Section 2 Record of Battle
Lafitau (b) gives the following account, translated with condensation, of the records of expedition, battle, etc., made by the Iroquois and northeastern Algonquins:
The designs which the Indians have tattooed on their faces and bodies are employed as hieroglyphics, writing, and records. When an Indian returns from war and wishes to make his victory known to the neighboring nations through whose country he passes, when he has chosen a hunting ground and wishes it to be known that he has selected it for himself and that it would be an affront to him for others to establish themselves there, he supplies the lack of an alphabet by those characteristic symbols which distinguish him personally; he paints on a piece of bark, which is raised on a pole by a place of passage [trail], or he cuts away some pieces from a tree trunk with his hatchet, and, after having made a smooth surface, traces his portrait and adds other characters, which give all the information that he desires to convey.
When I say that he draws his portrait, it will be understood that he is not skillful enough to delineate all the features of his face in such a manner that it would be recognized. They have, indeed, no other way of painting than that monogrammatic or linear painting, which consists of little more than the mere outlines of the shadow of the body rather than of the body itself—a picture so imperfect that it was often necessary to add below the name of the object which was intended to be represented in order to make it known.
The Indian then, to represent his portrait, draws a simple outline in the form of a head, adding scarcely any marks to indicate the eyes, nose, ears, or other features of the face. In place of these he draws the designs which are tattoed upon his own face, as well as those upon his breast, and which are peculiar to him and render him recognizable not only to those who have seen him, but even to all who, knowing him only by reputation, are acquainted with his hieroglyphic symbol, as formerly in Europe an individual was distinguished by his device and as we to-day know a family by its armorial bearings. About his head he paints the object which expresses his name; the Indian, for example, called the Sun paints a sun; at the right he traces the animals which are the symbols of the nation and family to which he belongs. That of the nation is above the one representing the family, and the beak or muzzle of the former is so placed that it corresponds to the place of his right ear, as if this symbolic figure of his nation represented its spirit, which inspires him. If this Indian is returning from war, he represents beneath his portrait the number of warriors composing the party which he leads, and beneath the warriors the number of prisoners made and those whom he has killed by his own hand. At the left side are indicated his expeditions and the prisoners or scalps taken by those of his party. The warriors are represented with their weapons or simply by lines; the prisoners by the stick decorated with feathers and by the chichikoue or tortoise-shell rattle, which are the marks of their slavery; the scalps or the dead by the figures of men, women, or children without heads. The number of expeditions is designated by mats. He distinguishes those which he has accompanied from those which he has commanded by adding strings [of wampum] to the latter. If the Indian goes as an ambassador of peace all the symbols are of a pacific nature. He is represented below his portrait with the calumet in his hand; at the left is seen an enlarged figure of the calumet, the symbolic figure of the nation with which he goes to treat, and the number of those who accompany him on the embassy.
The same author, on page 194 of the same volume, explains how the mat or mattress came to mean war:
The Iroquois and the Hurons call war n’ondoutagette and gaskenrhagette. The final verb gagetton, which is found in the composition of these two words, and which signifies to bear or to carry, shows, verily, that heretofore something was borne to it [i. e., to war], which was a symbol of it [i. e., of war] to such a degree that it [war] had assumed its [the symbol’s] designation. The term ondouta signifies the down [the wool-like substance] which is taken from the ear [cat-tails] of marsh reeds, and it also denotes the entire plant, which they use in making the mattresses [nattes] upon which they lie; so that it appears that they applied this term to war because every warrior in this kind of expeditions carried with him his own mattress; in fact, the mattress is still to-day the symbol employed in their hieroglyphic picture-writing to denote the number of their campaigns.
Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in Science, April 1, 1892, has gone deeper into the etymology of the words quoted, but coincides generally with Father Lafitau in the explanation that they were denotive of the custom of the Iroquoian warrior to carry his mattress when on the warpath.
Figs. 782 and 783 are reproductions of Lafitau’s (c) illustrations, which were explained as follows by him:
Fig. 782 shows that the Indian called Two-Feathers, a b, of the Crane nation c, and the Buffalo family d, accompanied by fifteen warriors h, has made one prisoner f, and taken three scalps g, on his sixth expedition k, and on the fourth, when he commanded it, i.
Fig. 783 relates that the Indian named Two-Arrows a, of the nation of the Deer c, and the Wolf family d, has gone as an ambassador bearing the calumet of peace to the Bear nation e, accompanied by thirty persons h. In both figures the Indian is not only represented by his “hieroglyph,” but he is also pictured at full length in the first with his arms, and in the second holding the calumet and the rattle.
A historical record relating to a fight between the Ojibwa and the Dakota ninety-one years ago is given in Fig. 784. The following narrative was given by the draftsman of the record, an Ojibwa:
Ninety-one winters ago (A. D. 1797) twenty-five Ojibwa were encamped on a small lake, o, called Zi’zabe’gamik, just west of Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The chief’s lodge, a, was erected a short distance from the lake, m, where the Indians had been hunting, and as he felt unsafe on account of the hostile Sioux he directed some of his warriors to reconnoiter south of the lower lake, where they soon discovered a body of three hundred of their enemies. The chief of the reconnoitering party, b, sent back word for the women and children to be removed to a place of safety, but three of the old women refused to go. Their lodges are represented in c, d, and e. Five Ojibwa escaped through the brush, in a northwest direction (indicated in f).
The Sioux surrounded the lake and the fight took place on the ice. Twenty of the Ojibwa were killed, the last to die being the chief of the party, who, from appearances, was beaten to death with a tomahawk; g represents three bearskins; h, i, and j, respectively, deer, grouse, and turtle, the kinds of game hunted there during the several seasons. The canoe k indicates the manner of hunting along the shore and the stream connecting the lakes, l, m, and o.
The Ojibwa frequently spent part of a season at the middle lake, m, and at another time had been engaged in a skirmish with the Sioux farther north, on the small lake indicated at o. The Ojibwa had been scattered about, but when the attack was made by the Sioux the former rapidly came to the rescue both by boat, p, and on foot, q, so that the enemy was gradually driven off. In the first mentioned battle 70 Sioux were killed, their bodies being subsequently buried in the lake by cutting holes through the ice. The openings are shown at r, the lines representing bodies ready to be cast down into the water.
Baron Lahontan (b) says:
When a Party of (Algonkin) Savages have routed their enemies in any Place whatsoever, the Conquerors take care to pull the Bark off the Trees for the height of five or six Foot in all Places where they stop in returning to their own Country; and in honour of their Victory paint certain images with Coal pounded and beat up with Fat and Oyl. These Pictures continue upon the peel’d Tree for ten or twelve Years, as if they were Grav’d, without being defac’d by the Rain.
The same author, on page 86, et seq., of the same volume, gives an illustration, with descriptive explanation, of a pictographic record supposed to be made by the Canadian Algonquins. The explanation is useful as indicating the principles of pictography adopted by the North American Indians for a record of that character, but it is not deemed proper to reproduce the illustration here. It has often been copied, but it is misleading in its artistic details. It is obviously drawn by a European artist as his own interpretation of a verbal description of the record.
The more valuable parts of the explanation are condensed as follows, the quaint literation of the early translation being retained:
The Arms of France, with an Ax above. Now the Ax is a Symbol of War among the Savages as the Calumet is the Bond of Peace: So that this imports that the French have taken up the Ax, or have made a Warlike Expedition with as many tens of Men as there are Marks or Points Round the Figure. These marks are eighteen in number and so they signifie an Hundred and eighty Warriors.
A Mountain that represents the City of Monreal and the Fowl upon the Wing at the top signifies Departure. The Moon upon the Back of the Stag signifies the first Quarter of the July Moon which is call’d the Stag-Moon.
A Canow, importing that they have travel’d by Water as many Days as you see Huts in the Figure, i. e., 21 Days [the huts undoubtedly mean stopping places for night shelters].
A foot, importing that after their Voyage by Water they march’d on Foot as many Days as there are Huts design’d; that is, seven Days Journeys for Warriors, each Days Journey being as much as five common French Leagues, or five of those which are reckon’d to be twenty in a Degree.
A Hand and three Huts, which signifie that they are got within three Days Journey of the Iroquese Tsonnontouans [Senecas], whose Arms are a Hut with two trees leaning downwards, as you see them drawn. The Sun imports that they were just to the Eastward of the Village.
Twelve marks, signifying so many times ten Men like those last mentioned. The Hut with two Trees being the Arms of the Tsonnontouans, shows that they were of that Nation; and the Man in a lying posture speaks that they were surpris’d.
In this row there appears a Club and eleven Heads, importing that they had kill’d eleven Tsonnontouans, and the five men standing upright upon the five Marks signifie that they took as many times ten prisoners of War.
Nine Heads in an Arch [i. e., Bow] the meaning of which is, that nine of the Aggressors or of the Victorious side were kill’d; and the twelve Marks underneath signifie that as many were Wounded.
Arrows flying in the air, some to one side and some to the other, importing a vigorous Defence on both sides.
The arrows all point one way, which speaks the worsted Party either flying or fighting upon a Retreat in disorder.
The meaning of the whole is: A hundred and eighty French soldiers set out from Montreal in the first quarter of the month of July and sailed twenty-one days; after which they marched 35 leagues over land and surprised 120 Senecas on the east side of their village, 11 of whom were killed and 50 taken prisoners; the French sustaining the loss of 9 killed and 12 wounded, after a very obstinate engagement.
Fig. 785 is a reproduction of a drawing by a Winnebago Indian of the battle of Hard river, fought against a large force of Sioux by Gen. Sully’s command, with which was a company of Winnebagos.
a. Gen. Sully’s camp, on the left bank of Hard river, from which camp the company of Winnebagos were sent across the river.
b. The Winnebagos skirmishing with a party of hostile Sioux. Two Winnebagos, having gone ahead of the main party, came first upon about thirty Sioux, who immediately gave chase. The two Winnebagos are represented endeavoring to escape arrows from pursuing Sioux flying about them, and the blood from the horse of one of them flowing over the ground. The rest of the Winnebagos are coming to rescue their companions.
c. Gen. Sully’s entire force, after crossing Hard river, were assailed by a number of Sioux. Gen. Sully’s forces formed in hollow square to repulse the Sioux, who with loud yells went galloping about them, trying to stampede horses or throw his men into confusion.
d. The camp of the Sioux, the women and children escaping over the hills. One squaw was left in the camp and with her papoose is seen. One of the Sioux previously wounded was found dead and was scalped, a representation of which operation the artist has given.
Fig. 786 is a copy of a birch-bark record made and also explained by the leader of the expedition referred to.
In 1858 a war party of Mille Lacs Ojibwa Indians, a, under the leadership of Shahâsh’king, b, went to attack Shákopi’s camp, c, of Sioux at St. Peter’s river, d. Shákopi is represented at e. The Ojibwa lost one man, f, at the St. Peter’s river, while the Ojibwa killed five Sioux, but succeeded in securing only one arm of an Indian, g.
The line h is the trail followed between Mille Lacs, a, and Shákopi’s camp, c. The spots at c designate the location of lodges, while the vertical line with short ones extending from it, i, signifies the prairie with trees growing near camp.
Fig. 787 is the pictorial story of Megaque’s last battle, drawn on birch bark by the Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, with his interpreted description.
In the old times there was a certain Indian chief and hunter. He was so cruel and brave in time of war and his success in conquering his enemies and taking so many scalps was so great that he was called Megaque, or the Scalping Man. In hunting seasons he always went to his hunting grounds with his warriors to defend and guard their hunting grounds from the trespassing of other hunters. He was well known by other Indians for his bravery and his cruelty to his prisoners. He conquered so many other warriors and tortured them that he was hated, and they tried to capture him alive. Some of the warriors from other tribes gathered an army and marched to his hunting grounds when they knew that he could not escape from their hands. When they come near where he is they send messengers to him and notify him of the approaching army; he is out hunting when they reach his camp, but they make marks on a piece of birch bark, a figure of an Indian warrior with tomahawk in one hand and spear in the other, similar to that seen in g, which is put up in a village of wigwams, i. When Megaque returned from his hunt and found someone had visited him during his absence, he also found the pieces of bark which read to mean a band of warriors. He has no time. He was so brave and proud he did not try to escape. In a day or two the band of warriors had reached him. After fighting, when he killed many as usual, he was finally captured and taken to the enemy’s country to be tortured. He can stand all the usual tortures bravely and sing his usual war songs while he is tormented. Finally he was killed.
The following is the explanation of the details: a, Megaque; b, his braves; c, the course by which the enemy comes; d, e, f, Megaque’s rivers and lakes; g, the enemy; h, their warriors; i, their village; j, river boundary line.
The figures now following are those notices of battle pictured in the several Winter Counts which have been selected as being of more than ordinary interest either from the importance and notoriety of the events or from their mode of delineation:
Fig. 789.—The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. Bullets are flying back and forth. The single rider represents the whole of the troop. He is partially covered by the shield and the horse’s neck, behind which he hangs in a manner common among the Indian horsemen. The ornamented shield with its device of a displayed eagle, and the lance with eagle feather for a pennon, recalls the equipments of chivalry.
Fig. 790.—The Dakotas and Pawnees fought on the ice on the North Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The Dakotas were on the north side (the right-hand side in the figure), the Pawnees on the south side (the left in the figure). Horsemen and footmen on the left are opposed to footmen on the right. Both sides have guns and bows, as shown by the bullet-marks and the arrows. Blood-stains are on the ice.
Fig. 791.—The Dakotas fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North Platte. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The man on the left is a Pawnee. This is a variant of the preceding figure, far less graphically expressed.
Fig. 794.—Mato-wayuhi, Conquering-Bear, was killed by white soldiers, and thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas, 9 miles below Fort Laramie. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. The thirty black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, and a red stain at the end of the line, starting from the pictured discharge of a gun, means killed. The head covered with a fatigue cap further shows the soldiers were white. Indian soldiers are usually represented in a circle or semicircle. The gesture-sign for white soldier means “all in line,” and is made by placing the nearly closed hands, with palms forward and thumbs near together, in front of the body and then separating them laterally about 2 feet.
Fig. 795.—The Dakotas killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil. Kearny. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. The hats and the cap-covered head represent the whites; the red spots, the killed; the circle of characters around them, rifle or arrow shots; the black strokes, Dakota footmen; and the hoof-prints, Dakota horsemen. The Phil. Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 1866, and eighty-two whites were killed, including officers, citizens, and enlisted men. Capt. W. J. Fetterman was in command of the party.
The Battle of the Little Bighorn
Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, has communicated a most valuable and unique account, both in carefully noted gesture-signs and in pictographs, of the battle, now much discussed, which was fought in Montana on June 25, 1876, and is popularly but foolishly styled “Custer’s massacre.” If the intended surprise, with the object of killing as many Indians as possible, had been successful instead of being a disastrous defeat, any surviving Indians might with some propriety have spoken of “Custer’s massacre.” The account now presented in one of its forms, was given by Red-Horse, a Sioux chief and a prominent actor in the battle. The form which gives the relation in gesture-signs and shows the syntax of the sign-language perhaps better than any published narrative, will be inserted in a work now in preparation by the present writer to be issued by the Bureau of Ethnology. The narrative, closely translated into simple English, is given below. Accompanying the record of signs are forty-one sheets of manila paper, besides one map of the battle ground, all drawn by Red-Horse, which average 24 by 26 inches, most of them being colored. These may either be considered as illustrations of the signs or the signs may be considered as descriptive of the pictographs. It is impossible to reproduce now this mass of drawing on any scale which would not be too minute for appreciation. It has been decided to present, with necessary reduction from the above-mentioned dimensions, the map and nine of the typical sheets in Pls. xxxix to xlviii. Indeed, without considering the space required, there would be small advantage in reproducing all of the sheets, as they are made objectionable by monotonous repetitions.
Here follows the story of Red-Horse. Pl. xxxix is the map of the Little-Bighorn battlefield and adjacent territory, embracing part of Montana and the Dakotas, drawn at Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota, in 1881. The map as now presented is reduced to one-sixteenth from the original, which is drawn in colors on a sheet of manila paper. The letters were not on the original and are inserted only for reference from the descriptive text, as follows:
a, Wind River mountains, called by the Sioux “the Enemies’ mountains.”
b, Bighorn mountains.
c, Missouri river.
d, Yellowstone river.
e, Bighorn river.
f, Little Bighorn river, called by the Sioux Greasy Grass creek and Grass Greasy creek.
g, Indian camp.
h, battlefield.
i, Dry creek.
j, Rosebud river.
k, Tongue river.
l, Powder river.
m, Little Missouri river.
n, Cheyenne river, called by the Sioux Good river. The North and South Forks are drawn but not lettered.
o, Bear butte.
p, Black hills.
q, Cheyenne agency.
r, Moreau or Owl creek.
s, Thin butte.
t, Rainy butte.
u, White butte.
v, Grand or Ree river.
w, Ree village.
x, White Earth river.
y, Fort Buford.
Five springs ago I, with many Sioux Indians, took down and packed up our tipis and moved from Cheyenne river to the Rosebud river, where we camped a few days; then took down and packed up our lodges and moved to the Little Bighorn river and pitched our lodges with the large camp of Sioux.
The Sioux were camped on the Little Bighorn river as follows: The lodges of the Uncpapas were pitched highest up the river under a bluff. The Santee lodges were pitched next. The Oglala’s lodges were pitched next. The Brulé lodges were pitched next. The Minneconjou lodges were pitched next. The Sans Arcs’ lodges were pitched next. The Blackfeet lodges were pitched next. The Cheyenne lodges were pitched next. A few Arikara Indians were among the Sioux (being without lodges of their own). Two-Kettles, among the other Sioux (without lodges). [Pl. xl shows the Indian camp.]
I was a Sioux chief in the council lodge. My lodge was pitched in the center of the camp. The day of the attack I and four women were a short distance from the camp digging wild turnips. Suddenly one of the women attracted my attention to a cloud of dust rising a short distance from camp. I soon saw that the soldiers were charging the camp. [Pl. xli shows the soldiers charging the Indian camp.] To the camp I and the women ran. When I arrived a person told me to hurry to the council lodge. The soldiers charged so quickly we could not talk (council). We came out of the council lodge and talked in all directions. The Sioux mount horses, take guns, and go fight the soldiers. Women and children mount horses and go, meaning to get out of the way.
Among the soldiers was an officer who rode a horse with four white feet. [From Dr. McChesney’s memoranda this officer was Capt. French, Seventh Cavalry.] The Sioux have for a long time fought many brave men of different people, but the Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they had ever fought. I don’t know whether this was Gen. Custer or not. Many of the Sioux men that I hear talking tell me it was. I saw this officer in the fight many times, but did not see his body. It has been told me that he was killed by a Santee Indian, who took his horse. This officer wore a large-brimmed hat and a deerskin coat. This officer saved the lives of many soldiers by turning his horse and covering the retreat. Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they ever fought. I saw two officers looking alike, both having long yellowish hair.
Before the attack the Sioux were camped on the Rosebud river. Sioux moved down a river running into the Little Bighorn river, crossed the Little Bighorn river, and camped on its west bank.
This day [day of attack] a Sioux man started to go to Red Cloud agency, but when he had gone a short distance from camp he saw a cloud of dust rising and turned back and said he thought a herd of buffalo was coming near the village.
The day was hot. In a short time the soldiers charged the camp. [This was Maj. Reno’s battalion of the Seventh Cavalry.] The soldiers came on the trail made by the Sioux camp in moving, and crossed the Little Bighorn river above where the Sioux crossed, and attacked the lodges of the Uncpapas, farthest up the river. The women and children ran down the Little Bighorn river a short distance into a ravine. The soldiers set fire to the lodges. All the Sioux now charged the soldiers [Pl. xlii] and drove them in confusion across the Little Bighorn river, which was very rapid, and several soldiers were drowned in it. On a hill the soldiers stopped and the Sioux surrounded them. A Sioux man came and said that a different party of soldiers had all the women and children prisoners. Like a whirlwind the word went around, and the Sioux all heard it and left the soldiers on the hill and went quickly to save the women and children.
From the hill that the soldiers were on to the place where the different soldiers [by this term Red-Horse always means the battalion immediately commanded by General Custer, his mode of distinction being that they were a different body from that first encountered] were seen was level ground with the exception of a creek. Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill [i. e., Reno’s battalion] would charge them in rear, but when they did not the Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill were out of cartridges. As soon as we had killed all the different soldiers [Pl. xliii shows the fighting with Custer’s battalion] the Sioux all went back to kill the soldiers on the hill. All the Sioux watched around the hill on which were the soldiers until a Sioux man came and said many walking soldiers were coming near. The coming of the walking soldiers was the saving of the soldiers on the hill. Sioux can not fight the walking soldiers [infantry], being afraid of them, so the Sioux hurriedly left.
The soldiers charged the Sioux camp about noon. The soldiers were divided, one party charging right into the camp. After driving these soldiers across the river, the Sioux charged the different soldiers [i. e., Custer’s] below, and drove them in confusion; these soldiers became foolish, many throwing away their guns and raising their hands, saying, “Sioux, pity us; take us prisoners.” The Sioux did not take a single soldier prisoner, but killed all of them; none were left alive for even a few minutes. These different soldiers discharged their guns but little. I took a gun and two belts off two dead soldiers; out of one belt two cartridges were gone, out of the other five.
The Sioux took the guns and cartridges off the dead soldiers and went to the hill on which the soldiers were, surrounded and fought them with the guns and cartridges of the dead soldiers. Had the soldiers not divided I think they would have killed many Sioux. The different soldiers [i. e., Custer’s battalion] that the Sioux killed made five brave stands. Once the Sioux charged right in the midst of the different soldiers and scattered them all, fighting among the soldiers hand to hand.
One band of soldiers was in rear of the Sioux. When this band of soldiers charged, the Sioux fell back, and the Sioux and the soldiers stood facing each other. Then all the Sioux became brave and charged the soldiers. The Sioux went but a short distance before they separated and surrounded the soldiers. I could see the officers riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. Now the Sioux had many killed. [Pls. xliv and xlv show the dead Sioux.] The soldiers killed 136 and wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux killed all these different soldiers in the ravine. [Pl. xlvi shows the dead cavalry of Custer’s battalion.]
The soldiers charged the Sioux camp farthest up the river. A short time after the different soldiers charged the village below. While the different soldiers and Sioux were fighting together the Sioux chief said, “Sioux men, go watch the soldiers on the hill and prevent their joining the different soldiers.” The Sioux men took the clothing off the dead and dressed themselves in it. Among the soldiers were white men who were not soldiers. The Sioux dressed in the soldiers’ and white men’s clothing fought the soldiers on the hill.
The banks of the Little Bighorn river were high, and the Sioux killed many of the soldiers while crossing. The soldiers on the hill dug up the ground [i. e., made earthworks], and the soldiers and Sioux fought at long range, sometimes the Sioux charging close up. The fight continued at long range until a Sioux man saw the walking soldiers coming. When the walking soldiers came near the Sioux became afraid and ran away. [Pls. xlvii and xlviii show the Indians leaving the battle ground.]