aquin for the reason that he himself had been slandered in his parish, for which he regarded the incumbent as responsible. In a certain sacristy he saw some young priests laughing at his vulgar manners, and addressed them with strong language. He wishes to force certain incumbents to resign. In short, there is general disturbance throughout the diocese.
I also went to Madame de Jaucourt, whom I found alone, aged and isolated, but lively. She told me a fact which I should have thought impossible a few days ago, but which I am now more inclined to believe: that the Queen and Madame gave sixty thousand francs to M. de Montalembert’s newspaper, the Univers catholique. For some time in this paper accounts have been noticed of the King’s conversations with foreign ambassadors.
Madame de Castellane came to ask me to dine with her to-day, and with M. Molé, who will read us his speech upon the occasion of his admission to the French Academy, where he is taking the place of M. de Quélen.
This morning I saw M. Hottinger, the banker, who is much disturbed about the situation. He sees, with great uneasiness, that the efforts of diplomacy can be nullified at any moment by the will of the Pasha of Egypt, in whose hands it is obvious that the question of peace or war now rests. Conspiracies and risings at Constantinople continually complicate all these questions for the worse. It is certain that only a miraculous Providence could disperse these heavy clouds. At Marseilles trade has come to a standstill and people are warehousing their stocks; not a single ship is leaving the port, and every one is anxiously awaiting the issue.
At one o’clock I went to Saint-Cloud to see Madame Adélaïde; then I went to the Queen, and afterwards to the Duchesse d’Orléans: she is really charming, distinguished, witty, gracious, and self-restrained; her conversation is most agreeable and attractive. Madame Adélaïde seemed to me to think that peace will be preserved; heaven grant that she is right!
Paris, September 7, 1840.—The revolt is now breaking out with fresh audacity. Guns from the Invalides are galloping to the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, the assembly is beating continuously and troops are on the march, while the National Guard is concentrated at the different mayors’ houses; in short, this is a case of battle. So far our Faubourg Saint-Germain is peaceful, but it must be admitted that if the combat is not soon concluded the left bank of the Seine will be no better off than the right. I am told that the bands scattered through Paris are largely composed of Poles and Italians, wandering people without a fixed home, never sleeping twice in the same house, and therefore difficult to seize. Since yesterday they have been threatening to set Paris on fire, by way of simplifying their task. The foremen of the factories, who have long known of the proposed movement, had warned the Chief of Police, who had, however, no legal authorisation to take adequate precautions. It was even impossible to prevent yesterday’s terrible outbreak. To-day there is a general panic, and the troops and guns are ordered to do police work. Let us hope they will again stand firm.
Paris, September 8, 1840.—Yesterday evening at eight o’clock I heard that the troops had driven the rioters out of Paris, and that the town was tranquil; public buildings, however, were guarded, on account of threats of incendiarism. In the afternoon I saw M. Molé, who seemed to be quite overwhelmed by the fact that public stocks had gone down four francs. He also told me of the definite rupture of the Doctrinaires with M. Thiers, whose manifesto was inserted in a Rouen newspaper, and has been quoted in M. Molé’s newspaper, La Presse. This conflict is said to be most energetic.
The Journal des Débats is also very bitter against M. Thiers. Business men on the Stock Exchange are making outcries against him, and his position is becoming very difficult. A more pressing interest is the other war, the first demonstration of which seems to have been brought about in Syria by the action of Admiral Napier. It is certainly said that this Admiral is a madman, and that as he is backed by the hot-headed Lord Ponsonby this demonstration does not emanate from the English Government, but we wonder whether this Government will disavow it.
Paris, September 10, 1840.—The general calm has outwardly at least been re-established at Paris. Yesterday I dined at Saint-Cloud, which has been restored and furnished by the King in a magnificent fashion; splendid Gobelin tapestry is to be seen there, copies from Rubens representing the life of Marie de’ Medici. The King took me round all the rooms, and talked a little of every subject on the way, constantly saying that he was anxious for peace and would do all he could to preserve it, but thought his task must be facilitated; this is not being done, either at home or abroad. His hatred of the Russians and his bitterness towards England are extreme. He has a special, and not unreasonable, grudge against England, on account of present events in Spain. Queen Christina was convinced that if she could only see Espartero she could induce him to become her personal adherent, and had therefore invited him to Madrid. On his refusal she undertook the journey which was her ruin. In her absence public feeling was manufactured in the capital; she is now obliged to return under the most ominous auspices. Probably her daughter will first be taken from her, and after that what will be done with her? This is the question which the King continually asks himself, uneasily repeating: “I fear the poor woman is ruined.”123 He says that England finances and encourages the anarchist movement; that Espartero is entirely English, and that if a general war bursts out we may expect to see him invade France as an English ally.
The King had heard that the King of Prussia had set the Archbishop of Cologne at liberty and authorised him to return to Rome, but that the Archbishop would not take advantage of this permission until he had received fresh instructions from Rome.
The Duchesse de Nemours has a most inexpressive countenance and a monotonous tone of voice, which somewhat counteracts the effect of her brilliant youth. The Duc de Nemours remains as stupid as ever. The Duc d’Aumale is now regarded as a man. He seems lively and inclined to talk. Princesse Clémentine is growing faded, and takes less trouble to please. The Queen and the Duchesse d’Orléans are the two bright stars. M. Dupin, who was also dining at Saint-Cloud, was loudly groaning and haranguing about the weakness of the Government in their treatment of the rioters, saying that as long as they were addressed with the words “gentlemen and fellow toilers” incendiarism and plunder might be expected. The day before yesterday these workmen during the night disarmed two outposts in the Rue Mauconseil, though it must be said that the soldiers made no attempt to defend themselves. The result was a fresh panic at the Stock Exchange yesterday. The fear, the grief, and the ruin which have overtaken a number of people cannot be imagined.
The other day M. de Montrond was saying that M. de Flahaut was anxious to go to London as ambassador, but they are too glad to be rid of Guizot to recall him here, notwithstanding the dissatisfaction which he causes on the other side of the Channel.
Paris, September 11, 1840.—I have decided to start at the end of the morning for Jeurs to visit the Comtesse Mollien, where I shall sleep.
Yesterday evening on returning home I continued reading the accounts of the trial of Madame Lafarge, as I had fallen behind.124 If she is innocent of the crime, so much the better for her relations, but the evidence of the two expert bodies, her enormous purchases of arsenic, and the sudden transition from complete repugnance to excessive tenderness for her husband would always make me suspect her so far as to desire another nurse if she had to mix my potions.
I am especially shocked by Madame Lafarge’s behaviour at one point, and by the uproarious laughter with which she greeted the emphatic and really ridiculous evidence of one of the witnesses; such frivolity seems to me to be rather a proof of impudence than of innocence. The more innocent a person might be, the more she would suffer under such an accusation, and while preserving a clear conscience her mind would be filled with other ideas than any which could produce such bursts of laughter. Her behaviour there shows a terrible lack of refinement and a complete failure to realise her position, for when the accusation concerns husband-poisoning, whether one is accuser or accused, I can hardly conceive of any inclination to hilarity. On the whole, whether she is a poisoner or not, she is obviously an unpleasant adventuress.
Courtalin, September 14, 1840.—I left Jeurs very early yesterday, after being, as usual, kindly and hospitably entertained. The day before yesterday I took a stroll with Madame Mollien in the valley of the Juine, which extends from Etampes to Corbeil; it is well watered, well wooded, and populous; great rocks peep out among the trees, as in certain parts of the forest of Fontainebleau. The three chief residences in this valley are Gravelles, belonging to M. de Perregeaux, Chamarande, belonging to M. de Talaru, and Ménilvoisin, belonging to M. de Choiseul-Praslin. The first two of these I already knew, and Madame Mollien took me to see the third. It is a stately and spacious residence; the approaches and the park are handsome, but the general appearance is depressing. This is characteristic of all the residences in this district. They have no outlook, shut in as they are in this narrow valley. They lack space and air, but not water, of which there is such an abundance that dampness is unavoidable. The waters of the Juine turn a number of mills, some of which are so large as to look like castles.
I arrived here yesterday evening, and found all the Montmorency family assembled with a M. de Roothe, an old man of seventy-eight, son of the last wife of Marshal Richelieu.
The only subject of discussion yesterday evening in the drawing-room was the case of Madame Lafarge. Here, as everywhere, very opposite opinions prevail concerning her. Those who think her innocent say that her husband did not die of poisoning, but from taking cantharides as a tonic for nervous debility, and that the rapid change in his wife’s behaviour is to be attributed to his recovery from this failing, and also the pleasure with which she saw him enter her room by the window when he did not come in by the door. Those who persist in thinking Madame Lafarge guilty say that the first experts should be believed, who performed their analysis after the first post-mortem, rather than the second, who went to work when putrefaction had set in. They also emphasise the evil tendencies, established by yesterday’s evidence, of the accused: her habits of lying and playing a part; her evil reputation from her youth; the haste with which her family attempted to get rid of her by marriage, even going so far as to apply to a matrimonial agency. She is the granddaughter of a certain Madame Collard, who before her marriage bore the sole name of Hermine; she was brought up by Madame de Genlis, and was generally supposed to be her daughter and the daughter of the Duc d’Orléans, father of the present King of France. This ancestry of hers is supposed to account for the keen interest taken in her case at the Tuileries. The accusation concerning the diamonds is differently regarded in different circles. Mdmes. de Léautaud, de Montbreton, and the Nicolai, belonging to the Faubourg Saint-Germain and that clique, think her capable of theft and poisoning; the democracy, who are delighted to find a society lady guilty, regard the fable which Madame Lafarge invented about Madame Léautaud as true. Party spirit appears in everything and destroys all feelings of equity and justice.
I have just received a letter from the Duchesse d’Albuféra, of which the following is an extract: “I was at Auteuil with Madame Thiers the evening of the day before yesterday. Considerable uneasiness prevailed about current events; these are moving rapidly and becoming very complicated. The decision to fortify Paris had thrown the Stock Exchange into excitement; it is a measure which will be enormously expensive to carry out, and will rouse much apprehension. M. Thiers said that all his efforts were intended to gain time to finish his preparations; he added that if we could prolong the matter until April next we should be in a state of defence, and he said that no one could be more keenly interested in the question than the King and Queen. As regards Spain, he seems very uneasy and doubtful of the result; he receives telegrams every day. On the 7th the Queen-Regent was still at Valencia, but he thinks that she will perhaps have to fight a battle to return to her capital. The Town Council of Madrid appoint fresh Ministers every day, and anarchy there seems complete.”
Courtalin, September 15, 1840.—At dinner-time two new arrivals appeared, the Duc de Rohan and his son the Prince of Léon. They brought certain information that M. Anatole Demidoff had married Princesse Mathilde de Montfort in return for the payment of the father’s debts by M. Demidoff. He is moved only by considerations of vanity, and has so acted in order to become connected with the King of Würtemberg and the King of Russia, but the connection is said to be unfavourably regarded by the two Sovereigns, and not likely to bring him much satisfaction.
Bonnétable, September 17, 1840.—The day before yesterday, in the evening, after all the usual gossip of the Courtalin drawing-room, we had some amusing anecdotes very well told by M. de Roothe concerning his father-in-law, Marshal Richelieu.125 He was married during three different reigns, and the first marriage was ordered by Louis XIV., who had found a perfumed cap of the young fool too near the bed of the Duchesse de Bourgogne.
I am astonished by the thought that I have dined with a man whose father-in-law had been at the feet of that charming Princess and had been scolded by Madame de Maintenon. M. de Roothe said that Marshal Richelieu was always a lady’s man, and that an hour before his death, when his daughter-in-law came to his bedside, and said that she thought he was better and looked stronger, he answered: “Ah, the fact is that you see me through your fair eyes.” M. de Roothe gave the following account of his mother’s marriage with Marshal Richelieu: A few years previously, when her first husband was still alive, as she was driving with him, they passed a carriage overturned and broken upon the Pont Neuf; they stopped to learn to whom the accident had happened, and whether they could help the sufferers. It was the Marshal Richelieu whom they picked up and took home to his house in their carriage. The next day the Marshal called to thank M. and Madame de Roothe; he was struck with the beauty of the latter, and renewed his visits so constantly that people remarked upon it to Madame de Roothe, telling her that the Marshal’s reputation was such that it might be dangerous to receive him too often, in spite of his eighty years. Madame de Roothe therefore kept out of his way. Some time afterwards she became a widow, and was left with four children in such straitened circumstances that she was obliged to sell her horses. Marshal Richelieu, disguised as a horse-dealer, appeared as purchaser, said that he could not come to an agreement with Madame de Roothe’s servants, and asked to see her herself. He was taken in, and a recognition followed. To cut explanations short, she told him that she had changed her mind and would not sell her horses. M. de Richelieu withdrew, but in order to help the poor widow he induced the King, without her knowledge, to find rooms for her in the Tuileries, the very rooms where we have seen the Vicomtesse d’Agoult and Madame Adélaïde. Madame de Roothe accepted the King’s kindness. Some months afterwards she learnt that she owed it to the Marshal, and she thought it her duty to write and thank him. He came to call upon her, fell at her feet, and said: “If you are comfortable in these rooms, allow me at least to say that they are unworthy of you, and that the Richelieu residence would suit you much better.” The proposal was accepted, and the marriage took place. Madame de Roothe became with child, but the Duc de Fronsac was furious at the thought that a birth might prejudice his rights, and induced a chambermaid to give his mother-in-law a draught which brought on a miscarriage.
Yesterday I travelled rapidly, thanks to good roads, good horses and postillions, and in particular to a hurricane which blew on our backs and swept the carriage, servants, and horses along in its blast. I found the Duchesse Mathieu de Montmorency in good health, but slightly deaf. Her chaplain is ill, and the customs of the house are consequently altered.
I have a letter from M. Bresson. His account of the political situation is as follows: “Things here have become somewhat calmer; the matter will blow over, but resentment and distrust will remain. People will no longer meet with the same cordiality, and will be continually on their guard; in short, the ground is by no means as clear as it was, a thing which M. de Talleyrand never liked, but I think that the main storm has turned aside, and if you have made plans for a journey to Prussia next year you need not abandon them for any possible war. Herr von Werther has been rather seriously ill. The Prince of Wittgenstein comes back to-morrow from Kissingen. Frau von Reede, seventy-four years of age as she is, is the leader of society at Königsberg. We shall have some splendid festivities for the Huldigung.126 The nobles of the Mark of Brandenburg have alone subscribed twenty thousand crowns. All this brilliant prospect does not restore my good-humour; my health is certainly changed by the climate, and my character by isolation and exile. I have reached one of those periods in life, one of those frames of mind, when change is required at any cost, and it is for change that I hope. My best days are past; my few remaining ties in this world will soon be broken, and I ought to try to strengthen my connection with my country. You would do me a very great service if you could induce my patroness, Madame Adélaïde, to smooth the path for my retirement.”
I have an idea that M. Thiers will soon have no trouble in finding high diplomatic posts for his friends, owing to a large number of voluntary resignations.
Valençay, September 19, 1840.—I am now at Valençay, a spot so full of memories that it seems to me like a native land. M. and Madame de Valençay are alone here with their children. They both seem very glad to see me again, and I am always happy to be back at Valençay. Here I am less cut off than elsewhere from an eventful past, and the dead are less far away than anywhere else.
Valençay, September 22, 1840.—M. and Madame de Castellane arrived here yesterday from their native Auvergne, which seems by no means a pleasant district in which to live. There are no high-roads to their residence, but only badly made paths, which must be traversed in a litter or on horseback. The snow is already upon their mountains, where there are no trees and no cultivation, nothing but grass for the cattle; there is no fruit and no vegetables, no game, and no doctor within easy reach. Pauline has grown thin and sunburnt; her husband is very thin, and I hope they will pick up at Rochecotte, where we are all going. Their little daughter, Marie, is most satisfactory, fair, fat, and fresh, always in a good temper, laughing and restless, a little angel whom I was very glad to see again, and her mother with her.
To-day is St. Maurice’s Day, formerly the most festive and animated of days at Valençay. This year it will be celebrated only by a mass for the repose of the soul of our dear M. de Talleyrand. It will be celebrated in the chapel where he rests.
Valençay, September 24, 1840.—The great Lafarge drama is now concluded; she has been condemned. The reflection which came to me upon reading the verdict is that the appearance of this woman, her speeches, her gesture, and her bearing, produced a very striking effect and secured her conviction. It is a verdict which could by no means be inferred from the facts, for she has shown for a long time great presence of mind, while her counsel were extremely talented, and the Public Prosecutor displayed a tactlessness akin to rudeness. Public sympathies were widely divided, and Madame Lafarge was supported by a powerful family. The extraordinary and unusual element in this case is that I can see no one, not even the condemned person, who is in any way attractive. Apart from the prisoner herself, there is Denis, who seems to be a bad man; her mother Lafarge, who is too anxious about the will; the deceased man, whose business transactions were a trifle shady; Madame de Léautaud, very frivolous; Madame de Montbreton, who was too fond of hypnotism; Madame de Nicolaï, who did not look after her daughters properly. As the accusers of Madame Lafarge numbered so few estimable persons, she must have strongly impressed the jury with her guilt for them to bring in a verdict against her.
Valençay, September 25, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles has been to Paris to call upon Madame de Lieven on her return from London, and writes to me as follows: “I found the Princesse much changed. There are still hopes of peace, and the Government is moving in that direction. The King retains his confidence. The proposals of Mehemet Ali have opened a new stage in the business, which may prevent war, but nothing is settled; if the matter drags on until the spring Thiers will then be more warlike than he now is, as we shall then have an army which we do not now possess. There is a kindlier feeling towards Prussia than towards the other three Powers. It seems that Berlin has already had more than enough of the convention, and that Herr von Bülow is loudly abused for his presumption and his blindness.”
From another source I hear as follows: “Uneasiness at London is spreading through every class. The English Ministry declares its astonishment at the measures taken in France and at the energy displayed by the King. I believe that Lord Palmerston is very anxious. The Princesse de Lieven read a letter to M. de Montrond from Lady Cowper which does not conceal the uneasiness and uncertainty of those about her. They say Lord Holland stands entirely aloof from events. I have certain information to the contrary; he writes letters of six pages to Mr. Bulwer on current business, and shows as much keenness as any young man. He is said to be a very strong opponent of France. In both England and Scotland the harvest is a bad one, which adds to the embarrassments of the English Cabinet. Meanwhile, though spirits are rising at Saint-Cloud, the breach seems to be widened by the exchange of notes in very bitter language. The whole matter is very confused, and it is impossible to forecast the result with any certainty.”
Yesterday M. de Maussion came here from Paris, or rather from M. Thiers, at whose house he has been living. He says that Madame de Lieven is regarded as a spy in the house of M. Thiers, where she is accused of all kinds of treachery. He also says that M. de Flahaut comes to M. Thiers every morning with a bundle of letters from England, that he poses as a man of importance, and that he and his wife are intriguing more vigorously than ever. He adds that M. de Flahaut is starting for England in order to be absent during the trial of Louis Bonaparte, but his wife is giving out that he has a secret and important mission to the English Cabinet, to repair the tactlessness of M. Guizot. There is a wish to remove M. Guizot, but M. Thiers does not want him in Paris for the meeting of the Chambers, so M. de Flahaut is thrown back upon the embassy at Vienna, and it is thought that he will obtain it.
Valençay, September 25, 1840.—Frau von Wolff writes to me from Berlin under date the 19th of this month: “Our town is astir with preparations for the ceremonies to take place the day after to-morrow at the entry of the King and Queen, and is also busy with the entertainments which will be given when the oath of fidelity is taken. An enormous number of strangers are coming in from every quarter. You will have seen in the German newspapers how enthusiastically the King was welcomed at Königsberg and with what royal dignity he ascended the throne of his ancestors. All who were present agreed in saying that the King’s impromptu speech after the oath was more moving than anything they have known. The speech was so unprepared that the Queen halted as though with astonishment when she saw the King suddenly rise and approach the railing; there he stopped, and, raising one hand to heaven, he uttered in a strong, sonorous voice which went to every heart and was heard at the end of the enclosure, the simple words of hope for the future. He moved many to tears, and shed tears himself. We need only pray to heaven to preserve us the blessings of peace; hitherto the prospects of war have not shaken the general confidence. The King’s energy and activity in the work of government is incomparable. To judge from the beginning he has made, Prussia will make giant strides under his rule; but I repeat, to enjoy the golden age which seems to smile upon us peace must be preserved.”
Valençay, September 28, 1840.—Yesterday we were amused by a small dramatic performance during the evening, which began by the dialogue between Agrippine and Néron,127 played in costume by M. de Montenon, who took the part of Néron, and my son-in-law as Agrippine, a truly feminine monstrosity. Then Le Mari de la Veuve was acted with much vigour, balance, and spirit by my son Louis, my daughter Pauline, Mlle. Clément de Ris, and Mlle. de Weizel. Then we had two scenes from the Dépit amoureux by Mlle. Clément de Ris, M. de Montenon, M. and Madame d’Entraigues, and finally Passé Minuit by MM. de Maussion and de Biron, which greatly amused the pit. After the performance there was supper and a dance, and all passed off very cheerfully.
Valençay, September 29, 1840.—I have a number of letters, one of which says: “The meeting of the Cabinet has been called at London for Monday the 7th. It is thought unlikely that Lord Palmerston will be able to carry his own views, and the Ministers are said to be by no means unanimous; for this reason some hope survives that peace may be maintained; on the other hand, nothing is known of the nature of the instructions sent to the Mediterranean, and the whole situation is very uncertain.”
Now for Madame de Lieven. She begins with many moans over her health, and ends: “My health, however, is not so bad as that of Europe. What a disturbance everywhere! War is the most likely consequence. To think that people could allow things to reach this point and that not a man in Europe can conduct a piece of business properly! Prince Metternich must be dead. Every one desires peace passionately, and see to what the wild love of peace has brought Europe! Indeed, the whole world must be mad! The crisis must be settled in a few weeks. I am told that Vienna is making great efforts, but Palmerston is very obstinate. In France there has been an outcry, and much more also than mere outcry. What self-respecting persons would think of retreating? I should like a talk with you; we have seen better times, and I have many things to tell you of London which would astonish you. My dear Duchesse, if war breaks out I am bound to be the first to leave Paris and France, and where shall I go? It is abominable!”
Valençay, September 30, 1840.—M. Molé writes as follows: “The Comte de Paris has been very ill—in fact, in the greatest danger; he is better, but not cured. No doubt you know that Madame de Lieven has returned; her friend M. Guizot—and I am certain of my facts—will soon break with his master and superior, M. Thiers. The discussion upon the Address will be the latest date for the accomplishment of this great event.”
The Duchesse d’Albuféra says: “Anxiety continues to prevail here; people are asking what answer is to be sent to the proposals of Mehemet Ali, but many people think that thunderbolts will be the answer. In France armaments are being organised upon a very large scale. The Duchesse de Massa has arrived in time to close the eyes of Marshal Macdonald, her father. It is thought that his marshal’s baton will go to General Sébastiani. The Princesse de Lieven receives a written despatch from our London Ambassador every day.”
Tours, October 2, 1840.—Here I find a letter from M. de Sainte-Aulaire, who writes from Vienna on September 23: “The matter would proceed excellently, if it were conducted here; but discussion takes place at Vienna and Berlin, and negotiations at London, where, I believe, a very different temper unfortunately prevails.”
Rochecotte, October 4, 1840.—Yesterday’s newspapers contain a long explanatory note from Lord Palmerston, addressed to the English Minister in Paris, Mr. Bulwer, which puts the Eastern question in a very different light from that given by the French narratives.128 We have also news of the capture of Beyrout,129 which is a strong beginning to the course of coercive measures. What will be the result?
Rochecotte, October 5, 1840.—My son-in-law has a letter from Paris telling him that the salon of M. Thiers on the day when the news arrived of the capture of Beyrout was so bellicose that it threatened to throw the whole world into a conflagration. However, in the Journal des Débats of the 3rd instant I saw a small article on this question urging calm and moderation, and when I consider the inspired nature of this paper I have become a little calmer.
I had expected that the pleadings of M. Berryer on behalf of Prince Louis Bonaparte would display a seditious tendency, would be blustering, rash, and outrageous. I was greatly surprised to find that I could read them without the slightest emotion. But I have often noticed that when one reads Berryer’s speeches they do not produce an effect in harmony with his reputation, and that one must hear him to be dazzled and attracted, to such an extent does he possess the outer and attractive qualities of an orator.
Rochecotte, October 6, 1840.—The Duchesse d’Albuféra writes from Paris: “Events in the East are of a very alarming nature, and so also is the language of the Ministerial newspapers, for which the moderation of the Saint-Cloud organ130 is but a small compensation. The former journalists threaten M. Thiers that they will break with him if he does not begin war. Prussia and Austria seem decidedly anxious not to make war upon us or upon anybody; it is difficult to understand the situation. M. de Flahaut is at London staying with Lord Holland, who sees the Ministers every day and tells his wife that he is trying to convince them of our real position, but this officious service will probably have no great result, as people at London seem to have made up their minds. I have seen Lady Granville; both she and her husband are greatly depressed. They still hope that war will not break out, and I know that Lord Granville is doing all he can to produce a calmer frame of mind. Everybody one meets is uneasy and anxious, nor will they talk of anything but of the memorandum, of Beyrout, of Espartero and the fortifications; they go to bed in excitement and awake painfully anxious. You are lucky to be far away from such a turmoil. Nobody pays attention to the trial of Louis Bonaparte; M. d’Alton-Shée alone voted for death, after a violent speech. The proposal was badly received by the rest of the Chamber.”
Rochecotte, October 7, 1840.—Yesterday I heard a sad piece of news—the death of my poor friend the Countess Batthyàny at Richmond on the 2nd. She had recently felt an improvement in her health, which had induced her to consider the possibility of coming to live at Paris.
I hear from Paris: “M. Molé is at Paris for the trial of Louis Bonaparte, in which M. Berryer was a complete failure. All minds are absorbed by the bombardment of Beyrout and the possible consequences. There is a universal outcry against M. Thiers. Madame de Lieven is rather ill; she is feverish, and sees visitors in her long chair. She professes a close attachment for M. Guizot, but is said to show a tendency to coldness.”
Rochecotte, October 8, 1840.—Yesterday I had a letter from Madame de Lieven, begun on the 5th and finished on the 6th. The following is an extract from the part dated the 5th: “In England nothing has been decided; the Ministers are not agreed; however, the peace party is predominant, to which Palmerston himself pretends to belong, though he does not offer any means of finding a solution satisfactory to France; moreover, his hands are not free, as he must ask for Russia’s consent at every moment. Since the bombardment of Beyrout Thiers seems to think his position no longer tenable unless he makes some bold stroke; his colleagues are not all of his opinion, and the King is not in favour of extreme measures. However, some decision must be made. Lord Granville is very anxious. Things have gone so far that change is inevitable. It was even said yesterday that Thiers wished to send two hundred thousand men to the Rhine and a French fleet to Alexandria to oppose the English. This would be an act of madness. The situation is very dangerous, and assuming that Thiers breaks with the Government, where are people to be found sufficiently resolute to undertake the heavy burden now before them?”
On the 6th she writes: “The three or four councils held within the last two days have ended in the resolution to send a protest to the English Government in which a casus belli will be laid down, and I think that Alexandria and Saint-Jean d’Acre will be the points at issue; but if one of these towns were to be attacked at this moment what would become of the protest? The English Government has on its side addressed notes to its allies to modify the treaty; negotiations are going on with tolerable frankness, but meanwhile military operations are also proceeding. They say that the King is not in entire agreement with M. Thiers concerning the casus belli; he is also said to be especially satisfied with M. Cousin, who is on good terms with Admiral Roussin and M. Gouin. I am told on good authority that the meeting of the Chambers is arranged for the early days of November, and that the protest of which I told you will be decided this morning. Saint-Jean d’Acre will not be mentioned in it.”
This interesting letter gave much food for our conversation. The Duc de Noailles, who is here, and who has brought his manuscript, read us a passage on quietism.131 It is clearly written, and in a good and brisk style, with well-chosen quotations which enliven the subject.
Rochecotte, October 11, 1840.—Yesterday we heard of the sudden death of Arthur de Mortemart,132 a fine young fellow, who was to inherit a magnificent fortune, and also, though I did not know the fact, to marry the daughter of the Duc de Noailles, who set off immediately upon hearing the sad news. Arthur de Mortemart was twenty-seven years of age, and an only son. It is a dreadful blow to his family.
M. Molé writes: “The Chambers are being convoked for the 28th, and my friends insist that I should return to Paris between the 15th and 20th. I agree, but we shall have nothing but the remarkable and barren pleasure of exchanging our condolences. We are advancing with fatal rapidity towards a revolutionary Government, which may lead to even more bloodshed than before. God alone knows how long it will last and what will take its place. However, if the newspapers do not mislead and divide the right-minded party we should emerge successfully, with courage, but our domestic difficulties make the situation irremediable; foreign affairs would easily be settled if our home policy inspired any confidence. In any case, the Chamber will have to decide the whole matter, but there is little hope that it will rise to the greatness of its task. I do not know what will happen to my reception at the Academy in the midst of all this. I am ready, and notwithstanding the arguments of M. Villemain, who seems to be intimidated, I shall omit nothing from my eulogy of Mgr. de Quélen, and I invoke the great day.”
Rochecotte, October 12, 1840.—A letter from M. de Barante at St. Petersburg tells me: “I am waiting for news from elsewhere, for at St. Petersburg nothing is decided, nor in reality do people greatly care. Peace would be perhaps the wiser course, but war is more in conformity with the sentiments which people have been professing for ten years; so they will only do what England wishes. You can make your conjectures in accordance with this view; you know Lord Palmerston and all his political environment, of which I have no idea.”
Rochecotte, October 14, 1840.—Madame de Montmorency writes to say that M. Demidoff has written to M. Thiers for authorisation to announce his wife at Paris as Her Royal Highness Madame the Princesse de Montfort. Madame Demidoff has written personally to Madame Thiers, whom she knew in Italy, on this subject, and the King has given his consent.
Rochecotte, October 17, 1840.—The Duchesse d’Albuféra writes: “Peace now seems to be a trifle nearer. Negotiations have been resumed, and people are agreed in saying that if war is to break out it will not be for a considerable time, and that many diplomatic notes will be exchanged before we reach that extremity. General de Cubières, Minister of War, had resigned because he thought the majority in the Council too warlike, and his opinion was that we should be unable to wage a successful war with the Powers and must avoid the possibility. His resignation, however, has not been accepted, as the negotiations and prospects of peace have been resumed, at any rate for the moment. The French memorandum has brought many over to the side of M. Thiers. The vacant Presidency of the Chamber is a post which occupies many minds; opinions are divided between M. Odilon Barrot and M. Sauzet. The Comte de Paris has fallen ill again, and his parents are very uneasy.”
Rochecotte, October 19, 1840.—Madame de Lieven writes: “The English Cabinet has welcomed the French note. The peace party is gaining strength, but the issue does not lie in that direction. St. Petersburg, which is a long way off, must be consulted, and during these delays the newspapers are able to interfere. The memorandum of Thiers has caused much satisfaction at Paris, and some embarrassment to Lord Palmerston; at St. Petersburg it will be thought that he says aloud what has hitherto been whispered. As for Austria, Apponyi claims that the narrative is inaccurate where Austria is concerned. In any case, the decision is imminent, and will be known on November 15. The four Powers care nothing about the war or about France; so we may ask in what direction or for what reason France will take action. Unfortunately there is a general idea that peace and M. Thiers are incompatible. This would be quite dangerous, for excitement is high, and Thiers in the scales can outweigh war.”
Rochecotte, October 20, 1840.—The newspapers contain an account of a fresh attempt to assassinate the King, made by a certain Darmès.133 The constant repetition of these attempts makes one tremble, and it is impossible to avoid uneasiness.
Yesterday my son-in-law received letters from Paris which say that the wind seems to blow in the direction of war. Lord Palmerston is stated to be anxious to insist upon the full enforcement of the treaty. Our Minister thinks himself certain of a majority, rather because of the apprehension with which his opponents would view their own accession to power in the present situation, than of any confidence inspired by the Cabinet. After the attempted assassination by Darmès the Duc d’Orléans is said to have declared that he was strongly in favour of war, and would rather be killed on the banks of the Rhine than murdered in a Paris slum. All our letters agree that excitement is running high and that conditions are both complicated and serious.
Rochecotte, October 21, 1840.—Yesterday the papers announced the abdication of Queen Christina. This event will not form an agreeable page in the annals of M. de La Redorte’s Spanish embassy.
The Duc de Noailles writes as follows: “Many people are saying that Thiers will resign, and many say that he is in a difficulty upon the subject. He does not see how he can appear before the Chambers. He would like to arrange a retreat which would leave him at the head of a party, by making people believe that he was unable to persuade the King to take the energetic resolutions which the national honour requires. On the other hand, thus to be eclipsed, to leave every one in difficulty, after raising and provoking all these questions, to evade discussion and responsibility before the Chambers, would certainly be disgraceful. However, people who are best informed think that he will resign. The speech from the throne is now the only point upon which he can disagree and request permission to retire.
“Prussia definitely refuses to let any horses go out of its territory. It is hoped that some will be found in Normandy and Holland. The situation is extremely embarrassing, for we are certainly not ready for war, and cannot be before spring, and yet loans have already been effected to the amount of four hundred and fifty millions. The deficit will be a bottomless pit. If stocks fall to ninety-nine, when by law sixteen millions a month must be redeemed, and if money is taken from the savings banks, the Treasury will be in a hopeless difficulty. The Syrian expedition seems to have no immediate result; Ibrahim allows the allies to seize the seaboard, which is separated from the rest of the country by a chain of mountains which runs along the sea, and which the disembarked troops cannot cross. He holds all this country, which is overawed by his army and dare not revolt, and is waiting for the storms to drive away the fleet, which cannot then return before spring. I have seen a letter from Lady Palmerston, strongly inclined to peace. Guizot also writes that Downing Street is now calmer.
“The King is very depressed by this further attempt to assassinate him, and Thiers feels that the credit of the Ministry is not improved by the event. The Deputies who are already here and those who are arriving are said to be inclined for peace. I hear that the Chamber of Peers is tempted, if it has the courage—which I doubt—to adopt a patronising and embarrassing attitude towards the Ministry.”
Rochecotte, October 23, 1840.—Madame Adélaïde, in a very kind answer to a letter from myself, writes as follows about the attempted assassination “The King’s first word after the explosion to the Queen and to myself was, ‘Well, it seems that you must always be in this fatal carriage,’ a truly touching remark.”
I have the following from Madame de Lieven: “Granville yesterday handed in Lord Palmerston’s answer to the note of the 8th. I believe that this answer undertakes to revoke the proposal for the Pasha’s deposition, if he submits; you will see that this does not help matters. All that can now be said is that the general attitude and language upon either side is gentler, and may possibly lead to an understanding. Lord Palmerston will not explain himself more clearly, as he is waiting for news of some brilliant successes in Syria; so far he has waited in vain. The tone of the French Ministry is less warlike; they say that war may arrive in spring, if winter does not settle everything. Here you see a change, and diplomacy at Paris is inclined to believe in peace. We shall see what the Chambers will do; their action will be important both upon events and individuals.
“The King has not appeared in the town since the shot was fired at him. On this subject the foreign newspapers comment far more suitably than the French.
“The dissensions in the English Cabinet are said to be more obvious, and Palmerston is thought to be in the minority. M. de Flahaut, who arrives to-morrow, will enlighten us upon this subject. Madame de Flahaut is now very anti-Palmerston, because she naturally fears the possibility of war between her two native lands.134 Lord John Russell has gone over to the majority against Palmerston, and, feeble though he is, his influence is important. Things in general are in incredible confusion, but I am really beginning to hope that there is a little more prospect of peace than there has been for the last few days.”
Rochecotte, October 24, 1840.—Yesterday my son-in-law heard that the French Ministry had resigned upon the occasion of the speech from the Crown, which it wished to devote to the subject of the casus belli, against the King’s desires.135
My son, M. de Dino, tells me that the Grand Duke of Tuscany has made M. Demidoff Prince of San Donato, a name derived from his silk manufacture, and has given him the title of Excellency. The Pope136 has sent the dispensations for the marriage. The dowry of the young Princess is settled at two hundred and fifty thousand francs, with twenty-five thousand francs pin-money.
Rochecotte, October 25, 1840.—Queen Christina is apparently intending to settle at Florence, where her sentimental interests are centred. She has two children by Muñoz, whom she adores, and has managed to save an income of fifteen hundred thousand francs.
The little Comte de Paris is very ill, in continuous fever, which wastes him away. The Duc d’Orléans is greatly distressed, and the Duchesse is in bed very weak and unhappy. She is not allowed to move for fear of a miscarriage, as she is now in her eighth month. The poor royal family is receiving some heavy blows.
Rochecotte, November 2, 1840.—Queen Christina is not going to Italy; Nice, Paris, and then Bordeaux, such are said to be her movements. She wishes to remain near Spain, in order to keep an eye upon the progress of events.
Madame de Lieven writes as follows, the day before yesterday: “You see what has happened here; things are becoming very stormy; M. Guizot must be very courageous to embark in such a vessel. At London the general tone is becoming much milder, and will continue to improve in favour of the new Ministry, but a great deal will have to be done to satisfy the madmen here, and an ill interpretation will be placed upon English self-satisfaction. Thus there are many difficulties which are far from a solution. The Chamber will be in a state of continual storm, an interesting spectacle, but likely to become frightful. The King is said to be delighted that he has got rid of Thiers, and to be charmed with his new Ministers;137 I wish I could believe that his satisfaction was likely to last. Thiers says that he will not oppose Guizot; this is nonsense. The Comte de Paris is better. The Duc d’Orléans is not satisfied with the change of Ministers, but King Leopold is very pleased.”
Rochecotte, November 4, 1840.—A letter which I have just received from M. Molé contains the following: “The outgoing Ministry was ruining everything, and in three months would have involved us in war with the whole of Europe, and given us a revolutionary Government into the bargain. I do not know what the new Ministry will do, but it cannot do worse, or even as badly. The method of its formation has obliged me to stand aloof—an easy part to play, and one which I usually prefer, the more so as when I do take part I never do so by halves.”
Rochecotte, November 5, 1840.—My son, M. de Dino, writes from Paris that great preparations are being made to decorate the route by which the procession will pass bringing back the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena, and that a strange idea has been proposed, to have a row of the effigies of all the Kings of France. I suppose they will be placed there to present arms to the usurper. Really, people are absurd nowadays; in any case, this fine idea emanates from the Cabinet of M. Thiers, and not from the present Ministry.
A letter from Madame Mollien says: “Yesterday evening, in the middle of the theatre, Bergeron, the foremost of all the King’s assassins, entered a box, where was seated M. Emile de Girardin, the editor of La Presse, to whom, without saying a word, he gave a box on the ears. M. Girardin bounded up like a madman; his wife, who is twice as big and strong as he is, caught him by his collar, shouting, ‘Don’t go out! You shall not go out! He is an assassin!’ The result is said to have been an incredible scene; everybody intervened, all were in a quarrelsome state of mind, and in the corridors and vestibule nothing could be heard except challenges and appointments.”
Here is an extract from another letter in a different strain: “M. Guizot and Madame de Lieven are the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, and I have a fear that M. de Broglie must be content with the fate of the Sultan’s wife, Validé. M. Molé has not been offered a position; the King continually repeats that M. Molé declined to lend a hand; this is not the case. At so serious a crisis no thinking man would use such language, but the matter is most easily explained in this way. The Journal des Débats has since been carefully working upon the scruples of M. Molé, and said to him: ‘If you refuse to support the Cabinet, which is Conservative, the Left will come into power, and it will be your fault. It is a crime against the country,’ &c. This attitude seems to resemble the case of parents who, when they have a son dangerously ill, say to a girl, ‘If you do not grant him an interview he will die, and it will be your fault.’ If I were a girl I assure you that in this case I should look after myself. My opinion is that M. Molé should remain a member of the Academy and nothing more. Moreover, he will be none the worse off for that. Do you know that Maurice de Noailles is to become a priest? It is said that Barante will be Ambassador at London. I hope so.”
My son-in-law hears that Maurice de Noailles is entering the Church in despair, because he could not marry the daughter of the Duc de Noailles. I admit that I do not believe this story as yet, and await some confirmation of it.
Rochecotte, November 6, 1840.—Yesterday’s post brought me a long letter from M. de Salvandy: “We are emerging from a Ministerial crisis, which has passed off with little incident, except that M. Molé has remained outside the new combination. He feels, with much exasperation, that some supreme influence has secured his exclusion. At the outset of the crisis M. de Montalivet worked very hard to find a post for M. Molé in the new Cabinet: he went about everywhere, and declared on all sides that his co-operation was indispensable, to M. Molé more emphatically than to any one. I could not help saying to M. Molé that so much zeal seemed suspicious, and that I could not but infer some bad result. However, M. Molé’s chances of office never amounted to anything, nor has he been treated with any of that ceremony, which might outwardly have soothed his feelings; in fact, practically no notice has been taken of any member of the Ministry of April 15. Only upon the last day were they considered in the least. The new body was brought together with such little thought that no effort was made to secure M. Passy, who was ready to come in unconditionally, but was united with M. Dufaure; the latter based his refusal upon a personal dislike for M. Martin du Nord rather than upon political motives. M. Passy and M. Dufaure had no objection to myself or to M. Laplagne. Thus it would have been possible with no great difficulty to gather round Marshal Soult and M. Guizot some members of the Ministries of April 15 and May 12. These would have formed a good nucleus for a majority, at once compact and permanent. Instead of this, a Ministry has been lumped together, and it is expected that the dangers evoked by M. Thiers will provide votes at first, while the future can take care of itself. When the Cabinet, however, was formed, it was remembered that no measures had been taken to secure the adherence of the Left Centre, or even of the Conservative party. Then they took steps to repair this mistake, and the Ministers all came to me. M. Guizot, whom I had not seen since the Coalition, came wearing his order, to ask me solemnly for my co-operation. I did not hide the fact that it was rather late, and that this fashion of forming a Ministry without paying attention to any one, or respecting M. Molé and his party by the observance of outward formality, increased the difficulty of a situation, which was already complicated enough. When I heard M. Guizot I remembered what I was saying to the Duc d’Orléans a few days ago, that of the two rivals it was difficult to say which is the more futile; that if Thiers is futile without, Guizot is so within; in fact, Guizot has not a notion of the domestic dangers, the Parliamentary difficulties, and the general peril caused by the abstention of M. Passy and M. Dufaure; for they, added to Lamartine and myself, would form a possible Cabinet intermediate between that of to-day and that of M. Odilon Barrot, whether we took M. Molé, M. de Broglie, or even M. Thiers for our leader. In short, their confidence and presumption have been inexplicable, while they have completely forgotten the apostasy of 1839, which is aggravated by this fresh change of creed and colour. They are convinced that their theories can be resumed at the point where they had dropped them, and talk of safeguards, order, and resistance with the same authority. They have no notion of the fury which this language is likely to arouse among their adversaries, and regard us as cold and disagreeable. However, we shall support them, for we are men of honour before all things, and I am equally certain that there will be a majority on the general question. Thiers has brought things to such a point that his restoration would mean both revolution and war; but the humiliation abroad which Guizot’s Cabinet will have to confront is likely to be a crushing burden. Honourable men do not pardon Thiers for making this humiliation inevitable, and in three months no one will pardon Guizot for yielding to it. In my opinion he will have to give way in a short time, but if he performs the double service of bringing us through a great difficulty without increasing it and of paving the way for a new Conservative majority he will have done a good deal. I do not despair, and for my part will certainly help him. He left me and went on to open conciliatory measures with M. Molé.
“The immediate cause of Thiers’ rupture with the King is as follows: In the speech Thiers demanded further measures, that is, an additional hundred and fifty thousand men—making six hundred and fifty thousand in all, the mobilisation of the National Guards, camps upon the Rhine and the Alps, in short, war. The King tried to compromise by saying that his Ministers would explain what they had done and what they intended to do. Thiers refused; it seems as though there was no sincerity on either side. Thiers felt that his position was untenable: the Left was trembling, the Conservatives would venture anything in their fright, and his own foolishness will not bear discussion. The King on his side was bold enough to regard his attempted assassination by Darmès as a possible starting-point from which to turn the struggle against himself and overthrow his Cardinal de Retz, while he ran no risk for his power, but a very great deal of risk for his life.
“The Conservative party thus seems to be reorganised by the return of the large majority of the Doctrinaires and the probable support of the Left Centres, who are in terror, but the Doctrinaire party is divided; M. Duvergier de Hauranne and M. Piscatory follow M. de Rémusat and M. Jaubert from the Left; M. Broglie is divided between the two camps; M. Thiers continues to rely upon him, and flatters himself that he has been strongly defended by him in the Chamber of Peers; M. Guizot, on the other hand, calculates that he will accept the London Embassy; to this he attaches great importance, although M. de Broglie will not be able to lend him all the strength of which he will deprive M. Thiers by a long way; however, he will not weaken him, and that is something. Failing M. Thiers, Madames de Barante and de Sainte-Aulaire will fight for London. There is no doubt that M. de la Redorte will be retired, as he has cut a poor figure in the Peninsula. There will be many changes in the Diplomatic Body. I know that I have been thought of for an embassy, but I have not yet considered my reply. M. Guizot has gained nothing from London; something may be obtained from Lord Melbourne, but nothing from Lord Palmerston, and it is not certain that Europe is less inclined to the latter than to the former. The condition of the Comte de Paris still causes alarm. Chomel, to whom I have spoken, but he is rather a pessimist, has no hope except that the poor young Prince may live long enough to spare the Duchesse d’Orléans a great grief during her confinement.”
Rochecotte, November 8, 1840.—M. d’Entraigues, our Prefect, who has been here since the evening of the day before yesterday, received yesterday by a courier a telegram sent to him at Tours with news of the nomination of the President, the Vice-President and the Committee of the Chamber of Deputies. The nominations in general are, thank heaven, favourable to the Cabinet and supported by a good majority. This beginning is a trifle consoling. If fear inspires wisdom, so much the better.
I have a letter from the Duc de Noailles, who tells me that there is no truth in the rumour that his cousin M. Maurice is to enter the Church. People are indeed wonderfully clever in inventing and spreading stories and providing them with so many details as to make one believe what is utterly unfounded. The Duc de Noailles also says: “The royal session is said to have been a most mournful ceremony;138 on the one side was much outcry of obvious meaning, while on the Left there was menacing silence; in the middle was the King shedding tears at a certain passage in his speech. The speech was wanting in dignity, and a pacific attitude should be more dignified; it was drawn up by Guizot. The desire for peace was too obvious, and it was not a success. The Ministry are sure of a majority for some time, but as the fear of war dies away they will lose it. Syria has been given up as a bad job by the Government. If the Pasha submits, all will be over; if he resists and is attacked in Egypt it is difficult to say how an explosion will be avoided here. Thiers said to Guizot on his arrival: ‘Now it is your turn. There are only two men in France, yourself and I; I am the Minister of the revolution, you of the Conservative movement; if one is not in power the other must be. We cannot act in concert, but we can live upon good terms. I shall put no obstacle in your way, and make no attempt to inconvenience you.’ None the less he is already intriguing in the Chamber, and an agitation will be raised to support him.”
Rochecotte, November 12, 1840.—The Abbé Dupanloup arrived here yesterday to consecrate my chapel. The ceremony is to take place immediately. Yesterday’s post brought news of the confinement of the Duchesse d’Orléans. I am delighted to hear of the birth of a second son.139 Madame de Lieven writes that she is somewhat dissatisfied with the beginning which the new Ministry has made.
Rochecotte, November 14, 1840.—I had wished the first mass said in my chapel to be for the repose of the soul of M. de Talleyrand, but an inaugural mass cannot be one of mourning. At the ceremony of the day before yesterday, therefore, colours were worn in honour of St. Martin; yesterday’s mass was for the dear departed. The altar is exactly where his bed used to stand in the room which has been replaced by the chapel; the coincidence affected me deeply.
Rochecotte, November 17, 1840.—M. de Salvandy, who has most obligingly undertaken to send me a little weekly bulletin, tells me that the Diplomatic Body at Paris was almost as keenly excited by the last note from Lord Palmerston as the Chamber itself.140
It seems that Count Apponyi has written everywhere pointing out the danger of urging France to revolution and to war when she is attempting to throw off the yoke of anarchy. Lord Granville and Herr von Bülow disavow the acts of Lord Palmerston. If he really wished to drive France to extremities, it may be believed that neither Austria nor Prussia would support him. Even Russia seems to have moderated her language.
My son-in-law writes me from Paris on the 15th: “The state of affairs here seems to me very confused. The transition from revolutionary provocation to a demeanour of humility can only be effected amid uproar in order to put shame out of countenance. To this end everybody is working. There is a general cry for peace and for the support of the former Ministry, and a general outcry against the cowardice and degradation of the supreme power, though no one can say exactly what should have been done. These indeterminate attacks never produce a really embarrassing situation, and as they make an uproar without doing any harm, the men against whom they are ineffectually directed obtain the credit of success. It thus seems generally admitted that the Ministry will gain a majority. M. Guizot, for instance, was saying the day before yesterday in his salon, with the heroic air characteristic of General Guizot: ‘Gentlemen, we have just begun the campaign; the war will be long and severe, but I hope that we shall gain the victory.’ Though the Chamber desires peace at any price, it is not compliant. The greater its anxiety, the louder its outcries, which will only end with its unregretted fall. The Address, which is to be drawn up, people say, by M. Passy or M. de Salvandy, will be very bellicose, so much so as to embarrass the Government, although it had been decided to create as little trouble as possible on this point.
“You will have read the answer of Lord Palmerston to the memorandum of October 8. It is an important matter. His disdain for us is obvious, and is not even disguised by forms or ceremonies. It seems, moreover, that this feeling towards us has grown remarkably of late. None the less the note has caused much embarrassment to M. Guizot, who had told everybody that since his entry upon office the situation in England had entirely changed and that Lord Palmerston was an altered character. He summed up his views in these words: ‘I have peace in my pocket.’ This is how he explained Lord Palmerston’s note when he was talking at the house of the President of the Chamber141 two days ago: ‘Lord Palmerston has a theological mind; he will let no objection pass without an answer, so that this note means nothing; it is merely a question of principle.’ M. Dubois, of the Loire-Inférieure, who is a clever man, and a strong supporter of the new Ministry, then took M. Guizot aside and told him that he would be making a great mistake if he repeated that observation in the Chamber. M. Guizot merely answered by repeating his statement, with which he was so delighted that he caused it to be inserted that evening in his own newspaper, Le Messager, in the form of a note at the foot of the memorandum, merely suppressing the term ‘theological.’ At the same time the incident has caused some stir, which has not yet died away, and would make M. Guizot cut a ridiculous figure if things seemed what they are in this country. The Ministry proposes to make peace, and everybody thinks that it will be successful. After that it will perish, for no obvious reason, in a hurricane; this also seems to be generally believed. Then M. Molé, who now remains in isolation, will come to power. He will probably be welcomed by every one, not because he is any more popular in the Chamber than he used to be, but because every one’s energy is exhausted, while the King remains master. The matter will depend upon the King, who is ill-disposed to M. Molé at this moment, and uttered a remark concerning him which others attribute to M. Guizot, but which is too good to come from more than one source: ‘M. Molé is an excellent looker-on, but is a bad actor.’ I have an idea that the remark is mine, and that some one stole it from me five years ago.
“The Syrian campaign is decidedly favourable to the allies. The English have displayed much energy. They are inducing the Turks to strike hard, and everything is yielding before them; the force of Ibrahim was a myth. At every moment we are expecting the news of the capture of Saint-Jean d’Acre, which will be an important success both here and there. The saddest part of it is that there is no certainty concerning the possible safety of Egypt. Already rumours are present of a probable revolt at Alexandria, of the assassination of the Pasha by knife or poison; while you have seen that Lord Palmerston, with his theological mind, no longer speaks of the deposition of the Pasha as he did three weeks ago. There is no certainty that we shall not yield upon that point here, and it would be a tremendous concession.
“So much for the present. I now turn to the past. Thiers has shrunk in everybody’s eyes: his timidity has been invariably as great as his imprudence and his superficiality. He dismissed the French Consul at Beyrout because he wished to serve the Pasha in Syria by calming the revolt, and it has never been possible to induce him to send reliable agents to Syria for the purpose of finding out the exact extent of Ibrahim’s power. Hence we have been deceived, and the attitude of France has been guided by unrealised expectations. M. de Broglie thinks that the King was greatly mistaken in dismissing the Ministry of M. Thiers, because he would in any case have fallen a victim to public ridicule at this moment. This opinion is based upon the fact that if one stakes a large sum upon one card and it does not appear the ridicule is universal. The person to whom he was speaking on the matter yesterday evening thought, on the other hand, that while the Chamber might fear war, it would never have been strong enough to overthrow the Cabinet.
“The speech drawn up by Thiers did not propose a new levy of a hundred and fifty thousand men, but merely wished to anticipate the new levy by three months, whether for peace or for war, this being the levy ordinarily made in the spring. Moreover, the tone of the speech was quite moderate; but the fact is that neither he nor the King was sincere and it was a mere pretext on either side.
“There was a Ministerial crisis, of which we had no suspicion, after the capture of Beyrout. The Ministry wished to make a demonstration by sending the fleet to Alexandria, but the King was opposed to this idea. M. de Broglie was asked to mediate between the two parties, and patched the matter up, on the theory that it was impossible at that moment to appoint a permanent Ministry if those in power resigned upon such a question. He was also opposed to the idea of sending a fleet to Alexandria, believing that the measure was good in itself, as likely to cause the allies anxiety while giving them no reason for complaint, and thinking it a measure which an absolute Government would have every right to carry out; but in French practice, on the other hand, as soon as this measure had been executed, the Press would have driven the fleet into action, whether they wished or not, and war would have been the result. All this argument, in any case, is based upon the fact that this measure or anything like it could only be carried out by violent means of which the public must hear, such as a resignation, a crisis, and so forth. If the matter had been quietly arranged with the private knowledge of the King, the case would have been very different. Moreover, M. de Broglie is by no means well disposed towards the King. He says, however, that it is all a matter of indifference to him apart from the outward disturbance; that he will support any possible Ministry, that not only will he make no attempt to overthrow them, but will not even try to shake their stability, seeing that any of the said Ministries are always more reasonable than the Chamber. In short, he says that he is part of the Ministerial suite, an avowal which no one had yet ventured to make, and that he greatly envies you the prospect of spending his winter in the country. His calmness is quite Olympian, though tempered with bitter and piercing irony.
“M. Guizot tells his friends in confidence that he has induced M. de Broglie to accept the London Embassy. I believe nothing of the kind, but I forgot to ask him yesterday evening. M. Molé seemed to me to be utterly cast down; he is a kind of Jeremiah singing madrigals, and is greatly changed.”
Rochecotte, November 22, 1840.—Yesterday my son-in-law wrote to his wife saying that the diplomatic correspondence was read privately before the Commission of the Address in the Chamber of Deputies. It represents M. Thiers as an incompetent and impossible Minister, M. Guizot as a wise ambassador and a dangerous auxiliary, Lord Palmerston as a resolute and strong character; it shows that Thiers had attempted to deceive and blind the eyes of every one and to take them in, and was simply laughed at, as also was France. He also writes that the Duc d’Orléans made his little impromptu speech before the Chamber of Peers with admirable tact, grace, and nobility.
Another note has been received from Lord Palmerston, milder in tone than the former, but still raising anxiety upon the Egyptian question. M. Mounier has been officially sent to London to try and secure some concession.
My son Valençay writes to me to say that Madame de Nesselrode is at Paris for six weeks; that she will not appear at Court, and therefore will not go into society, but will live quietly by herself, and is delighted with her idea. I do not know whether Count Nesselrode will be equally delighted.
Rochecotte, November 23, 1840.—My son-in-law writes that M. Walewski, who had been sent to Egypt as an envoy to Ibrahim, thought that he was still writing despatches for the Ministry of March 1, and had announced that in spite of all his efforts he could not induce Ibrahim to pass the Taurus. This despatch seems to be causing a great sensation.
Rochecotte, November 24, 1840.—My son-in-law writes: “There is a vague rumour that some arrangement will be made in Syria and Egypt which will not be the ruin of the Pasha. This is in consequence of his complete submission to the Powers, but we shall boast of it here, and the majority will appear to believe it. For some time past there have been terrible arguments between Thiers and Guizot, face to face, and the worst of it is for them both that the bystanders support one of them against the other; consequently they will dig the pit in which they will both fall. Thiers is almost entirely ruined, and Guizot will be in the spring after he has refused, as he will, to pave the way for M. Molé, who will certainly enter upon office if the King wishes.”
Rochecotte, November 25, 1840.—I have been reading with admiration the noble farewell of Queen Christina to the Spanish nation.142 It seems to belong to another time and to an age when there was still something divine in the language of kings. This touching manifesto is said to have been drawn up by Señor de Offalia, who has also left Spain.
Rochecotte, November 26, 1840.—What a dreadful speech M. Dupin has made! I am certainly the most peaceful creature in France, but I cannot understand how any one can descend to such depths. A descent so useless, so tactless, and so clumsy that it really seems as if he were trying to win a wager.
The wife of the Marshal d’Albuféra tells me that the Comtesse de Nesselrode met M. Thiers at her house, and that he put out all his efforts to charm the Comtesse. Madame de Nesselrode takes such sudden fancies that she might get excited even over M. Thiers.
The English have captured Saint-Jean d’Acre. Their little Queen has been confined of a daughter.143
Rochecotte, November 28, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles writes: “You will see by reading the reports of yesterday’s session in the Chamber of Deputies the excitement which pervaded the assembly. This establishes and confirms peace with disgrace. These events will be a heavy burden upon the future of the present dynasty. I think that the consequence at home will be a kind of reform in the Chamber, which will produce a dissolution, and also another Chamber, in which we shall be forced to endure a Left Ministry led by Thiers.”
Madame Mollien writes to me: “Queen Christina is pretty; her complexion is superb, her skin fine and white; she has a gentle look and a clever and gracious smile, but those who wish to think her charming must look no lower than her head; in full detail she is almost a monstrosity, quite as much as her sister the Infanta. She came to France unattended by any of her ladies, though the newspapers are pleased to speak of some Doña, who, if she does exist, is probably nothing but a chambermaid. At Paris there are some Spanish ladies who will perform some kind of attendance upon her; at the present moment the Duchess of Berwick is so acting. Her suite is composed of only two men, who are both young; one especially, the Count of Raquena, does not seem to be more than twenty. He is a little man with fair moustaches, and looks like a comedy lieutenant. I do not know when the Queen will start. She says she is very happy here. I am afraid she will be too happy and stay too long. These royal visits always cause a certain amount of disturbance, which soon wearies the inhabitants of the Tuileries. She dines there every day, though she is staying in the royal palace. Her interview with her sister was very cold, but it passed off without any scene, and nothing more was expected.”
The Duchesse de Bauffremont sent me news of the marriage of her grandson with the second Mlle. d’Aubusson; the eldest daughter is marrying Prince Marc de Beauvau. Gontran’s marriage will not take place for a year, as the young lady is only fifteen; she will be enormously rich. Her mother is Mlle. de Boissy. Her father has been ill for ten years, and his property is in the hands of executors. Gontran is not yet nineteen, and a very handsome young fellow.
Rochecotte, November 29, 1840.—The day before yesterday the Journal des Débats was very curiously filled with the speeches of M. Passy and M. Guizot, throughout which M. Thiers must have felt himself somewhat uneasy. On the whole these explanations are not very creditable to the cleverness of any one except to the skill and the dignified tenacity of Lord Palmerston. It appears to me that all the French actors have emerged from the business somewhat bespattered, including even the little Bourqueney.
Rochecotte, November 30, 1840.—The discussions in the Chamber have induced me to read the newspaper through, and I am not sorry, for it is a curious drama, though one in which the situation is more interesting than the people, whose appearance becomes ever more threadbare as they adopt the most certain means of degradation, want of straightforwardness, simplicity, and truth in their dealings. Moreover, this discussion is like the Day of Judgment; whether they like it or not, every one is stripped of his fine feathers, and truth is forced to the forefront. Hitherto M. Villemain seems to me to speak the truth in the most suitable and striking language, but he is only in a position to speak for one side of the matter, though this, in my opinion, is the side to which blame chiefly attaches.
Rochecotte, December 1, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles tells me: “I had a long talk yesterday with M. Guizot, and I told him that recent events and all that discussion has brought forth will considerably complicate the present situation for a long time. He thinks, on the contrary, that the difficulties are only momentary, and that public feeling upon this question will be as short-lived as it was upon the Polish war eight years ago.144 I also had a long talk with Berryer concerning his speech; he is thinking it over, and has some good ideas; his conclusion will probably give the Ministry a set-back. He will say that war is obviously impossible at this moment, but that peace as formulated by the Ministry is not acceptable to the Chamber, and that the Address should be referred to a new commission. Odilon Barrot and M. Dufaure have already proposed this idea, which might easily become popular. I also met Thiers at the Chamber, and walked about for ten minutes with him. I reminded him that I had already prophesied the events that have come to pass, because in this great business nothing could be done without alliances, while France was united to an ally who was opposed to her interests and obviously likely to abandon her. He replied that France even alone could have prevented action, at the expense, however, of great energy and a large display of force. He throws the whole responsibility upon the King; he says that it is a case of inertia upon the throne, and that with inertia in high places and also naturally ingrained in the nation, nothing can be done; that if the Duc d’Orléans had been King the course of events would have been different; that he would perhaps have perished, but have perished with dignity, and would not have left France in her present state of humiliation and hopelessness, in which she will long continue. In any case, he is entirely devoted to the Left, and M. Odilon Barrot drew the bonds tighter yesterday. Madame de Lieven is, I think, really attached to Guizot, for she no longer goes to the sessions of the Chamber, and confines herself to asking news of them with much anxiety.”
I now come to an extract from a letter from the Princesse de Lieven herself: “Thiers seems to have decided that he will no longer serve the King. He says that he will wait for the Duc d’Orléans. Syria is lost for the Pasha. It is hoped and believed that he will yield to the summons of the English Admiral Stopford. I suppose that the French Government is advising him to do so; then the matter will be concluded with no glory for France, we must admit, and with every credit to Lord Palmerston. There are many people who strongly object to this latter result. The Ministers here expect a decent majority of fifty or sixty in favour of the Address, after which they will get on as well as they can. M. Guizot seems very tired, but is full of courage. At Vienna people are delighted with the change of Ministry and full of confidence in the present Ministers. I have no news of public opinion as yet from St. Petersburg. I am a little curious to hear what our Russian public will say about this great affair which has been settled without any active interference on the part of us Russians; it will cause us some astonishment. You will probably ask me whether there is a Russian public; the question is not unreasonable, but there is one, as far as the East is concerned. When I was at London as Ambassadress I ventured to call Turkey our Portugal; my own Court much appreciated the epigram, but the English did not. No haste is shown here to nominate a London Ambassador; I think they would prefer the Egyptian business to be settled first. We shall certainly have to wait until the middle of December. Madame de Flahaut does not know what to do, torn as she is by the whims and fancies which are natural to her and the extreme desire of her husband for a diplomatic post. The King greatly wished his ambassadors to call upon Queen Christina in a body; many of them felt scruples upon the point, but at length they decided to go, regarding her as nothing more than the widow of Ferdinand VII., and in fact she is nothing more now. The Queen of England is said to have had a very easy confinement, and will probably have seventeen children like her grandmother. Madame de Nesselrode lives at the Chamber of Deputies; she is in love with Thiers, and has joined the Opposition extremists; she is finding life quite pleasant here. I see very little of her as her time is taken up with the debates in the Chamber and with theatres. My ambassador is crushed beneath the weight of all the great Russian ladies who are grouped together in Paris. I am sorry for him, for I can believe that it is entirely tiresome.”
I would have been ready to make a bet that Madame de Nesselrode would conceive a violent fancy for Thiers, if it were only to rival Madame de Lieven’s fancy for Guizot. After reading the speech of M. Barrot and the series of invectives which he aimed directly at Guizot, I began to wonder yesterday how such things could be said and heard without leading to further explanations by means of swords and pistols.
Rochecotte, December 3, 1840.—The following are the most important passages from the bulletin sent by M. de Salvandy, under date December 1, before and during the session of the Chamber. He says: “Have you heard at Rochecotte a pleasant epigram by Garnier Pagès, who is to speak to-day? ‘I would strip them both, and their ugliness would then be obvious.’ This epigram very well sums up the situation. M. Thiers retains his revolutionary attitude, but that is all; he remains incompetent to many and impossible to all. M. Guizot is far from having gained all that M. Thiers has lost. He has immense talent, admirable strength of mind in times of storm, the gift of overaweing all hostile revolts in the Assembly, and the art of raising the minds of his audience to consider questions with him upon a higher plane and from a wider point of view; these are his special advantages, though he has never made the best of them. Yet he grows stronger, though he raises no defences, and rests his power upon the majority without permanently establishing it. The soil declines to be cultivated. M. Thiers is like a mistress who is asked only to behave herself; anything will be permitted to him, and his reputation will not suffer. M. Guizot is the woman of strict morals who has been a failure and is blamed for everything. This struggle between the Ambassador and the Minister, in spite of attempts to soften it, does harm to the Chamber and to public opinion. He is not even pardoned for his firm resolve to abandon the principles of the Coalition, as if people would have preferred him faithful to infidelity personified. The speech of Dufaure seems to many people a manifesto intervening between the Cabinet and M. Thiers; the action of Passy and Dupin in this direction has caused much anxiety. My name is coupled with this movement because no one imagines that Ministers in retirement are not displeased to be employed. M. Molé is represented as hovering above all, although he has no connection with the sphere in which the Ministry of May 12 predominates, for that Ministry, I think, regards it as a point of honour to preserve its consistency by holding aloof from M. Molé, as Jaubert thinks to remain consistent by retaining his seat among the others, whom he wounds and annoys by his constant outcries against the King and his enthusiasm for M. Barrot. Such is our position. The ground seems to be crumbling beneath us. Alas for our country, which should be strong and cannot be governed! Our Chamber is really the Œil de Bœuf of the democracy.145 Favourites, male and female, disturb everything by their intrigues, and spend the time in overthrowing one another, with the result that ruin is universal. I am going to the Chamber, where MM. de Lamartine and Berryer will cross swords, and shall close this letter there.
“P.S.—Berryer has just spoken, a clever, brilliant, and perfidious speech. He has protected Thiers by going straightway to the Tuileries. There he has displayed his thunderbolts and launched anathemas against M. Guizot the Ambassador, which have been definitely applauded three times by the Assembly. M. de Lamartine is now rising to reply.”
Rochecotte, December 4, 1840.—The speech of M. Berryer shows the state of the country from one point of view and that of M. de Lamartine from another. These two speeches seem to me to be the most brilliant effort on the part of one orator and the most lofty on the part of the other that the whole discussion upon the Address has produced. M. de Lamartine, for whom in general I have but a moderate liking, greatly pleased me with his reply which seems to be wise, well supported by facts, well thought out, and well delivered, with excellent touches of straightforward feeling, which had its effect upon the Assembly.
We are assured that the mission of M. Mounier to London is intended to secure the help of England for the proposal of a marriage between the innocent Isabella with her cousin Carlos, Prince of Asturias.
The remains of Napoleon have now been brought to Cherbourg. In Paris no preparations are said to have yet been made for this ceremony, which in my opinion will be very ridiculous.
Rochecotte, December 5, 1840.—Yesterday I had a letter from M. Royer Collard, from which the following is a striking extract: “A week ago, madame, I was a prisoner in the Chamber, following a great debate upon the Address with close interest. The audience have alternately expressed dissatisfaction with the chief actors, but not from the same point of view. The faults of Thiers are those of the Minister, and the faults of Guizot those of the man. I do not know whether you noticed in the newspapers that I was led to make a declaration in Guizot’s favour which he greatly needed, as he was in a difficulty, for no one believed a word of what he was saying, although he spoke the truth. The next day he came over to my place to thank me, boldly crossing the whole Chamber for the purpose. I did not accept his thanks, and told him that I had done nothing for him, but had been thinking only of myself. He then buttonholed me in a corridor. I maintained a distant attitude and refused to converse. The difference between the two men is that Providence has not granted Thiers the power of distinguishing between good and evil; Guizot has this power, but will not use it. He is therefore the more guilty, but not, perhaps, the more dangerous. If one could regard any decision of to-day as irrevocable, I should say that they are both utterly ruined. I wish they were, but I am not sure of it.”
My son-in-law hears that the effect of Berryer’s speech has been tremendous. It seems to have dealt a death-blow to M. Guizot, and a vigorous thrust in higher quarters. The Carlists are overjoyed. I am inclined to think that they regard the event as more important than it really is. Thiers loudly praises Berryer, and tells any one who will listen to him that in point of art nothing is superior to it, and that in 1789 no better performance was achieved.
The Princesse de Lieven, to whom some one related the thrust that Guizot had received, answered that he had not been hit.
It is said that the ceremony in honour of the remains of Napoleon will take place on the 15th of this month. How opportunely his ghost arrives!
Rochecotte, December 6, 1840.—I hear from a correspondent: “I have no certain confirmation of Demidoff’s death, but I know from a sure source that he had a very unpleasant journey to Rome, and afterwards some harassing interviews with the Cardinal’s Secretary of State and with the Russian Minister, after which he was obliged to leave the Papal States, in accordance with orders. The consequent excitement then caused him one of his worst attacks. Apparently he told a Greek priest that his children would all be brought up in the Greek religion, while he told the Catholic authorities that they would be brought up as Catholics. Moreover, he said, with his usual assurance, that with money anything could be gained from the Court of Rome, and that he had sent a hundred thousand francs to the Pope for the dispensations which he has procured. Cardinal Lambruschini, indignant at this story, inserted an article in the Gazette romaine, which has been circulated everywhere, and which denies the statement, affirming very positively that M. Demidoff only paid ninety francs for his dispensations—namely, the cost of their postage. The Russian Minister then refused to intercede with the Roman Court on behalf of Demidoff. Demidoff abused him, in consequence, and after all this fine performance was obliged to leave Rome; and if he is not dead with fury he is none the less in an awkward position.”
Rochecotte, December 7, 1840.—The chief news of the day is the rejection of M. Odilon Barrot’s amendment by a majority of more than a hundred.
One or two clever epigrams current at Paris are these: MM. Jaubert and Duvergier de Hauranne—in short, the Doctrinaire section that has gone over to the Left—are known as the unrestrained schismatics from the Doctrine. In other circles partisans of Mgr. Affre, the Archbishop of Paris, are known as the affreux (frightful). People must have their joke.
Rochecotte, December 9, 1840.—Madame Mollien informs me that, as the Address is now voted, men’s minds are beginning to turn to the ceremony of the Remains, as the people of Paris call it. The expenses of the ceremony will amount to a million; thousands of workmen are busy day and night with preparations, and thousands of loafers spend their time looking on until nightfall. What foolishness all this comedy is, coming at such a time and in such circumstances! I think that the rock of St. Helena would have been a more fitting sepulchre, and perhaps a safer resting-place, than Paris, with its storms and revolutions.
Rochecotte, December 10, 1840.—M. Raullin writes to say that the Stock Exchange gambling was discussed at the session of the Chamber, and M. Thiers actually wept. He also says that the hatred and acrimony which embroil all these people is quite unparalleled, and that it is impossible to talk with any one unless you share their particular form of madness. Thiers wished to fight a duel with M. de Givré, which was prevented by Rémusat. M. Jaubert is also slightly infected by the disease. Madame Dosne is in bed, a result of the effects of the last session of the Chamber at which she was present. The revelations made upon the subject of the Stock Exchange gambling have overwhelmed her.
M. de Saint-Aulaire writes from Vienna saying that he is going to stand for election to the French Academy; he displays great disgust with public affairs, and there is every probability that this feeling will become general.
Rochecotte, December 13, 1840.—Yesterday, as my solitude was more complete than usual, I returned, as I constantly do, to my recollections of the past. It occurred to me to write a few lines upon certain mental characteristics of M. de Talleyrand, as follows:
His mind was strong, but his conscience was weak, for it needed enlightenment. The age in which he lived, his education, and the position into which he was forced were all incompatible with that reflection which can illuminate the soul. His natural want of sensitiveness also disinclined him for the serious work of self-examination and left him in darkness. Thus his unusual mental powers were entirely devoted to political interests. He was swept away by the terrible movement of his age, and threw the whole of his energies into it. If stress was required his energy was great; he could live without repose and rest, and deprived others of it as well as himself, but when he had attained his object he would relapse into a lengthy indifference, upon which he cleverly prevented any encroachment. He could be idle so gracefully that no one could disturb him without self-reproach, but he had a keen and accurate eye for a situation and a penetrating perception of its possibilities, while his mind was tempered with excellent common sense. When he took action he worked but slowly at first, but with rapidity and precipitation as the crisis approached. The attitude of carelessness, which he abandoned as little as possible, was most disastrous to him in private life, for he carried it to excess. His door was always open, his rooms were constantly invaded, while his indifference to the reliability and moral worth of the men who made their way to him was deplorable. At the same time he saw everything through his half-closed eyes, but he took little trouble to judge men, and even less to avoid those of whom he thought least. In conversation, if he felt no need of opposition, he allowed people to talk or act as they would, but if he felt himself attacked he was immediately aroused, and the answer was a crushing blow; he overthrew his opponent on the spot, though he never retained any bitterness of feeling for him. He speedily relapsed into his indifference, and as easily forgot an impropriety as he sincerely pardoned an insult. In any case, he was rarely called upon to defend himself. His dignity was natural and simple, so well protected by his reputation, his great past, and by the apparent indolence which was known to be only a mask, that I have rarely seen even the worst characters venture to show their true nature with him. I have often heard him say with real satisfaction: “I was a Minister under the Directory; all the hobnailed boots of the Revolution have tramped through my room, but no one ever ventured upon familiarity with me.” He spoke the truth; even his nearest and dearest addressed him only with respectful deference. I am, moreover, convinced that his overpowering dignity was supported by a natural characteristic which could be felt even beneath his indolence. This was a cool courage and presence of mind, a bold temperament and instinctive bravery which inspires an irresistible taste for danger in any form, which makes risk attractive and hazard delightful. Beneath the nobility of his features, the slowness of his movements, and his luxurious habits there was a depth of audacious boldness which sometimes peeped out, revealed a wholly different order of capacities, and made him by force of contrast one of the most original and most attractive characters.
Rochecotte, December 14, 1840.—Among the letters which I received yesterday I had one from Berlin from M. Bresson, who says: “Frankfort is by no means a misfortune for Herr von Bülow; he has long desired it for private reasons; the post ranks as at least equal to that of London. The strange outcome of Eastern events has restored the credit of those responsible for the negotiations. The men who made the loudest outcry against Bülow are to-day warmest in his praises. We are so indulgent to those who show daring that I am myself inclined to regard them as correct. Humboldt has no political influence over the King of Prussia; no one has any as yet, and it is impossible to say exactly at present what attitude he will adopt. Some recent nominations of members of the Pietists have slightly damaged his popularity; his liking for them is not shared by the country. Lord William Russell extends the area of his amusements more and more; he is now divided between three ladies, one of whom attracts him with some frequency to Mecklenburg. Prince Wittgenstein no longer takes any share in public business; he has had several attacks and will not live long. I need not tell you what I felt concerning the discussion upon the Address; existing conditions make life abroad most unpleasant. Is it true that Flahaut is going to Vienna to replace Saint-Aulaire? If so, I shall certainly be left here. The wind of favour does not blow in my direction. A certain street and house very well known to you are not so well disposed to me as they were.” This last passage alludes to Talleyrand’s residence in the Rue Saint-Florentin, where Madame de Lieven now lives.
I am informed of the death of the young Marie de La Rochefoucauld, daughter of Sosthène and granddaughter of the Duchesse Mathieu de Montmorency. This poor woman has survived her contemporaries, her children, and her grandchildren. Heaven has severely tried the high courage and profound faith with which she is endowed.
I am also informed that at the much-talked-of ceremony of the Remains the Queen and the Princesses will be in mourning as for Louis XVIII. It seems that everybody is mad; the newspapers only speak of the funeral, or rather of the triumphal procession and of the religious honours which will everywhere be paid to the remains of Napoleon. After all, Napoleon, twice in forty years, will have performed the same service for the French. He will have reconciled them to religion, for it seems that it is quite curious to see the crowds upon their knees surrounding the clergy who bless these remains. Curious, too, is the general wish that their hero should have the benediction of the Church. Strange are the people who accept order personified in the midst of actual anarchy for the sake of a revolutionary idea, for it seems clear to me that there is no other motive for all these honours, which are paid, not to the legislator, but to the usurper and to the conqueror.
Rochecotte, December 15, 1840.—Yesterday I had some news from Madame de Lieven, the chief points of which I will copy: “Egypt is now done for. Napier was rather violent, contrary to his instructions, but at the same time he has succeeded. Napier wished to show his learning, and is asking the Pasha to restore the reign of the Ptolemys, a strange position for a vassal, but there it is. At Constantinople the principle of hereditary succession will be recognised for his family, and he will afterwards surrender the fleet. At London delight is great and Lord Palmerston cannot contain himself. Relations between the two countries remain very strained; it is not war, but cannot be called peace. The discussion upon the Address has been forgotten in view of the funeral of Napoleon; this will be a superb ceremony, and I hope it will be nothing else.
“Queen Christina has gone, after making a conquest of your King. She will go to Rome, but not to Naples, where her daughter has not been recognised. The whole of Russian female society is here; five of the palace ladies are at Paris and only four left at St. Petersburg. The ambassadors have declared that they will not be present at the funeral. Most of them have adopted this idea independently, but Lord Granville asked for instructions; after some hesitation he was told to do as the others did. The confinement of the Queen of England was perfectly easy.”
Rochecotte, December 17, 1840.—We have not yet heard how the funeral passed off at Paris the day before yesterday. Some uneasiness prevailed. The Duchesse de Montmorency told me: “There is an idea of attacking the English Embassy and wrecking the house. Some soldiers have been placed within the residence and Lady Granville has moved. It is estimated that eight hundred thousand people will be on foot. My children went to the Pecq, and thought that everything was very well conducted; there was a general silence when the boat came in, and all heads were bared. General Bertrand was on the right of the coffin, General Gourgaud on the left, M. de Chabot before it, and the Prince of Joinville went to and fro giving orders and had all the decorations removed which were not religious. The priests were there with surplices and many candles, and there was nothing worldly or mythological.”
The newspapers speak of great excitement. I shall be delighted when the evening post tells us how it has all gone off. I have written to secure my grandson Boson a view of the ceremony. Foolish, incoherent, contradictory, and ridiculous as it may be, still the solemn arrival of the coffin brought back from St. Helena will be very imposing, and he will be glad one day to have seen it. Unfortunately at his age he will be merely impressed, and will be unable to draw any of the strange conclusions which the sight should inspire—the complete forgetfulness of the oppression and the universal maledictions with which Europe resounded twenty-six years ago; to-day nothing remains but the recollections of Napoleon’s victories, which make his memory so popular. Paris, proclaiming her eager love of liberty, and France, humiliated before the foreigner, are doing their utmost to honour the man who did most to reduce them to servitude and was the most terrible of conquerors.
In the newspapers we have read a description of the decorations in the Champs Elysées, with the row of kings and great men. The great Condé at least should not have found a place among them. Condé offering a crown to his grandson’s assassin! What I think should be fine is the hearse. I like the idea of Napoleon brought back to France on a buckler....
Rochecotte, December 18, 1840.—Yesterday we awaited the post most anxiously, and by some fatality the box was broken and we had to go to bed without letters. Fortunately my son Dino, who had been at Tours, brought back a copy of a telegram received by the Prefect which said that everything went off very well, apart from a small demonstration by some fifty men in blouses, who tried to break through the lines in the Place Louis XV., but were driven back.
Rochecotte, December 19, 1840.—At last our letters have come. Madame Mollien, who was at the Church of the Invalides in the King’s suite, says: “This ceremony was just as unpopular in the position where I was placed as it was popular in the streets of Paris. For every reason people are delighted that yesterday is over. Before entering the church we met in a kind of room, or rather chapel without an altar, which had already been used for the same purpose at the funeral of the victims of Fieschi. The royal family, the Chancellor, the Ministers, the Households, and even the tutors, waited together for two hours. The time was chiefly spent in speculation upon the progress of the procession and in attempts to derive some heat from two enormous fireplaces that had been hastily constructed and avoid the volumes of smoke which they belched into the room. Recollections of the Emperor were conspicuous by their absence; people talked of any subject except that. The Chancellor146 was noticeable for his cheerfulness and his comical outbursts against the smoke. The Queen was feverish, but nothing could prevent her from accompanying the King, and she went home from the Invalides really ill. I can tell you nothing of the scene within the church. I was so shut in on my stand that I saw nothing, and could hardly hear the beautiful mass by Mozart, divinely sung.”
The following is another account: “The hearse, in my opinion, was really admirable; nothing could be more magnificent and imposing; the departmental standards borne by subalterns made an excellent effect, and the trumpets playing a simple funeral march in unison impressed me deeply. I liked, too, the five hundred sailors from La Belle Poule, whose austere appearance contrasted with the general splendour; but a ridiculous effect was produced by the old costumes of the Empire, which looked as though they had been brought out from Franconi’s. The progress of the hearse was not followed sufficiently closely by the crowd, so that the people rushed along in too noisy a fashion. There were some unpleasant shouts of ‘Down with Guizot!’ ‘Death to the men of Ghent!’ Some red flags were also seen, and the Marseillaise was heard once or twice, but these attempts were immediately checked. The Prince de Joinville has grown brown and thin, but he is handsome and looked very well. He was warmly welcomed throughout the procession yesterday.”
The Duchesse d’Albuféra saw the procession pass from Madame de Flahaut’s house, who had invited the old ladies who had figured under the Empire, the wife of Marshal Ney, the Duchesse de Rovigo, &c., with a number of modern society figures or strangers. The eighty thousand troops are said to have given the ceremony the aspect of a review rather than of a funeral. The Marshal’s wife reasonably disliked the attitude of the people, which was neither religious nor impressive nor respectful.
I have also a letter from M. Royer Collard, who says nothing about the ceremony, at which he was not present; but in answer to a statement of mine, expressing my astonishment at his silence concerning Berryer’s speech, he says: “If I were to give you my plain opinion of the protagonists in the debate upon the Address, I should be tempted to use very violent language. M. Berryer is supporting the cause of good by evil methods, an imaginary good by what is certainly wrong, and the cause of order by means of confusion. He has the outward graces of an orator, but not the essential points. He makes no impression upon men’s minds, and nothing will be left to him but his name. You ask my opinion of M. de Tocqueville. He has a fund of honest motives which is not adequate for his purposes, and which he imprudently expends, but some remnants of which will always be left to him. I am afraid that in his anxiety to succeed he will wander into impossible paths by an attempt to reconcile irreconcilable elements. He extends both hands simultaneously, the right hand in welcome to the left, and the left hand to ourselves, and regrets that he has not a third hand behind him which he could offer unseen. He proposes to present himself for election to the French Academy in place of M. de Bonald. My first vote is promised to Ballanche, but he will have my second. His opponents—for there is an opposition—say that his literary success has already brought him into the Institute, the Chamber, and will give him an armchair at Barrot’s house, and that he can therefore wait.” Our hermit of the Rue d’Enfer displays a considerable spice of malignity beneath his excellent qualities. The notion of a third hand is very persuasive, a capital metaphor, in my opinion.
Rochecotte, December 20, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles also sends me a small account of the funeral, and says that the crowd of onlookers watched the procession going by almost as if it were that of the Bœuf-Gras, and that the people in the church were entirely absorbed by the question of the cold and the business of wrapping themselves up; that the service was confused and that the social spectacle was the main point in everybody’s mind. The obvious inference seems to me to be that there are no more Bonapartists in France. The fact is that there is nothing in this country except newspaper articles.
My son-in-law is told that a proposal is to be brought forward in the Chamber to efface the figure of Henry IV. from the star of the Legion of Honour and to replace it by the effigy of Napoleon. As a matter of fact there will be nothing more extraordinary in destroying the image of one’s ancestor than in staining one’s coat of arms.147
Rochecotte, December 23, 1840.—I have a letter from M. de Salvandy, of which the following are the essential points: “A note has arrived from Lord Palmerston stating that Napier’s convention has been ratified, and guaranteeing the fact in the name of England.
“M. Thiers will be president of the Commission concerning the fortifications, and will report their proceedings to the Chamber; thus he will have the Cabinet on the stool of repentance and be able to keep the Chamber in check. It thus appears that M. Thiers is by no means so weak as was thought, and that M. Guizot’s position is by no means assured. In this general state of uncertainty anything is possible. The credit of the Chamber is shaken by it within, and a European disturbance may very well follow. Austria has presented a very moderate note upon the question of armaments, but Germany will not disarm.”
M. de Salvandy says the same as my other correspondents with regard to the funeral. He complains that there was too much gold, which was to be seen in every possible position. Apparently those who arranged the ceremony thought that it was the best means of representing glory. He also said that nothing could be less religious than the religious ceremony. This is natural when one has an archbishop who cannot walk or pray or use incense. I notice in the Moniteur a phrase which is quite admirable: “De Profundis was sung by Duprez and the prayer by the Archbishop.”
M. de Salvandy says that during the ceremony M. Thiers was remarkably hopeful at the outset, very angry at the conclusion, and preoccupied throughout; apparently he had set his hopes upon a day which, thank heaven, has been a failure. Even in the church he attempted to begin a discussion with M. Molé concerning Napoleon’s thoughts and chances during the Hundred Days.
Now I have an extract from a letter sent by Frau von Wolff from Berlin: “Hitherto nothing has disturbed the perfect harmony between the Sovereign and his people; on political questions there is practically no difference of opinion among them, so we are almost all orthodox in this respect; but religious opinions are strongly divided, and from this point of view the first steps of the King are watched with some anxiety. It is to be hoped that the King will never sacrifice true merit to sectarian prejudice. With regard to the new nobility which the King has just created, it will be difficult for me to give you a precise explanation, for the institution seems to be still somewhat vague. The King hopes to obviate the inconvenience of a poor nobility—and the Prussian nobility is usually poor—by introducing new titles and attaching them to territorial estates, so that the title will pass only to those children or descendants who inherit land, and will become extinct if the succession leaves the family. This idea has not been greatly appreciated so far. People fear possible complications and entanglements and it is thought that the institution will hardly survive, as it is not in harmony with Germanic custom.”
Rochecotte, December 27, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles tells me that M. de Tocqueville has withdrawn his candidature for the Academy. The Duc has just been to dinner with M. Pasquier, where he met Mgr. Affre; he speaks of him as a regular peasant; even the enemies of Mgr. de Quélen noticed the difference at the ceremony in the Invalides. It was Mgr. de Quélen who officiated for the victims of Fieschi. Mgr. Affre is an appropriate prelate for this wretched age, which is so devoid of dignity wherever it is looked for.
Rochecotte, December 30, 1840.—I hear from Paris that a despatch in a mild and friendly tone has arrived from Russia for communication to the Government, saying that the isolation of France is regarded with regret and that there is a readiness to begin the usual measures for bringing France into the train of negotiations since a Conservative Ministry has been re-established at Paris. The despatch was read to M. Guizot and then to the King. Can it betoken a desire for a closer union? I hardly think so, but I do think that there is a general wish to avoid war in Russia as well as elsewhere; that there is a wish to calm the feelings of France and induce her to disarm, and that disarmament may follow elsewhere, for these general armaments are the ruin of Europe.